Documentos de Académico
Documentos de Profesional
Documentos de Cultura
by VETON SURROI
The answer was not eloquent. An isolated civic voice adds: "The
problem is in us. We see nothing beyond Serbia and Serbism". The
diplomat has one more hour to meet Milosevic. The man from the UN
continues the polemic with a simplified thesis: "You say that we,
the aliens, do not understand your problems. But, we have never
heard any explanation from you, which would clarify the
situation". The diplomat has half an hour more until he meets
Milosevic. In confidentiality with himself, he sighs and comforts
himself: "These are precisely the reasons why we are trying to
find a solution with Milosevic". On the garden, the shade and the
sun continue chasing each other.
The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton
Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha
soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the
name of Koha Ditorë. W ith the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on
http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.
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POLEMICS
KOSOVA
by Y.H. / Prishtina
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to be still uncertain. It was first scheduled on March 8, then on
April 8 and finally at the end of this month. But, the problem
doesn't only rely on dates, but also on the place where it is
supposed to take place. Because of forecasted reasons, the
gathering was planned to have taken place in one of the medieval
churches in Kosova, Gra‡anica and the Patriarchy of Peja being
mentioned. But, recently, the members of the SMR were harshly and
briefly told that the Serbian Orthodox Church doesn't want to get
involved in gatherings of political character. This surprised the
Serbian resistors from Kosova, as Belgrade's NIN states, who
expressed their surprise to the Church, because it's previous
disposition was quite different. Apart from the Church, there is
no other place where this all- Serb gathering could take place,
because the profane locals are not willing to lease their
premises. "Grand Hotel" said NO, as well as "Boro & Ramiz
Center", and many others. It seems that the meeting can take
place only in Moma Trajkovic's cooperative in Gra‡anica! Besides
this, even the participants who were loudly supporting the
initiative are not sure whether they will confirm their
participation. This list includes Dobrica Cosic, who, according
to some commentators, is more interested about Serbs on the other
side of the Drina. SMR's comment is, as usually mentioning myths,
the old Serbian medieval curse: "Who does not come to the Battle
of Kosova..."! It seems that many will be cursed...
KOSOVA
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Kaçanik, Raif Veli Dema - Chairman of the Islamic Union Council,
Naser Kuka - former political prisoner, Idriz Krasniqi -
electrician and Xhavit Metallari. Shehu, Krasniqi, Ilazi and
Jezerci and the others "have acted since 1993 endangering the
constitutional order" of this creature called FR Yugoslavia and
have done through the "headquarters of the territorial defense",
which has elaborated the lists of reserve officers and young men
in order to establish military formations, which has gathered
money to buy arms, has made plans of evacuation and plans of
training young men in Albania, etc...etc. The accusations brought
up in this way, without analysing and following the judicial
procedure as how it came to it, would be only a short chronicle
in the annals of the trials that have been going on against
Albanians since some time. However, the detained were
interrogated on April 14 and 15, 1995 without the presence of the
attorney, while their interrogation by the investigating judge
was not done pursuant to the request of the public prosecutor,
but the criminal charges pressed against them by the State
Security Service, which is contrary to the law. This is how one
of the defending attorneys, Bajram Kelmendi, comments this case:
"This is a flagrant violation of the provisions of the Criminal
Procedure, since the investigations, according to the law, can be
conducted only pursuant to the request of the public prosecutor
for the initiation of the investigations and the arrested person
can be interrogated only if this request exists. Therefore the
function of persecution is of the public prosecutor and not of
the investigating judge or organs of internal affairs. Nemo iudex
sine actore, says the well known juridical sentence, therefore
the detained can't be interrogated by the investigating judge
only based on the criminal charges of the organs of internal
affairs, but only upon the competent prosecutor's request".
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investigating judge were not enough, and did not represent enough
grounds for indictment in this criminal cause. This means that
the detained, based on the decision of the investigating judge, a
decision made after the prosecution addressed him in writing,
they were handed over to the organs of State Security, which will
use physical torture to take out any statement from the accused.
EDUCATION
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published in "Bujku". The reasons why the resignations inside the
Teachers' Association of Kosova are of great importance, are
found in the fact that these will not be only formal changes and
that they will be reflected in the Albanian education. Even
though we have reached a fragile consolidation of the educational
system where all levels of education, as well as organization
levels up to the ministry function, nevertheless the
circumstances in which they are functioning impose quite some
irregularities, anarchy, career aspirations and confusion of
competencies. Thus, for example, LASH which in a state
educational system does not represent a relevant ring in the
educational chain, had a very "important" role in gathering and
organizing teachers inside one association. But this was not all.
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the resignations of his closest collaborators, but as many times
before, he "didn't have time" and he was busy. Based on what the
former members of the Presidency declared, then it comes out that
in this association, the only one who has functioned and acted
was its Chairman Rexhep Osmani, surely without a verified
mandate. And not only this. He often presents himself as the
Minister of Education, as many people close to him say. This fact
is not unknown to the public, and even to our government. Why did
it come to this? Why can Rexhep Osmani claim he is the Minister?
MACEDONIA
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Minister Spranger promised that he would inform the relevant
institutions as objectively as possible about the situation in
Macedonia. On the other hand, the other topic of discussion
between the German minister and his hosts in Macedonia was the
reprogramming of the debt to the Paris Club, and the German
minister also promised the hosts that he would help Macedonia in
this institution too. Even though no concrete agreements were
reached during this visit, it is evaluated as a successful one,
i.e., as a promising one. Two consecutive visits of two German
ministers of this economic giant (although they don't admit
Germany is a giant), speak of the interest of this country, which
is not agreeing to be only an observer in the new division of
spheres of interest. If Germany didn't manage to gain a visible
role in the political sphere, at least it would like to have a
good positioning in the economic sphere. Differing from foreign
affairs which are producing positive results, apart from the
contest with Greece and its wide economic and political
repercussions, the domestic affairs are characterized with
processes which could hardly be called positive. Some time ago,
attorney Mahmut Jusufi from Tetova, appealed before the
Constitutional Court of Macedonia and requested the determination
of the constitutionality of Articles 205 and 206 of the Criminal
Code of Macedonia. According to him, these articles were in
collision with Art. 21 and 51, respectively, of the Constitution
of Macedonia. The Constitutional Court of Macedonia, on its
session celebrated on April 19, concluded that the Constitution
guarantees the right to assembly for calm meetings and protests
and that the Articles quoted by the attorney were not in
contradiction with the Constitution, since they refer to
"non-calm" protests and gatherings. The competence of qualifying
a gathering as calm or non-calm, relies on the state organs, as
determined by the Court. The mentioned articles of the Criminal
Code are the ones applied in the indictment against the
initiators of the University of Tetova who were arrested after
the events in Reçicë e Vogël, on February 17, when as consequence
of the intervention of the police, an Albanian died. Several days
ago, the Criminal Council of the Municipal Court of Tetova,
decided that the trial against Fadil Sulejmani and Milaim Fejziu
will take place on April 26 in Tetova, while the trial against
Nevzat Halili will be celebrated on May 8, in the same town.
ALBANIA
by FATOS LUBONJA
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around into a very bad environment where instead of green areas
there is only dust and when you see carriages pulled by donkeys
or horses on the pavement, the first thought is that you have
come down to another world, another time... Nevertheless, what
becomes evident a couple of days after the return, is the
physiognomy of the people. One is shocked in front of faces full
of aggressiveness and hatred which, passing one beside the other,
as if want to show that they are ready to attack anytime. You ask
yourself: "Is it they have something against me or is it the way
the normally look?" Several days afterwards, you will find out
that they have nothing against you, but this is the way Albanians
usually look. Anyhow, longing for your people and land will
suppress these negative impressions and thoughts. Along with this
longing comes the feeling that something needs to be done, to
change, as soon as possible, this image which is your own. This
natural thought is developed in the idea of political engagement.
During history, we have always sought for and found it and this
has developed, among us, the mentality of the one that ask for
strong support from the outside to oppress and rule the ones
inside, which is so wild inside and so servile to the big one
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outside. This has made the Albanian people feel twice a slave in
the totalitarian systems in which it has lived: in relation to
the Albanian ruler and the foreign patron. Someone would say that
Albania has many examples of tolerance, that the three
confessions, e.g., could be considered as three systems of values
which have coexisted in Albania to the perfection. I don't think
it is quite like this. According to me, three confessions have
coexisted relatively in peace, not because they have never been
as strong in the spirit of the Albanians, but because they were
weak as opposed to the rule on earth. This is a question which is
often asked. What does the new class of Albanian politicians
represent today. If you listen to the former political prisoners,
then they will say that the part of the former Communist clan is
ruling, and their descendants who have activated some
ex-persecutees who have betrayed the strata they belong to. If
you listen to the Communists they say that the Ballists and the
American diaspora are deciding about politics and are dictating
Albanian politics in cooperation with some ex- Communists, which
are the worst of the kind. A part of ordinary people claim that
power is in the hands of the "servants of the Communists". Trying
to make a categorization of the new political class is very hard,
because you risk to fall to old or new passions, anachronism,
schematism, and often, trying to evade these, become absurd. If
we try to find parallelism in the events after the war and those
of the '90s, we will notice that the democratic movement arose in
Tirana and the most developed towns of Albania, at the most
civilized layer, in the one which was more conscious than ever of
the fact that things must change. The new leading team contains
both former Communists and former prisoners. But, which would be
the characteristic that would bring them together? If we look
deeper into this, then we will see that the essence of the
Albanian way of ruling is the tendency to have the state in the
hands of a clan of absolute power, which eliminates the other
clans and exclusively decides about the fate of the people,
enjoying at the same time, all the privileges that political
power gives. Only this explains the paradox which surprises all:
the combination of the former Communists and former prisoners
with former secret policemen in a sole party in power. We have
all followed the evolution of Berisha's political thought. His
political posture has changed and evolved during these three
years converting from moderation to radicalism; from the support
of national reconciliation to a balancing that leads towards
splitting, from the liberal airs to the airs of a ruler of
despotic characteristics. What has forced him to act thus? Which
is the real Berisha? It seems as if Berisha weren't anything else
but a compass needle with North as power, and who in order to
keep it, must respect the "magnetic fields" which take him
towards the North and whose change forces him to change his
position. This tendency towards absolute power makes any party
established in Albania to think of itself not as a small party,
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but as a consequent one, which will represent a determined ideal
or a determined societal layer. There is a moment which makes you
reflection about what happened in Albania in times of Communists,
and about the actual situation in Albania, and ask yourself: is
it a causality, that since the Albanian state has been
established, the fate of the people was decided by the ones who
knew how to impose themselves by force (regardless of the
difference of impositions). Is it a causality that Albania's most
tragic fate was in the camp of birth? Is it only the distorted
will of some to consider any opposition today as hostile and that
the tension is so big that no one is sure that after two years
there will be free and democratic elections, or that there will
be manipulated elections, or maybe that there will be no
elections at all. Is it a causality that almost all Eastern
states had their anticipated elections, while we fear from the
elections, not only the rulers, but ordinary citizens, because we
don't know what may happen. Is it a causality that for the third
time in a row in the history of Albania, the same phenomenon
occurs, that of the concentration of the power in only one hand,
which is more and more disrespecting the will of the others?
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strong emotional investment from its members, which doesn't
respect the law, but loyalty and service and from what is stated
above, develops nepotism. Berisha's attempt to use nationalism in
this sense, have failed because of the lack of a strong national
feeling among Albanians tired of a difficult life in this
country. Also, Berisha's opening towards pluralism of ideas and
human rights' cult, which exists in European countries, without
whose assistance Albania could not have survived, don't allow him
to disrespect the will of the other fully, as it used to be
before. All of this, as well as the economic situation which is
not part of these reflections, makes us believe that we will
continue living in a threatened freedom, in the fourth year of
transition too.
DOSSIER
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situation and the level of the exploitation of Kosova's issue for
their interest. This is why their posture towards Kosova suffered
great variations and it will start with a huge open sympathy,
manifested in public, and it will end with an open lack of
interest, in the moment when it becomes obvious that Kosova can't
produce any gains any more (in the case of Slovenia) or when it
becomes obvious that it can't be used as an ally in the war
against Serbia (in the case of Croatia). However it may be and
regardless of the political background, with the end of the
"Trepça" miners' hunger-strike, the Slovenian political
leadership makes a civilizing gesture of support to Kosova, in a
political and public meeting held in "Cankarjev Dom" in
Ljubljana. Even though it was planned as "a meeting for internal
use", its sole celebration in times of a striking aggressive
Serbian propaganda on the whole territory of the former
Yugoslavia, gets a special dimension. Even more, when this
happens in times of lack of support, in times of loneliness, in
times when, apart from Albania, as much as it could and as much
as the external circumstances allowed it, Kosova was not
receiving any moral support from anywhere. In the internal plan,
the massive gatherings and the miners' strike will cause
important effects. Apart from the homogenization, which now
becomes dominating an undisputable, including even the
"moderates", and the small servants of the government, even the
opponents, these events create a clear demarcation line between
the public political requests of the Albanians and Serbia's idea
to get over Kosova with political means. These events totally
revealed the new political clan in Kosova, which, compared to all
previous clans, being servile towards Serbia, wouldn't stop.
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remember the names of the individuals who were going from one
meeting to the other, some of them even "specialists" of
Constitutions and professors of the University, would go on TV
and explain things in the worst way possible, lacking of moral.
Finally, wasn't the Assembly of Kosova (Parliament), comprised of
Albanian majority, with or without pressure, willingly or not,
threatened or convinced, well, wasn't this Assembly the one which
voted with a majority of votes the so called "Constitution of
tanks". If the adoption was really violent, if there were really
irregularities, as it was claimed later, why those delegates
(MPs), individually or as a group, all or maybe several of them,
didn't come out a explain to the public what happened that day in
the Assembly? This was their political and moral obligation and
this obligation still remains on their heads, at least towards
those who got killed on the streets of Kosova, while they,
solemnly dressed, raised their fingers in favor of a shameful
"yes", washing in blood their own lie, their treason. Treason in
fact, because treason will always happen to Albanians in the
decisive moments, it will be a "vis maior" which will reign in
their conscience even in the biggest changes (...). In this phase
and in this period, two political acts of the Kosovan
intelligence, which first gains the trust of the people and
second, takes over its backs the responsibility for the future of
Kosova, the national issue. Naturally, now it is late to talk
about whether the intelligence should have taken on itself this
responsibility, because the situation n Kosova is extremely
serious, with a very few chances to be solved and, on the other
hand, political clans, state bureaucracy, coming one after the
other, especially in the last years, had lost Kosova all the
power and had destroyed fully its autonomous subjectivity. What
could anyone do in these circumstances? Dissatisfaction because
of the situation could be expressed, disagreement could be
expressed, but that was it. However, this dissatisfaction and
disagreement expressed by the intelligence will be backed up by
all the people which remained defenceless, supportless and
without any vision. Naturally, the Kosovan intelligence then, was
not conscious of the burden it was taking on its back and, being
without political experience, a bit confused by snobbism, a bit
by the idea of the national ideals could not be reasoned by it,
acts justly, constructively but in a very dangerous and
unbearable way for its own political potential, which Kosova
could not overcome. To be clear: the intelligence does not do
this for political career, reputation, even though these should
not be excluded, but it is trapped by the moral obligation, it
can't escape any more, at least, not without taking part of its
own responsibility. In those moments, Kosova was in a fog and
someone must have taken the burden of creating "the political
identity through rejections and rebellion". Things were unsolved,
the atmosphere was full of cries of protests and disappointment,
the political nomenclature had lost all the trust. Only one
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political gesture of the intelligence and, in general, the
interest of the public turned that way. The first one was the so
called "Appeal 215". This was a letter- appeal signed by 215
people, mainly intellectuals, which was directed to the organs of
government, on all levels, against the constitutional changes.
Still, everything was said and nothing was being done. And no one
should think that there was wisdom in what was said, that this
was high-ranked politics. The opponent was identified, its
positions were clear and one had only to oppose it with a bit of
history, a bit of national euphoria, a bit of civilizing codes, a
bit of national-Communist terminology and a bit of Yugoslav
Socialist self-management terminology. This is how the layering
of the ideas in the majority of the texts written from the Appeal
and on came about, with the slight difference that depending on
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the time when they were written, the level of harshness against
the opponent, as well as the message which wanted to be conveyed
determined the codes to be applied. There is another circumstance
which will influence the intensification of the communication of
the intelligence in Kosova with the politicized masses: the act
of the destruction of the Communist League (CL). It is hard to
find such as an example as Kosova, where the CL was destroyed so
rapidly. The Communist League in Kosova, similar to the rest of
Yugoslavia, had already lost the force of action, because the
disintegrating processes had shaken first of all "the ideological
unity" and it, the CL, as an instrument of the unitary
government, instead of creating the ideological basis for
cohesion, had become a ring of disagreements and contradictions.
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one of the strongest in Kosova). We quickly elaborated a list of
names who were giving up on their membership. On the top, we
wrote a sentence explaining this as a moral act, because of the
irresponsibility of the CL for all what was happening in Kosova.
End. The signatures started coming in one by one, three, five,
seven... For our colleagues' sake, we had to inform them too and
especially the ones of the domestic rubric, who were numerically
the largest. In half an hour, there were already forty
signatures. An old journalist who didn't even remember when he
had become member of the Party, and who had written thousands of
anthems for the Party, Socialism and Tito, signed without any
hesitation and said: "Finally I got rid of this...!". Those were
moments of catharsis. In the afternoon, the list was taken over
by the journalists of the domestic rubric. The number of
signatories increases, while there are some who evade to sign the
list. They will never have a chance to do it again, because the
Party was destroyed even before they came to their senses. The
journalists of domestic politics wrote an extremely harsh and
accusing text which they sent to TV Prishtina. At that time, TV
Prishtina had a much more liberal editing policy than "Rilindja".
The text was read in the main news broadcast that evening. This
was enough to make the majority of the basic organizations of the
CL in Kosova fall apart in the following days, with an incredible
speed. In this matter too, the logic of the masses reigned:
whoever is not with us - is with them! This fact was mentioned in
order to stress the second relevant argument, which made the
people trust the intelligence, get closer to it and support its
actions (...). Maybe in order to fill this gap, mainly under the
influence if some intellectual and political circles in Zagreb,
the branch of UJDI (Association for Yugoslav Democratic
Initiative) was established in Prishtina. It aimed at the
restructuring of Yugoslavia on the bases of political pluralism
and pluralism of interests. The later events proved that this
initiative was a much more positive option, than the
dismantlement of Yugoslavia by war, but the matter of secession
and dismantlement had gone so far, that this "unitary Yugoslav
initiative" was impossible, it was in vane. In each republic, the
nationalist disintegrating forces were much more stronger and
organized, so UJDI, since its foundation, was meant to fail.
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personal example" of how to overcome conflictive situations and
intolerance between people, became its members. There was nothing
new for Kosova, and very little was acceptable, because the
tolerance of the Albanians, be it forced and imposed, was
destroyed systematically by Serbian chauvinism, which has now
become institutionalized on all levels of government. Albanians
were not controlling any longer the tolerance and understanding.
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organization, which would gather more people and which would mean
something in an atmosphere of total confusion. There was the
Writers' Association headed by Rugova, who had become famous due
to his statements given mainly to foreign journalists who were
massively coming to Kosova then. However, he was leading an
association with over 100 people. There was Rexhep Qosja,
academician, a person of great authority, who was openly talking
and writing about what was happening in Kosova. There were also
other intellectuals who were giving useful statements, as Surroi,
Maliqi and maybe some other, but they were individuals and didn't
represent an organized subject. Surroi's UJDI, which had the late
Yugoslav integralism as a foundation, was not attractive to
people. Kosova needed something else, something clearer
politically, something more Albanian, more national... We didn't
talk about the idea with many people. We told Jusuf Buxhovi our
colleague, Ali Aliu, University professor and literary critic,
and two doctors, also University professors, Zenel Kelmendi and
Bujar Bukoshi, which we met with very often. Actually we started
meeting with them after the Appeal and the differentiation
campaign, when they, at the Surgical Clinic, had taught the
"differentiation group" from the Municipal Committee a lesson...
All of them approved the idea, and Buxhovi was the most energetic
and capable in communication and crystallization of the idea.
What would it be: an association of intellectuals, club or more -
a political party? Political party! But, how, and under what
name, with what program? It was not easy to articulate the
political requests of the Albanians, even in a political program.
We, who were discussing the matter, were mainly people dealing
with culture and did not know much of politics. Then, it had to
be a political organization which would have to fulfil some
formal conditions (it had to be registered at the Federal
Secretariat of Jurisprudence), not to be directly opposed to the
government (the Foundation Assembly had to be authorized by the
police) etc. The program, on the other hand, had to give answers
to the political requests of Albanians. Then the name. It had to
have the prefix "Democratic" and it had to be "of Kosova". I
can't remember whose idea was the "League", ours or Buxhovi's
consultants, but none of us liked it, because it associated so
much to the CL. Anyhow, as we had agreed, a couple of days before
the Assembly, Buxhovi brought the program and statute. From the
first sentence I knew that it was not written by Buxhovi, nor a
"team", but by an "anonymous" person, who , from the back-front
is still making political moves in Kosova. The program was full
of political phrases, long and confusing sentences, lacking
Albanian syntax and clear political thought. Nevertheless, the
political subjectivity of Kosova was there, some very important
political interests of Albanians were included. It was a poor
program, and it is maybe good that it was adopted by the Assembly
in that form, because on the contrary, the police would not have
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allowed our gathering, nor would it been registered by the
Secretariat. The LDK wouldn't have been established at all or it
would have remained an illegal party, at least in the times when
not everything was out of the system. But, the party's program
was poor, extremely poor, surely the poorest political program of
any political party established in Yugoslavia and Kosova. Because
the party was registered with this program, no one paid any
attention to it later. Since it was as it was, LDK's program, as
far as I remember, was never published as a whole, and later we
elaborated an extract for distribution, which was also translated
into foreign languages. This is all about the program. The
statute was a short text, which described the organization of the
party and the right of any citizen of Yugoslavia to become member
of the LDK (...).
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APPENDIX
J A V O R E / Albanian weekly
E-Mail: koha_pr@zana-pr.ztn.zer.de
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