Koha Digest # 64

EDITORIAL

THE SCENT OF A JULY FIELD AT THE HOTEL

by VETON SURROI

This one too was similar to the other of its ranking. Clean, with wide beds and drawers, a
large and bright bathroom with different soaps produced by English manufacturers (in the
style of the beginning of this century), with the scent of July fields in its halls... Naturally, it
also had TV sets and the inevitable satellite TV programs, headed by emperor CNN. And,
naturally, uniformed staff, usually wearing maroon, who salute you each time they pass
beside you.

Hotels have become a sort of uniforms, and the one I was accommodated in last week in
Belgrade didn't differ much from the broad list of hotels which hosted me during my often
travels abroad. As many things, hotels of the American model are samples for many hotels
built around Europe and wider, and this one was no exception.

Naturally, as any other, this hotel too has its special history. It was built in the Yugoslavia of
the seventies, when money was pouring from all over, and it always hosted the participants of
the Cold War meetings, CSCE meeting, the Non-Aligned Countries Summit... Now it
remains empty, so empty that you can see only 20 guests in the breakfast room: Greek
businessmen, people who do business with who knows what and speak Russian, two young
persons wearing sports jackets and something around the waist that resembled a pager.

But, the suspicious faces one could see, in a way were not important last week, when an
international meeting took place, and in which I too participated. The people from different
areas of the Former Yugoslavia and the world gathered around a table are an image that can
be registered today in many hotels of the world which offer their services for the organization
of such meetings, but it has been long ago since such a thing was seen in Belgrade.

"If Serbia wants to become democratic, it must get rid of Kosova", said an American
participant, a proclaimed friend of the Serbs and Serbia, at the round table. After this
discussion, during lunch, this surprised participant admitted that some years ago his
ascertainment would have drawn many negative consequences from the Serb environment.
Today, nevertheless, this can also be said in Serbia.

Exterritoriality? The fact that an American hotel, somehow outside the state it is in, implies
another behavior of the people? Maybe this is possible. Nevertheless, it could be more that
time is changing. And people in it.

The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton
Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha
soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the
name of Koha Ditorë. W ith the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on
http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.
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DIALOGUE

A HIGHWAY TO KOSOVA

by YLBER HYSA / Belgrade

The international round table "Democratic Processes and

International Relations" celebrated last week at the
"Intercontinental Hotel" in Belgrade, attempted to start a debate
with quite ambitious goals. Participants from Belgrade, Novi Sad,
Novi Pazar, Prishtina, USA and different European states tried
to find answers to many questions imposed by the disintegration
of the the Former Yugoslavia, the possibilities for
democratization and the discussion about inter-ethnic relations
within this context. Apart from participants from Serbia and
Kosova, other participants were also people holding political and
scientific posts, as Wimmer from the OSCE Assembly, Imben, the
Vice-President of the European parliament, Arens from the ICFY,
Kasoff from Princeton, Bianchini from the University of Bologna,
etc. The meeting, which was not completely open to the media,
didn't conceal the satisfaction of the organizer for having
gathered so many participants from different parts. The first
part of the meeting was an attempt to explain the reasons of the
conflict in Yugoslavia and the internal motives (the "inherited
partisan conscience about resistance against the whole world" -
Desimir Tosic, or "the closed national-Communist economy of '74"
- Vuckovic) or the external motives ("why did the second
Yugoslavia fall apart in the same lines as the previous one" -
asked Academician Macura and "what was the role of the
foreigners" - asked Stojanovic). This introduction feared to
become a broad theorization, but became very concrete with the
speech of one of the mediators, Alean Kasoff, Director of the
Project for Inter-Ethnic Relations of Princeton University, who
said that it was known that Yugoslavia would play an important
role in the fate of the Balkans and that if Serbs don't face
this, then the democratic processes will be slow here, meanwhile
"Serbia has set the demarkation lines between itself and Europe -
at the cost of itself and its citizens". America understands its
role in the assistance towards European integration, he said,
while Micunovic, from the "Democratic Center", also one of the
organizers of this meeting, explained in his introductory
statement that the former concept of sovereignty on non-
involvement in internal affairs was surpassed long ago!

The first session, apart from the abstract theorizing and a ping-
pong about the causes and the blame for the destruction of the
SFRY, could also be stressed with Rasim Ljajic's statement, who
said that insisting to claim that this is a civil and religious
war, means that the real reasons of the war are trying to be
concealed. The government here can't wash its hands from this war

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with statements about peace - said Ljajic, but with mechanisms
which will stop hatred, to add later that the thesis on the
impossibility of coexistence of nations in Bosnia would mean that
Serbs and Muslims can't live together in Sandzak either!

The continuation started with the first remark of the Kosovan

participants that the continuation of the conversation about the
need of the democratization of the FRY implies a fait accompli
which can't stand from the legalistic point, but also because the
juridical status of Kosova was ruined with the use of violence
and without the will of the people (Surroi). In this aspect, it
is interesting to stress a reaction of Gert Arens according to
whom "FRY" is not a creature created with the consumption of the
right to self-determination. The second remark in this aspect
came from Fehmi Agani who through "a retrospective digression"
elaborated why Kosova can't be treated as a problem of minorities
and why self-determination is the most compatible framework for
this aspect. The reaction of the other participants to these
remarks was not noisy and there was quite some tolerance,
normally, differing, in this case, the standard Serb standpoints
about the solution within the borders of Serbia or maybe even a
compromise solution (Percevic from SPS and some other
participants) which could have created the impression that the
participants didn't want to "burden" the meeting with many
arguments, but maybe more with a willingness to talk, even more
knowing that this was the first time in which representatives of
different political structures were gathered in one place.

Nevertheless, dissonant tones were heard - Kosova can't be

observed in the ranking of the minorities in Sandzak and
Vojvodina, as Tosic said, or "there are too many Albanians to
call them a minority" - as Ilija Djukic from the Democratic
Party, and former Foreign Minister in Panic's government ( and
such postures were also heard from Pal Sandor and Rasim Ljajic).
In this context, what Paul Shoup, the American expert on inter-
ethnic relations in the Former Yugoslavia, said, was interesting:
"The democratization of Serbia depends on Kosova!".

Maybe the list of non-ordinary statements can also include

Micunovic's statement in the part where he spoke of the need to
calm down the passions, talk about Bosnia and Knin and also about
solutions for Kosova which could go over the broad autonomy.
Finally, if "a million Albanians want this, why shouldn't there
be talks about it"! If the mentioned figure used to describe the
number of Albanians is not a lapsus lingua, then it could be a
suggestion, maybe a solution for half of the Albanians! Such
parallelism became even broader in the session about the purposes
of the Serbian national program, which among others should give
an answer about what is the real Serbian national interest in
Kosova. "The war had also wrong definitions of national programs,

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based on ethnic-concepts" said Dusko Janjic, who in his statement
about the "equality" of the Serbian people in Bosnia was asked
by Behlul Beqaj whether the status of Serbs is looked upon from
the geo-political and democratic aspect, for according to this
logic, Albanians too have the right to "equality". In regard to
the definitions of the goals of the Serbian national program, it
was mainly discussed on the grounds of the needs for
democratization and integration in European processes and
especially economic strengthening, but there were also approaches
grounded on "interests" (Academician Macura).

In this aspect, the statement delivered by the Vice-President of

the European parliament, who according to a narration on the flow
of integration of the Eastern states in European structures,
declared that states like Serbia, Montenegro, Bosnia and
Macedonia as "black holes" of this Europe and they are nowhere!

Anyhow, this meeting which tried to give answers to many acute

questions, "threw" the issue of Albanian-Serb relations, which
within the "democratic processes" was focused the most during
this gathering. The discussion about this problem came as result
of analysis of the actual situation, including the recent
diplomatic pressures in relation between Washington and Belgrade
(Frasure-Milosevic talks, or the meeting between Christopher and
Rugova). This is how could the joint discussions of the
representatives of the ruling party and the others, especially
the Albanians. This is how maybe Percevic's public pronunciation
can be explained. He declared to some Belgrade media that Serbia
is ready and open to a dialogue with Albanians, i.e., that
"Albanians have an open path towards dialogue". This meeting too
- said the vice-chairman of the SPS at the end of the meeting,
"proves the tolerance reigning in Belgrade"! This statement,
combined with the need for public pronouncement, as if it
intended to achieve two things: to be used in times of pressures
against Belgrade (about the recognition of Bosnia) for external
needs, to show that Belgrade is willing to have a dialogue with
Albanians, and on the other hand use it for internal needs, to
assure the "highway" for dialogue with Albanians even without the
assistance of "the third party". Translated into diplomatic
language, this means buying time in the unpleasant situation of
pressures. But, on the other hand, Agani replied to this public
pronunciation by saying that "The round table was not a Serb-
Albanian conversation"!

Anyhow, it is not easy to dispute the good intention of the

meeting, if it is understood as a willingness to solve problems
with political means. But, how big is the capacity of the
seriousness to approach the conversations and how should this be
understood outside the doors of this meeting? This is maybe the
announcement of the possibilities of discussing some segments of

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the Kosovan crisis, something like education, sports, etc., for
there were rumours about this in the hall-ways... Even more, the
visible presence of "Nova Demokratija" in this meeting, which
participates in the government coalition, suggests some possible
directions of the future contact between Belgrade and Prishtina.

The preparations, in the sense of the offers for contacts are

visible in this Party, while the vice-premier of Serbia, who is
also member of this party, was the host to all participants of
this meeting (but the ones from Kosova). Krstic, with his
balanced rhetoric tried to show the guests, especially the
foreigners, that there was willingness for dialogue and
democratization.

How much is this willingness a disposition imposed by the

circumstances, or a wish to overcome the problems, this could be
seen from the conversion of the will into something concrete. It
seems as if in this "conversion", Belgrade is somewhere between
the amortization of the foreign pressure and the inertia to
continue the standard policy towards Kosova. Maybe between these
two extremes, segmentary talks about sports and education could
be expected...

And maybe this is the "road" towards dialogue with Albanians

announced by the SPS vice-chairman!? If the logic of this one
sided path is followed, then Albanians will have only the side-
walk. Unless Percevic is told that the way to Kosova has to pass
through an international highway...

INTERVIEW

ISMAIL KADARE, Writer

THE LIMIT OF THE PEOPLE'S DIGNITY

Interviewed by YLBER HYSA / Budapest

KOHA: The fact that today we are in the conference of the Soros
Foundation makes me ask you whether you believe in the
possibility of an Open Society in the Balkans?

KADARE: The fact that I am here means that I believe that it is

possible.

KOHA: Despite the war in the Former Yugoslavia, you still have
hopes?

KADARE: Naturally, of course there is hope...

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KOHA: In your last works you deal with non-Albanian topics. What
is the artistic motivation of Ismail Kadare today?

KADARE: I am a writer, I have been and I will always be. I have

no other motivation, a different one and I hope I will be the
same I am today. Writers don't change so fast...

KOHA: The letter you wrote on your way our from Albania made many
say that when Kadare criticizes someone, then things are bad.
They say Kadare is again criticizing presidents. Could you tell
us some more about the transition in Albania. What is good an
what is bad?

KADARE: The question is too broad and it requires several

responses. Naturally, Albania has gone through big changes. There
are very good, and happy things and no one can deny this, as no
one can deny the bad things. The best thing was the overthrow of
a dictatorship, the establishment of a totally new order, despite
the weaknesses it has, regardless of even the circumstances
created afterwards and that can be created in the future. One
thing is sure - the overthrown regime will not come back and no
one can deny this.

KOHA: What do you think about Kosova today?

KADARE: I spoke about Kosova many times and I still have the same
opinion I used to have. I believe that Kosova must be much more
present, feel alive, not to feel non existing. I believe a lot
of noise is made about an alleged presence in all international
fora, but the truth is a bit different I believe. There is
enormous silence covering the issue of Kosova and there is not
that much noise as advertised in Albania or Kosova, and I believe
that all of us should be worried about this and force ourselves
to do something to break this deep silence.

KOHA: In one place, when referring to Kosova you said that a

fistful of Chechens can fight an Empire. What did you concretely
think of?

KADARE: I am against adventures in the Balkans and I am against

adventures in Kosova. I am not an inciter of any irresponsible
acts, but I believe that any people, regardless of the
circumstances should not surpass the limit of humiliation and
should not stand what can't be born. When I mentioned the example
of the Chechens, I meant that my impression was that Kosova is
fearing the Serbs too much...

KOHA: Is this a criticism of the peaceful course?

KADARE: Take it as you wish, I am not against peaceful resistance

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and policy, but I am against, absolutely against the humiliation
of one people. No normal people in the world could bear
humiliation. And when it comes to humiliation, I don't care what
is pacifism and what not... To me, any doctrine which is valuable
is reasonable, but when it becomes absurd then it looses the
value.

KOHA: You have denied having declared that to get the Nobel Prize
one has to either be Slavic or originating from the third
world...

KADARE: These are invented by journalists or transformed talks

from a dinner or lunch. However, I have never made such
statements to the press. These are different comments of
irresponsible persons and I never said that one had to be Slavic,
Vietnamese or Chinese to win the Nobel Prize...

KOHA: How do you explain the tendency of anti-Kosovanism in

Albania?

KADARE: After the dictatorship fell apart, it was expected that

new forces, which would weaken Albanians even further, would
appear. The first divisions appeared in Albania, the first
divisions on confessional grounds up North and the South, of
divisions in culture... and this is a part of a general and
tragic psychosis. I believe that anti-Kosovanism is exaggerated
as a problem and that it is not that upsetting, but it is
realistic because there are some tensions in certain circles in
Albania, which has not such deep roots, but mainly relies of the
moral, first of all. In certain circumstances, it should get
colossal dimensions. I would just remind you that when the German
army entered Albania, the decisive order of their headquarters
was to be very careful with Albanian women and girls... and the
Germans knew the Albanian psychology very well. And I believe
that Albanians are not so moralistic in everyday life in Albania
or Kosova, but they are affected when this attempt against their
moral comes from outside, especially seeing that it was coming
from their brothers, the Kosovans. This was inflated and
exaggerated and got unpredictable dimensions. I believe that
three fourths of this nervousness relies on these moral issues,
it is accidental and has nothing to do with differences between
people from Albania and Kosova. It would have been better if this
would have been condemned by Kosovans themselves, but I believe
that this can be overcome.

KOHA: Couldn't this also be perceived within a general anomaly

which resulted from the lack of communication, for Albanians
still continue having a "Berlin War" which divides them...

KADARE: Naturally, and the nervousness which happened in Germany

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and which still continues shouldn't be forgotten. After many
years of isolation and divisions, these excesses appear. A great
love is expected, it doesn't appear, and disappointment arises,
and it is something that happens very often and I don't perceive
this as a specific problem. Such a misunderstanding occurred in
Albania. However, I would also say that nervousness towards
Albania also exists in Kosova. I have read in the press too that
some Kosovans, on their way back from Albania, say what is worse
about Albania and, you see, this is a bit mutual.

KOHA: In your presentations you have also criticized the

situation in Macedonia, especially after the events related to
the University of Tetova.

KADARE: I am not a politician, I am a man of literature and

without analyzing the political situation in Macedonia which is
very complicated, and without considering the postures of the
Albanian and Macedonian policies regarding each-other or the
Balkans situation in general, I would want to say that the
Albanian population in Macedonia, has the absolute right to have
education in its own language at all levels. And there can be no
excuses, justifications, alibis. I can't ever accept that the
request to have a University, for culture, be received with
weapons, bullets and by the police. I don't care about any
doctrine, or theory. When a people wants culture you should offer
the possibilities for it. Albanians didn't ask to throw mines
against Macedonia, they asked for a University and this should
be respected without any discussions.

REFUGEES

STAY THERE...

by VESNA BJEKIC / AIM / Belgrade

Each refugee story is special, but the fate of 70 thousand people

living illegally in Serbia, as estimated by the Serbian
Commissariat for Refugees can be easily known, surely because of
the fear from deportation to the other side of the Drina. The
story of those who undergo administrative revision from time to
time is not pleasant either. The one-year long campaign of
revision ended precisely last month, when 365 thousand refugee
cards were issued and 90 thousand were revoked. At the same time,
35 thousand people are still awaiting for the end of the revision
exercise.

We belong to no one. We are apatrides. We are some kind of

citizens, but this subjectivity is not recognized - says Dr.

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Milorad Muratovic, Chairman of the Association for the Assistance
of Refugees and Persecuted People, once professor of sociology
in Sarajevo. We are conscious that the sanctions, social shocks
and economic problems in our new place of residence, make the
situation of our hosts even more difficult...But it is sure that
the refugees suffer the most. Nevertheless, we are affected the
most because we are aliens in our own state and because no one
has a program to solve our problem.

In the official statements it is still calculated that 95% of the

refugees are hosted by friends and relatives and that 5% live in
collective centers. According to data provided by the above
Association, the situation in respect to the accommodation of the
refugees is totally different: while one part of refugees has
some shelter, the majority are forced to manage on their own:
they live in rented apartments, they cope as best as they can,
they work illegally so they can pay the rent and buy some food.

The fates of the refugees have turned into statistical figures

and the burden of many consciences. But they also became a very
good currency for settling bargains between the government in
Serbia and the one on the other side of the Drina. Even though
it can't be proven officially, refugees served as means of trade
with the blue-helmets taken hostage, whose liberation rewarded
Milosevic with the aureole of a peacemaker, but the mobilization
of refugees - draft age men, which was conducted in the three
past weeks by the Krajina police with the full assistance of the
local police in Serbia, just proves this supposition. The
Government of Serbia says nothing about the arrest and forcible
mobilization of refugees, as if nothing has happened. Vukasin
Jokanovic, Federal Minister of Interior, after many presented
proofs on the forcible mobilization , declared to the journalists
that "he is not informed that there is any mobilization going on
in FRY".

When the government evaluated that the public could verify the
claims about mobilization, the MUP of Serbia appeared with a
communique explaining that "it is an organized identity check-up
of people who are not citizens of our country, who have not
reported their residence and who have not settled their status".

As if allegedly these referred to people "who are involved in

criminal activities and provoke the citizens...". The fact that
among the mobilized there are many citizens of the FRY, whose
families don't know of their whereabout since many days, or who
call from the front, or the case of Mirko Drljaca who is a legal
FRY resident, and who was shot by an automatic-gun burst and
heavily injured in his legs for this reason, are explained as
"small mistakes" which will be emended.

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The actual problem of forced mobilization covered up the issue
of small humanitarian assistance for refugees. This is a topic
upon which the FRY Government, international humanitarian
organizations and refugees agree fully. In the Serbian
Commissariat for Refugees they claim that the refugees here are
discriminated as when compared to the refugees in Croatia. At the
Yugoslav and Serbian Red Cross they show us the half-empty
warehouses and they tell us that international assistance for
refugees has been cut, and the funds for social programs have
ceased to exist. According to Rade Dubajic, from the Federal Red
Cross, during last year international humanitarian organizations
sent a total of 65.136 tons of different goods (food, medicines,
clothes, hygienic items), meaning that each month there were
around 5,5 tons arriving. This assistance has been reduced at the
beginning of this year to three tons per month. It is expected
that the assistance will be reduced for an additional ton in the
second semester of this year.

This decrease of the assistance is a result of the fatigue of the

donors because of the extension of the war, meanwhile there are
new crises of war in the world. Only what exists can be shared -
and this is not enough, even though the FRY has taken half of
the IFRC assistance destined for the Former Yugoslavia.
In ECHO they state that assistance is being reduced constantly
and that there are no more parcels of 15 kilos. Now they weight
only 3 kilos. According to evaluations from Geneva, this
reduction came because of the improvement of the situation,
compared to the previous two years. On the other hand, this
organization has sent assistance worth 956 millions of ECUs.
Used to the previous humanitarian assistance, refugees evaluate
that the assistance they are presently receiving is not only
symbolic but caricatural.

ECHO's monthly parcel contains a litter of oil, a kilo of sugar,

a package of pasta and cans.

Who can live on that...

INTERVIEW

EMILIJA SIMOSKA, Minister of Education of the Republic of

Macedonia

"THE UNIVERSITY OF TETOVA IS A POLITICAL PROJECT"

Interviewed by SELADIN XHEZAIRI / Shkup

KOHA: In daily vocabulary, the word "reformation" is broadly

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used. What can be said in reference to the reformation of
education in Macedonia after independence. Did it get rid of the
"values" of the previous system?

SIMOSKA: There have been changes, first of all, the text-books

have been cleansed from ideology. However, not much has been done
in the sense of changing the curricula. The radical changes will
start now. A reformation of the educational system and the
contents of the curricula are ahead of us. In this direction,
lets say, we have "unburdened" the books, especially those of
geography and history, The new school year will start with both
new books and curricula which will be containing at least 20 to
25% less material, which was considered a burden for the pupils.

Another new thing is the incorporation of specific details in the

books destined for the lectures in the languages of the
nationalities. There will be a "strengthening" of the books of
history, music with contents from national culture and history.
Those can't be the same. We are working hard on this, and I
believe that we will have good news by the beginning of the
school year. From this year we will start with totally changed
books and curricula.

KOHA: Let's concentrate a bit on the education in Albanian. As

the most responsible person of this ministry, what is your
opinion, and how do you perceive the problems Albanian education
is facing?

SIMOSKA: The problems are different in Albanian education. They

are specific in elementary and also in secondary education and
are completely different in superior education. In elementary
education we can't speak of serious problems, but in the high
schools there are two problems: the quality of studies and that
of the teachers. Something should be done in this aspect. There
are drastic differences between the education provided in towns
and that in the villages. This is not only characteristic among
the Albanian population, but it becomes more evident because of
there is more Albanian rural population. This is one of our
priorities, and we must undertake something urgent in this
aspect, because this circumstance determines the tempo of the
inclusion of students n the superior education system. The main
reason why such a small number of Albanian students manages to
inscribe in the University is that they can't pass the admittance
exam, and this takes us back to the problem with secondary
education where something should change radically so there can
be more Albanian students. Because the present number of Albanian
students is low and not satisfactory. We should also insist to
have more females attending school.

The new legal solutions offer new things in reference to the

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superior education of Albanians. For example, it regulates the
famous issue that caused so many problems, the one regarding the
professional training of teachers. Pedagogical academies have now
become faculties. The studies last four years and the quality of
the teachers should be much better than before. The curriculum
will also be completely new. I believe that we will have certain
problems, as is the teaching staff, i.e. professors that should
satisfy the University criteria.

Another thing is that the department of Albanology, which exists

since long ago will double its students this year. The idea is
also that it should not be restricted to the studies of the
language, but the idea is to have a broader cultural and historic
approach, so we could really refer to the studies of Albanology
and not only a department of the Faculty of Philology. This
project is also supported by the University. The legal solutions
offer the possibility to have groups of subjects in different
faculties and which are linked to the preservation and the
cultivation of the national identity and culture lectured in the
languages of the nationalities. This would of course be done in
accordance with the number of students, their interest and the
available staff.

This is the framework which, we expect, will increase the number

of Albanian students.

KOHA: Any concrete figures?

SIMOSKA: The present figure will not remain. It will not be 6.7%,
but it will grow!

KOHA: How do you perceive the University of Tetova which has been
declared by your government as anti-statal and illegal, and which
however, still continues functioning?

SIMOSKA: This is an illegal institution and this is undisputable.

Even if there wouldn't be any constitutional obstacles, it can
be tolerated to just decide to open a university in a certain
place and appoint the professors. This is not the way to
establish an institution. From this aspect, I perceive it as
illegal, non-registered. But, it is evident that this initiative
has nothing to do with the unsolved problems in the University.
Because they will be solved maybe a little slower, but it is fact
that a large part of them have been overcome, while the other
initiative proves that one with the other have nothing to do. I
relay perceive it as a political and not educational project. If
it were an educational initiative, then it would have been
calculated on having the students inscribed in legal universities
where they can get official diplomas which will be valid not only
in this state but also abroad.

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KOHA: The organizers of this University claim that the only
different between UT and the Universities in Shkup and Manastir
is the language. The curriculum remains the same. What is the
content of the draft act on education. Does it allow the
foundation of private universities?

SIMOSKA: Private universities are not only foreseen by law but

also in the Constitution. Nevertheless, this doesn't change the
problem of the language. It remains as stated in the
constitution: the lectures in it can't be 100% in another
language, be it even in one of foreign languages. This is why we
say that there are groups of subjects which can be lectured in
one of the languages of the nationalities or foreign languages.

There is no difference in this direction and the rumors that

there can be a University in English but not in Albanian are not
true.

KOHA: I remember that Minister of Interior Frckovski had declared

that there could maybe be a University in an foreign language
and/or Macedonian but that a University in Albanian will not be
allowed.

SIMOSKA: Education can't be covered 100% by a foreign language.

The criteria is the same: in this state no one will give
advantage to foreign languages as opposed to those of the
nationalities in Macedonia. The criteria are valid for all.

KOHA: Therefore the so called trilingual university is still

actual and it will not be banned?

SIMOSKA: Yes it is actual and it will not be banned. We can have

a university or faculty in which 50% of the studies will be
conducted in English, for example, and then the other part in
Macedonian and maybe some part in Albanian. This doesn't mean
that this university must be private, it can be also organized
within the frame of the state universities. There can't be 100%
language-wise clean universities in other languages, not because
someone wants to restrict the languages, but we want to evade the
segregation of the populations.

KOHA: The impression is that the Government and your ministry,

although you were not heading it then, reacted to this problem
a bit late. It even reacted through the police first...

SIMOSKA: I don't know, but when I ask myself how should it have
been reacted then, I can't find the answer. How was that
initiative supposed to be stopped? At the beginning, the reason
stated the unsolved status of the Pedagogical Academy, i.e. that
this had forced the creation of the University. The problem with

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the Academy is solved, and the University continues. They are not
related at all. This is why I perceive it as a political and not
educational initiative. And this is way I stated that this issue
is not part of my sector, but another sector of the government.

KOHA: What stands behind this initiative, according to you?

SIMOSKA: For sure not the education of students. I am sorry that

many young people can be tricked so easily and believe that they
will find prosperity in these private houses turned into class-
rooms. This worries me as Minister of Education. If there are
over 500 students who wish to continue their studies and who pay
for a non-valid diploma, this worries me. I wish to see them
integrated in the legal educational system. As much as there is
interest for that.

KOHA: The people for the UT have the same hope: that they will
once become part of the educational system of Macedonia!

SIMOSKA: If it falls within the framework and legal

possibilities, as I said, there can be private universities.

INTERVIEW

BOGDAN DENICH, Sociologist

THE SPACE OF THE PRESENT SERBIAN DISAPPOINTMENT MUST BE TAKEN

ADVANTAGE OF

Interviewed by DUKAGJIN GORANI / Paris

Prof. Bogdan Denich is professor at the New York University,

sociologist, citizen of Croatia originating from Belgrade who
lives in the island of Brac, member of presidencies of two
political parties in Croatia and collaborator of opposition
democratic groups in Serbia.

KOHA: There is no doubt you are in movement constantly...

DENICH: Yes. I usually spend four months of the year in New York,
I am a lecturer of the New York University. One month and a half
I spend in Chiapas, Mexico, the place where the well known
rebellion of the Zapatistas took place. I cooperate with the
peasants' movement and the political left which represents their
rights. However, most of the time I am in Croatia. There, I am
active in two political parties: in the Action of Social-
Democrats of Croatia chaired by Mika Tripalo and whose general
vice-chairman I am, and the Party of dalmatian Action, since I

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live in Dalmatia. I believe that these two parties are the real
strugglers for human rights and democracy in Croatia, under the
deep shadow of the political regime today.

KOHA: What is the situation in Croatia like today?

DENICH: Very difficult. And I believe it will continue being the

same until Krajina is not reintegrated under Croatian rule. This
extremely conflictive issue for Croatia will be the axis which
will serve to different ministers as material to build their own
policies. I believe that Krajina must remain an indivisible part
of Croatia, granting it the wider autonomy possible under
international guarantees - because the same way Albanians
distrust the Serbian rule in Kosova, in the same way Croat Serbs
distrust the Croatian regime.

KOHA: What about the famous Z-4 plan...

DENICH: I believe that the solutions it offers are quite good and
that Serbs are really wrong if they reject it. In this case, I
must draw a parallelism - and I don't believe that your readers
will like it - that between the position of Serbs in Croatia and
the Kosova Albanians, which are almost identical.

KOHA: Maybe there is similarity only at first sight...

DENICH: I believe that there are similarities, nevertheless. At

least in the eyes of the international public. Because, in both
sides we are referring to ancient populations of the territories
which are part of big people and which are under the jurisdiction
of other people; further on, I believe that both populations,
because of the existing international situation and the relevant
postures of the actual world's policy, are forced to think much
more seriously about autonomy rather than independence, even much
more than their public opinion is capable of accepting. I tend
to believe that the best strategy is to try and find the paths
to get the broader autonomy as possible, which would comprise
autonomous police, administration, currency... and in my opinion,
this is the best way to win the support of the international
community. The issue of the borders must be sought to be solved
in a "package" - the autonomy of Serbs in Croatia, of Albanians
in Kosova and of those in Macedonia.

KOHA: Do you this that this status-wise parallelism is a future

reality to face?

DENICH: I see no other solution. Even though, it is clear that

the national movement in Kosova is massive and has the absolute
support of the people and aims the independence and neutrality
of Kosova. I believe that this is a completely understandable

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act, but at the same time it is a an unacceptable problem in the
spheres of international policy, because of the bloody
consequences and the destruction of Yugoslavia so far. This is
an unfair posture towards the Albanians, but the further non-
alteration of the borders is the clear objective and principle
of the international community, in respect to the flows in the
Former Yugoslavia.

KOHA: The formulas...

DENICH: ...Precisely. This is the problem, that of finding the

formulas which could give the substance of an independent
creature, within a compound state. I must reiterate that with
this I imply independent judiciary, police, education, equality
of languages and scripts, local administration, local government,
etc... All of this, and of course, the participation in the
Parliament of the compound state. All of these are offered in the
"Z-4" plan, and if I were the Kosova Albanians, I would carefully
analyze the plan and, if that is possible, I would declare that
"this is more or less what we want"...

KOHA: Maybe only as a precondition, as grounds for

conversations...

DENICH: Exactly, as a starting point for negotiations. Because

if Slobodan Milosevic comes to the point when he has to beg the
Krajina Serbs to accept "Plan Z-4" as the most optimal solution
for them, then I don't see why shouldn't an elegant political
step be undertaken by you (Kosova Albanians), declaring that this
is a good starting point for future negotiations.

I believe that we should be very careful and not insist on

formalities such are "unconditional negotiations". It must the
concentrated on the substance of the concessions, i.e. the
achievements through conversations or mediation. Damn it, you
have two million people in Kosova living in miserable conditions
which are unacceptable! I don't believe that, having this in
mind, it can be spoken of an abstract status-wise right, but what
should be done is to get engaged to achieve the creation of a
democratic association, in which the people of Kosova could have
the opportunity to choose its own representatives and its own
institutions. Will this be called "Autonomous Kosova" or
"Republic of Kosova within Yugoslavia", this - at least because
of the international postures - should be less important. It
should not be insisted only on one option.

KOHA: What do you think about the independence of Kosova?

DENICH: I will be clear: I believe that Albanians had the full

right to secede and become independent from Yugoslavia, i.e.

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Serbia, and I believe that their right was violated because of
historical reasons. I also don't believe that something like
historical justice exists... However, the present situation can't
last forever. The question to be asked here is: what next? And
I see this as politics - as the capability to achieve the
possible - and not the declamation of clear and abstract moral
postures. If I would want to deal with puritan moral postures I
would had become a priest. I consider myself a politician, a
leftist and a democrat.

KOHA: What can an active Serb politician do in Croatia today?

DENICH: I wouldn't hardly ask the condemnation of Tudjman's whole

family as a precondition for talks... The conditions are such
that people must sit down and talk. What are the dilemmas of a
Croatian Serb today? Terrible but simple at the same time: fight
bloodily and determinately to preserve and expand the territories
or sit down and think what is the price to pay for this kind of
struggle? I believe that it is catastrophic to see such
massacres, so many killed or crippled persons. On the other hand,
let's take the example of the Kosova Albanians. What must be
done, when there is a brain-drain going on, when young educated
Albanians go abroad and look for any job in order to survive? I
believe that in Kosova you need a more flexible leadership, which
would try to find the ways to expand the space, which is being
created in Serbia today as a result of the full national
disappointment and resignation with war and the losses and
victims in it. I am convinced that the Serbs in Serbia today are
super-exhausted with the adventurers policies and I believe that
the times to express the dilemmas and proposals how to continue
living is in the horizon. Because, one this is clear: whatever
life is chosen, neighbors can't be evaded. They are inevitable!
And since we can't eliminate neighbors, then what should be done
in order to normalize the relations and thus evade bloodshed?
Even though autochthonous in their lands, Albanians have been
neighbors of Serbs for centuries and this is a fact. Therefore
I believe that peace between them should be established, which
is not an easy thing to do. It is much extremely much easier to
fight and get killed. Any fool knows how to kill the other. It
is much more difficult to fight without violence...

KOHA: Non-violent resistance is precisely the motto of the Kosova

Albanian policy...

DENICH: ... and the Albanian leadership there deserves all

compliments for it. The evasion of bloodshed and the creation of
peace is really the hardest and the biggest task in the region.

KOHA: What do you think about the current events in Bosnia?

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DENICH: Bosnia is divided. Nominally, it will remain a union of
Bosnian states or Bosnian Union, but the purpose of the West was
precisely to split it. Will this be 51:49 or 50:50, this is not
that important to me. Maybe what is important is the future
status of the Serbs there, and their relations with Serbia: will
they have the same rights as the Croats in Herzeg-Bosna have in
relation to Croatia? I believe that this issue will be of crucial
importance in the coming days. I believe that Izetbegovic's
government must radically change: there must be conversations
with Belgrade and not Karadzic. This would lead, first of all,
to the elimination of Karadzic and then, in the times to come -
to a suitable terrain for the new model of neighboring
cooperation. Lets' be clear: the model of the ex-Yugoslavia is
non-applicable any longer, but I believe that options such as the
Benelux union, that of three independent states with (eventually)
a common market and currency and maybe even open borders.
However, the independence of each one of them remains its main
postulate.

I believe that this would me much more realistic for the Muslims,
than the alliance with Croatia, for many historical reasons and
because of the truth that Croats consider themselves to be part
of Central Croatia rather than the Balkans. I believe that being
part of the Balkans is undisputable for Bosnia, Serbia, Macedonia
and Kosova proper...

KOHA: Tell us something about the successful use of Karadzic by

Belgrade....

DENICH: I think that Milosevic is a brilliant opportunist

politician, lacking of any principles. States have no principles,
they have interests. Then, perceived from the prism of a national
and principled Serb interest, this bloody adventure on the other
side of the Drina was totally unsuccessful, whatever gain it
brings... Look, when war started, there were 1,4 million Serbs
in Bosnia. Now there are less than 700 thousand. Before war,
there were 800 thousand Serbs in Croatia and now there are 400
thousand. If there are some more of these "successes", there will
be no more Serbs on the other side of the Drina!!

This is why the rulers of Serbia today have historic

responsibilities. They created an isolated and poor nation,
surrounded by enemies. The main dilemma today is how to get out
from this hell? How to create a state to live in this, out from
this collapse? What do I care for any border if I live in
miserable conditions inside those borders? These are stupidities
of the 19th century! The states should exist for the people
living in them and not the people for the states!

KOHA: The political scene, in Belgrade today...

- 18 -
DENICH: Nothing to say. Belgrade suffered a political
catastrophe. There is no organized political opposition there.
Vuk Draskovic seems to be the only real opposition there, but his
romanticism is unacceptable. I believe that something will be
done through these movements for democracy... I think that Ivan
Djuric in engaged in something of the kind... However, until a
strong party of the leftist center is established, a party which
would be completely a-national and which would try to cooperate
with the Kosova Albanians and Vojvodina Hungarians; which would
offer the friendly hand to the Sandzak and Bosnian Muslims - then
it can hardly be said that there is a real opposition. I think
that there is some sympathy for this idea in Serbia today, but
then I still believe that the majority of the people in Serbia
are convinced that all of this is somebody else's fault. The
truth is that the main responsible for this is Belgrade's
leadership, i.e. Milosevic, the one who destroyed Yugoslavia.

KOHA: It seemed as if this was Yugoslavia's destiny, in one way

or the other...

DENICH: Yugoslavia did have a lot of problems, that is true. But,

that is nothing compared to what came afterwards. The destruction
of Yugoslavia was an irresponsible act. I believe that this was
also catastrophic for Albanians too. Because whatever Albanians
were lacking then was much better than what they have today, even
though I don't deny the ruling Communist dictate then. But, all
of this can't even be compared to the Serbian offensive against
Kosova at the end of the '80s, which in my eyes represents the
beginning of the final destruction of Yugoslavia. The Croats and
Slovenes were completely right to refuse the send their children
to die just to keep an extremely unpopular regime in Kosova...

KOHA: What do you think about JUL's (Yugoslav United Left)

concept. JUL attempts to present itself to the Serbian public as
the democratic left...

DENICH: This is a miserable and false creature! Milosevic's

demagogic reasons probably lead to the creation of such political
organization. JUL is a waste of time. The left can't be non-
democratic. The definition of the social-democratic left is the
social wing of the democratic movements. And JUL can be anything
by democratic. It is not possible to have the generals that
allowed the destruction of the state, camouflaged in an allegedly
leftist party. Any leftist party in Serbia should first of all
oppose Slobodan Milosevic and his social policy.

KOHA: But he too is a "socialist", isn't he?

DENICH: Demagogy. This is demagogy. Both SPS and JUL are only one
reason that make the birth of a left in Serbia more difficult.

- 19 -
And this left should change not only the approach but also the
leftist-socialist political language, which has been abused by
Milosevic and his socialists. A big misfortune, but true.

KOHA: How active is your cooperation with the Serb opposition in

Serbia?

DENICH: I have close cooperation with democratic groups in

Belgrade, out of which two have the main influence: that of the
Group of Citizens for Democracy and Social Justice chaired by
Golubovic and the independent trade-union "Nezavisnost" lead by
Branislav Canak. I think that today, these are the only sane
forces in Belgrade which should be helped and which in the future
will become natural allies of the Kosova Albanians.

ECONOMY

EMBARGO ON THE PAST

by IBRAHIM REXHEPI / Prishtina

Could it be that today, 14 years after, one could say that

different groups of party committees at all levels, which tended
to declare Albanians incapable to lead and manage any segment of
work in Kosova, politics, economy, culture, education, science...
were right in their political ascertainments? There is no doubt
that those evaluations were tendentious, because their starting
point was the final goal and not the real situation in the field.

They served as platforms for persecutions, differentiations,

tagging and disqualifications. They were not a presentation of
the real situation then. Unfortunately, even today there are
tendencies to deny everything achieved in the past, especially
in the last decades of the monist system.
It is true that there are many things to talk about in the area
of economy, even about capital failures, but those can't be
placed on the level of individual failures, because the decision
depended on many rings in the chain of the former system. This
was even more stressed after 1981, since all economic issues were
perceived through the political prism, the one which was
legitimized as the institution "for the prevention of the
emigration of Serbs and Montenegrins and the return of all those
who wish to live in Kosova". This motto served for the
construction of many buildings, and even 200 localities also
inhabited by Serbs and Montenegrins were spotted for the
construction of economic objects. Lets take the example of Batusa
and the way it got its factory. The institutions in Kosova were
only informed that a factory was being built there and that it

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was destined for Serbs alone. Or for example Yumco's textile
factory in Fushë Kosovë. Under the excuse that it was being built
with the funds from the YU Program, the government and economic
associations were not supposed even to discuss about it. Then,
came brothers Karic from Peja who, wanting to gain political and
other points, came out with the idea to construct 200 mini-
factories in villages inhabited only by Serbs and Montenegrins
with their own funds. What came out from this? Nothing. In many
villages (Babush i Serbëve or Grackë, e.g.) the metallic or
concrete construction remained...

Kosova has almost never had free capital to build at least one
object with its own money. Even its participation in the
investments structure was symbolic, and often it was comprised
of the location and infrastructure alone.

So the question is, where did development come from and how free
was Kosova to decide about the funding coming from other sources?

The constant problem was the lack of ideas, i.e. of projects. It

is really hard to understand that with such a human potential,
in scientific institutions or economy, there was such a poor
offer of development possibilities. Maybe this should be
understood as a mistrust towards scientists, or their disinterest
to propose something concrete, or maybe even as a bureaucratic
attitude of a large number of managers in economy and politics,
who had the power to decide about everything, and even to place
important project under their auspices.

They would not admit that these things sought professionalism,

knowledge and the application of the new technological processes.
On the other hand, the "association of labor and funds", advanced
in the process of salvation of Kosova, was nothing else, but a
dictate of subjects outside Kosova over the projects and the
funding as well. Thus, Serbia would insist on having the
investments take place in areas inhabited by Serbs and
Montenegrins, Slovenia and Croatia wouldn't condition the
investments with the structure of the employees, but apart from
the funding they were offering the projects, and in the phase of
construction they were selling their products and services, while
Macedonia, Montenegro and B&H had not much influence in these
processes.

What came out from this? Mainly fiascos, because in the eighth
decade of this century, one can hardly find a successful object
realized according to the formula determined by the former
federation. Aiming at increasing the employment rate, almost each
municipality built one or two confection factories, and then,
there was this orientation to built objects with the lowest
processing capacity of wood in Kosova, i.e., practically install

- 21 -
only the saws. Something similar was done by "Simpo" in Zubin
Potok, even without informing anyone in Kosova, and not even
"Kosovodrvo" who was the legal owner of the forests. "Jugodrvo"
did the same thing in Peja, and later an investor was sought to
set a saw in the middle of the Sharr mountain: in Shtërpce.

Therefore, the purpose was the exploitation of Kosova, which was

being done in front of people who should have, at least,
complained about it. Kosova had its people in all relevant
institutions and structures which decided about economy and
development in the former federation: the Federation Fund, the
Chamber of Economy of Yugoslavia and Serbia, Federal Executive
Council (government), and not to mention the institutions and
associations in Kosova which were mainly comprised of Albanians.
Is it possible that these people were ignorant, or did they lack
courage to oppose these processes. It seems that it is rather the
second thing, since one decade later, the same people come back
and testify about what happened to our economy and development.
However, there are no signs of self-criticism in their
statements.

The United Bank of Kosova (UBK) in Prishtina was the place where
the turnover of the capital took place. But, not forgetting the
structure of capital it had, it is hard to say that it was
sovereign in decision-making. About 70% of the funding came from
the Federation Fund, and this money practically represented 80%
of the invested funds. Therefore, the space for UBK's
intervention with its own funding was too restricted. It should
not be forgotten that the functioning of this bank was closely
connected to the instruments of government, especially the
Executive Council, where everything was decided previously, while
the only financial institution that Kosova had took care of the
technical aspect of the job. But, what could it have done more
in the cases of projects pushed by influential individuals or
governmental institutions? If it weren't for the lack of courage,
the least that could have been done was to oppose such projects.

It is not true that it only accepted all the projects, but it is

true that it had little influence on the dynamic of the
investment of funds coming from the Federation Fund. There is no
doubt that money was invested in factories whose construction
never ended, or even in factories that produced only loses. But,
could have someone have stopped, for example, the investments in
"Trepça", Kosova's electric company, railway company or the
irrigation system? No, of course not, because these were sealed
as "common interest".

It can't be said that everything failed in these objects, even

though all investments surpassed the plans, which resulted
because of the inflation, the expansion of projects or lack of

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organization in the execution of works.

If only Kosova's interest would have been respected, then not so

many power plants would have been constructed, because Kosova
consumes only one third of the electricity produced in Obiliq,
or instead of having had invested in the modernization or
expansion of mines in Serbia and which were bounded to "Trepça",
the funds could have been oriented to Stantërg and Novobërda
mines, so more Zinc and Lead ores could have been available for
production. Or, if there would have been some discipline in
respecting the deadlines and enough money, then the project
(Ibër-Lepenc) for providing Kosova will potable water and
irrigation could have concluded properly. The "Ibër" watering
system finished in a way, while the second part, that of "Lepenc"
didn't even start.. Then the regional system of Batllava didn't
end either and this is why Kosova is lacking potable water for
domestic use and irrigation, both.

The investments policy in Kosova can be described with three

examples. Causally or not, the three of them are linked to the
influence of Serbia in the respective flows. We are referring to
the Factory of Electro-Engines in Gjakova, that of domestic irons
in Ferizaj and "Fapol" in Podujeva. The three of them were built
and were integrated with the Electronic Industry of Nish (EI).

Even, some twenty years ago, it was claimed that they were linked
to EI's producing program. But, soon it became evident that all
of them would fail. The first two factories became economically
strong only after they detached from EI, and after they
introduced huge changes in their producing programs and became
independent in the market. While "Fapol" went bankrupt, from the
very beginning. What is even more characteristic, the technical
attest of the factory never took place and there was never a
final report on the invested funds. This means that nobody knows
how much did the whole thing cost!

Three other stories: at the same time, three investments are

taking place in Kosova. The producing program is the same in the
three of them. Metallic constructions were supposed to be
produced in Gjilan, Prizren and Peja. Today, none of them is
functioning, either because of the failures during investments,
either because of the present economic circumstances.

Three more cases: mining tools and equipment were supposed to be

produced in Obiliq, Gjilan and Mitrovica. Almost the three of
them with the same producing program. None of them was finalized.
After five years, the started construction of 190 factories
didn't end either. They remain as monuments which symbolize the
occupation of Kosova in the segment of economy too.

- 23 -
The truth is that the occupation of Kosova at least in the
development and investing plane started long ago, but not many
have the courage to say this. To talk about failures and trying
to find the ones to blame, requests quite some effort and big
courage, because the ones who can do this, used to steer the
economic institutions which decided about many things. Self-
criticism should find some space in all of this, because it is
inconceivable and even ridiculous to listen to these people
talking about the failures in the past.

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APPENDIX

J A V O R E / Albanian weekly

P.O. BOX 202

38000 PRISHTINA

Issued by the KOHA Editorial Board

English Edition: KOHA

Contact Person: Filloreta Bytyqi

Phone & Fax: +381 38 31 031

+381 38 31 036
Modem: +381 38 31 276

E-Mail: koha_pr@zana-pr.ztn.zer.de

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