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ull employment policies that gave people a choice of jobs or that workers right t
o unionize was taken more seriously by legislators and courts. It s unlikely that
many workers would have then opted for low pay and few benefits as a Walmart asso
ciate.
And then there is Jeff Bezos, who made Amazon into one of the largest companies
in the world in large part by avoiding state sales taxes.
To be sure, there are people in the Fortune 400 who had great innovations that p
rovided a genuine service to humanity, but they are the exception. As the old sa
ying goes, behind every great fortune lies a great crime.
Gates further defends wealth inequality by pointing out his philanthropy. Intere
stingly, the philanthropy that he says makes the situation better could actually
make it worse.
Take patent monopolies, one of the largest distortions in the market today. Each
year they redistribute hundreds of billions of dollars upward while making life
saving drugs very expensive. (Think of the hepatitis C drug Sovaldi, which is be
ing sold for $84,000 for a 12-week course of treatment. The generic version sell
s for $900.)
A program officer at the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation once told me in unambig
uous terms that people there don t talk about patents. When I expressed surprise,
she explained the reason was the nature of its founder s fortune.
Bill Gates may do much to make drugs available to the developing world. But if h
is foundation obstructs the development of more efficient mechanisms than patent
s for financing drug research, he may well end up making the situation worse rat
her than better. After all, it s nice that he is making it easier for poor people
to get expensive drugs, but the real problem is that the drugs are expensive in
the first place. That would not be the case without patent protection.
While philanthropy may prevent the direct inheritance of most multibillion-dolla
r fortunes, the charitable giving of billionaires is unlikely to go to efforts t
hat could undermine the basis of their wealth or their peers . We may not need to
fear that the next generations Fortune 400 will all be descendants of this genera
tion s billionaires, but we do have to fear that the rules will continue to be rig
ged so that this group and its lackeys in the 1 percent continue to control the
bulk of the country s wealth. That is not a pretty picture, even if it is not the
nightmare Piketty warns of.
Dean Baker is co-director of the Center for Economic and Policy Research and aut
hor, most recently, of The End of Loser Liberalism: Making Markets Progressive.
This column originally ran on Al Jazeera.