Journal of Classical Sociology

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Copyright @ 2009 SAGE Publications Lor Angelel. London, New Delhi. Singapore and Washington DC Vol 9(1): 117-141
. DOI: 10.117711468795X08098980 www.ragepublitdtions.Com
Max Weber's Analysis of the Unique
American Civic Sphere
Its Origins, Expansion, and Oscillations
STEPHEN KALBERG Boston University, USA
ABSTRACT Max Weber's analysis of the American civic sphere has been seldom
investigated. Indebted to the ascetic Protestantism of the seventeenth and eight-
eenth centuries, his major concepts and analytic framework are summarized here.
An unusual symbiotic dualism between the civic arena and a world-maste~y indi-
vidualism, as well as an antagonism between this value-grounded indi\lidualism
and practical-rational individualism, reillain pivotal throughout his analysis.
Nonetheless, although powerful, the Weberian illode1 is seen t o be foreshortened.
Three complementary constructs, grounded in his rich set of concepts, extend
Weber's analysis. Taken in con~bination, all four models provide a Weberian
ailalysis of the American civic sphere's unique origins, expansion, and past and
present oscillations across a demarcated spectrum. Weber's emphasis upon the deep
cultural contexts of social action, the influence of the past upon the present,
and arrays of operationalizable hypotheses diverges distinctly from Tocq~ieville's
approach, as well as present-day modernization, neo-f~inctionalist, and neo-Marxist
analyses of the civic sphere.
KEYWORDS American exceptionalism, ascetic Protestantism, civic sphere, polit-
ical culture, Tocqueville, Weber
One hundred years ago, Max Weber insisted that any depiction of American
society as a 'sandpile' (Sandhaufen) of in connected individ~lals must be rejected
(2009: 191, 204). He sought t o offer a more differentiated portrait of the new
world's political culture and vehemently opposed this view, which was widespread
among his European colleagues. Nearly all understood modernity as tantamount
t o atomization.
A thick civic sphere1 was introduced in the American colonies by ascetic
Protestant sects and churches in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, Weber
~ o n t e n d s . ~ Often invisible t o Europeans, its singular 'political-ethical' action
injected a decisive 'community-building energy' into American society. Moreover,
these Protestant religious groups, Weber maintains, called forth deep cultural
strains that fostered the growth of innumerable solidary organizations in the
nineteenth century: civic associations.
This investigation summarizes Weber's major concepts and analytical
framework, reconstructs a 'Weberian model,' and utilizes his rich set of ideal types
t o form complementary constructs. In doing so, it aims t o define clearly the
American civic sphere's unique features, origins, expansion, and oscillations across
a demarcated spectrum. By both drawing upon Weber and extending his analysis
in this manner, his distinct voice will be delineated. Above all, distinguishing
features of his sociology - the systematic attention t o subjective meaning, the deep
cultural contexts of social action, the perpetual influence of the past upon the
present and the formation of hypotheses - will become apparent. Weber's strict
opposition t o Tocqueville, as well as t o all modernization, neo-functionalist, and
neo-Marxian approaches, will become evident in this study.
Weber's exploration of the civic realm's religious origins and growth must
be first summarized. This section articulates concepts and an analytic fi-amework
that define this arena's parameters (pp. 119-27). Two themes remain important
throughout: an unusual symbiotic dualism between this sphere and a world-
mastery (~veltbeherrscbende) individualism, and the teilsion between this value-
grounded individualism and practical-rational individualism.
The great social transformations that accoinpanied the nineteenth and
twentieth centuries severely challenged the civic sphere's original parameters, Weber
holds. A reconstructed Weberial1 model indicates the ensuing threat to the Anlerican
civic arena's viability and t o political-ethical action in general (pp. 127-30). Pivotal
here are three sub-constructs that chart important developments occurring in this
political culture: 'the prjvatization of work,' the circumscription of the civic realm by
'the power of goods,' md 'Europeanization.' All map the magnitude of this social
n~etamolphosis and demarcate central features of Anlerican political culture.
Nonetheless, the Weberian model's overarching hypothesis - namely, that
a severe weakening and even dissolution of the civic sphere takes place in the
twentieth century - must be acknowledged as foreshortened; it depicts only one
of several possible outcomes. Indeed, Weber's own concepts point t o further con-
structs and diverging hypotheses. This study then reconstructs three alternative,
albeit highly Weber-indebted models (pp. 130-34). All prove indispensable for a
more adequate comprehension of the American civic arena's distinct contours,
parameters, and long-term transformations: the 'generalization,' 'professional
associations,' and 'conflict' constructs.
118 JOURNAL OF CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGY VOL 9(1)
These models, combined with the Weberian construct, offer a Weberian
analysis that traces the oscillations of the civic realm across a spectrum from more
thick, expansive, and independent manifestations t o more porous, circumscribed,
and dependent forms. Taken together these models provide a unique portrait of
the past and present mukidimensionality of the American political culture. This
manner of summarizing, reconstructing, and utilizing \Veber7s heuristic concepts
and framework enables his con~plex analysis of the civic sphere t o offer a singular
contribution t o the on-going quest t o define American particularity. This study
also seeks t o fill in part a large gap in the Weber l i t erat i ~re. ~
Weber's Concepts and Analytic Framework: The
Origin and Expansion of the Civic Sphere
The capacity of seventeenth-century Protestant sects and churches t o initiate and
nourish the distinct type of action at the foundation of the American civic realm -
political-ethical action - inust be first addressed. Civic associations in the
nineteenth century effectively cultivated the growth of this type of action. World-
mastery individualism became allied with, and ultin~ately sustained, the civic
arena's values, Weber contends.
The Origins of the Civic Sphere: Ascetic Protestant Sects
and Churches4
Weber7s three-month journey throughout the United States in 1904 offered the
opportunity for first-hand observation of the Ainericail civic realm's \vorkings.
Similar t o Tocqueville, he viewed it as anchored in all-pervasive groups and
organizations. U~llilte his French predecessor, l~owever, who attributed the origin
of these 'civic associations' t o free institutions, a developed public spirit, and a
pursuit of comnlon economic interests (Tocq~~eville, 1945: 109-1 3, 123-7; see
IZalberg, 1997: 210-12), Weber discovered their sources in religious 'carrier
groups7 - namely, the ascetic Protestant sects and churches (2009: 185-204).
These organizations required of believers a deep and coinprehensive engagement
in 'the religious life.' Even bonds t o the family were loosened. Moreover, the
faithful toiled together in order to fulfill their purpose on earth: to build an
affluent kingdom of God that would, owing t o its abundance and justice, serve to
praise unequivocally His majesty and righteousness. The cornerstone for political-
ethical action and an American civic arena can be located in these groups, Weber
holds.
Thrusts toward independent co~ninunities of believers were also set into
motion, Weber maintains, by the asceticism of the devout: an intensity of belief
and a disciplined adherence in daily life to religious values and God's command-
ments. The sincere faith of believers and the necessity for teamwork, if the large
tasks commanded by this Divinity ~vei-e t o be accon~plished, established strong ties
KALBERG WEBER'S ANALYSIS OF THE AMERICAN CIVIC SPHERE 11 9
among the faithful, ones that oriented all toward both exemplary personal
conduct and allegiance t o His community. Should their place of residence change,
members of these tightly knit congregations required only a certificate from a
home pastor t o be welcomed into a new sect or church - and, indeed, t o acquire
through membership the immediate trust of residents throughout the new region.
Moving now radically beyond its traditional locus in the blood bond of the
extended family and the tribe, trust extended into these congregations, Weber
contends (1985: 7; 2009: 186-90, 1 9 3 4 , 198-9). It assisted the formation of
communities.
All ascetic Protestant sects and churches cultivated this 'brotherhood
ethos' and communit~l-building energy, and the 'sect spirit' expanded diff~~sely
into every corner of American society. Hence, rather than a 'sandpile' of uncon-
nected individuals, the United States was constituted from innumerable exclusive
organizations, Weber insists. Rooted firmly in constellations of values and the ascet-
icism of the faithful, these groupings imprinted American political culture
comprehensively. They comprised the early social carriers of the extensive
interpersonal bonds that pushed aside atomization, nourished social trust, and
gave birth t o political-ethical action and a civic sphere (2009: 185- 99, 2024; see
IZalberg, 1997: 213-16; 2003b: 4-6).
Furthermore, amid nineteenth-century urbanization and industrialization,
the frame of mind (Gesinnung) created by ascetic Protestant sects and churches
proved amenable to the formation of associations. On the basis of membership
procedures rooted in sect-like exclusion and inclusion practices, and an emphasis
upon high standards for conduct, these groups - the Lyons, Rotary, and IGwanis
clubs, for example, and other secular social clubs and societies - perpetuated the
cultivation of social trust, community service ideals, and high standards of
personal conduct. As in the sect, members reciprocally monitored behavior and
punished severely whenever an offense occurred. Expulsion involved a severe
social stigma, and banishment from an entire community often followed (2009:
187-91, 195, 200) .
Whereas seventeenth- and eighteenth-century believers experienced a
compelling obligation t o order their lives systematically in accord with God's
commandments, and did so in a 'watchfiil,' self-monitoring manner, members of civic
associations in the nineteenth century rigoro~isly organized their behavior t o
conform t o norms now widespread in their communities - namely, those that, in
routinized forms, approximated the expectations and practices characteristic in the
sect. 'Decency' and the 'respectable demeanor' no longer indicated 'God's
presence within' and one's predestined salvation status; rather, they demonstrated
a sincere and trustworthy moral character. In this manner, quasi-religious values
guided action and the earlier moral rigor endured t o a significant degree. Manifest
as political-ethical action, 'service,' and 'civic ethics,' social trust and a \lariety of
communitjl-building values beyond the private sphere - yet separate fi-om the state
and the world-views of nineteenth-century European ideologies (socialism,
120 JOURNAL OF CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGY VOL 9(1)
communism) - became viable (Weber, 1968: 1204-10; 2009: 185-204; see also
Kalberg, 2003b).
In sum, ascetic Protestantism's legacies formed a conducive foundation and
context, Weber maintains, for the growth of civic associations throughout
American society in the nineteenth century. A thick civic sphere appeared.
Uniquely located, its political-ethical action, he affirms in opposition t o
Tocqueville's stress upon free institutions, a widespread public spirit, and a pursuit
of commmon econon~ic interests, developed out of the sect spirit and its direct off-
spring: the civic association. Thus, rejected fi~ndainentally is all characterization of
the American response to industrialization and urbanization as involving a sandpile
atomization. The United States diverged unmistakably from the nineteenth-cen-
tury European historical experience, Weber contends: in the absence of a sect and
civic association heritage, Europe promoted societal integration, solidarity, and
social trust through an extension of the state's 'protection and care' services, the
world-view ideologies of political parties, and labor unions (1968: 1381-1469).
Weber's investigations of the American civic sphere's religious origins
stood almost alone in the scholarship of his generation in Europe.5 He defined its
contours and location in just this way - namely, by exploring the long-range
influence of ascetic Protestant groups and their sociological descendents: civic
ass~ci at i ons. ~ However, an explanation for this sphere's uniquely thick consistency
requires attention to a filrther theme, he emphasizes. In unexpected ways, the
particular form of individualism widespread in Colonial America and the United
States reaffirmed and bolstered the civic sphere.
The Growth of the Civic Sphere: World-Mastery
Individualism7
The sect heritage gave rise to an unusual dualism, Weber insists. It linked the civic
sphere's rigorous cultivation with its opposite: an initiative-talung, activity-
oriented, and entrepreneurial world-mastery individualism relatively unrestricted
by tradition. Important for the location of political-ethical action in the distinctly
American civic sphere, this individualism could be traced back t o the
Protestantisin of the Colonial era (2009: 141-59, 185-204; 1968: 1204-10).
Although convinced by 1900 that both the civic and world-mastery com-
ponents of this dualism had become weakened, Weber \lie\\led their capacity t o
interlock otherwise incompatible action-orientations as sociologically significant. ,
This juxtaposition implied a steering of American individualism away from
individualism's frequent empirical manifestation, he argues: a practical rationalitj~
characterized by interest-based utilitarianism and egocentric calculations (2009:
88; see Icalberg, 1980: 1151-2). Instead, American individualism became focused
in part upon civic activity. How did this occur?
Asceticism'opposed \vorldly pleasures t o an unusual degree. Hence, the
faithful were required t o maintain an especially \]igilant \\~atcl~fi~lness over all
KALBERG WEBER'S ANALYSIS OF THE AMERICAN CIVIC SPHERE 121
creaturely drives - yet this proved a difficult task. Moreover, lacking legitimacy t o
absolve sins through the Confession, the Protestant clergy could no longer offer
assistance regarding salvation. Standing alone before a wrathful, omnipotent, and
vengeful Old Testament God and responsible solely to Hi m, the devout were
forced t o rely exclusively on themselves; they alone could create the 'evidence' of
their predestination. The excruciating anxiety that accompanied the most import-
ant question t o every believer - 'Am I among the saved?' - could be ameliorated
only in this way (Weber, 1968: 1198-200; 2009: 106-7, 119-20).
However, the injunction of asceticism - through steadfast discipline t o
focus all energy upon God's Commandments, the salvation quest, and a taming
of all physical desire - must be understood as only one demand placed upon
believers. The faithhl were required in addition to create on earth His just
kingdom - for evil must be overcome rather than tolerated. All believers were
expected t o abide by a world-mastery obligation: following God's command-
ments, t o act aj ai nst evil. Even secular authority and popular opinion must be
opposed if viewed as illegitimate.
The alteration of society as a whole now became a religious requirement.
Accordingly, a 'world-oriented' individualism focused upon values and opposed t o
compromise, caution, and contemplation became indispensable. A robust energy
now infused the devout t o serve God, oppose unjust traditions and actions, and
remain resolute in pursuit of aims (Weber, 1968: 1207-9; 2009: 109-10, 198-9,
2 0 2 4 , 491-2). Only strong individuals could navigate innumerable mundane
obstacles and attain these difficult goals. However, an intensification of world-
mastery individualisnl toolc place in a further manner.
As noted, rather than residing with a ch~~i - ch officia1,or a ch~~i - ch hierocracy,
the responsibility for alleviating the extreme anxiety that accompanied salvation
uncertainty rested exclusively upon the devout. Fortunately for the faithful, the
Puritan Divines in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, breaking fiom the
early Calvinists, offered a particular mechanism that convinced believers of their
predestined, or 'elect,' status: if worldly success - defined as the capacity t o work
methodically in a vocation (Beruf) and to acquire material prosperity -was attained,
the faithful could conclude that the favor of their omniscient and omnipotent God
had been bestowed. His energy accounted for their success. After all, nothing
occurred by chance in this Deity's uni~lerse. And of course these 'signs' would be
offered by this righteous Divinity.only to the predestined. In this way unusually rig-
orous 'psychological rewards' became placed upon methodical work and the quest
for wealth (Weber, 1968: 572-3,1197-200, 1203-10; 2009: 151-2).8 Remarkably,
this dynamic in the end directly cultivated the growth of a civic sphere.
Even though believers were ultimately motivated by the urgent quest t o
resolve their own salvation status, the orientation t o systematic labor and its
re-location t o the center of life also intensified their commitment t o a
community, Weber contends. Although ascetic Protestants were left alone t o cre-
ate 'evidence' of their inembership anloilg the saved, their methodical work in a
122 JOURNAL OF CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGY VOL 9(1)
calling - the means of doing so - could never exclusively serve utilitarian and
egocentric motives. Rather, the necessity t o praise God's glory required the
faithhl t o labor on His behalfand t o create the just and humane earthly kingdom
that would extoll His majesty. Hence, work became intensified and oriented t o a
significant extent beyond practical-rational conduct and the random flux of daily
life - and toward civic tasks.
Labor now tied believers s~~stematically into a configuration of fixed reli-
gious goals and occurred on behalf of a purpose divorced from the self-interested
accumulation of material goods. Indeed, methodical work not only nourished
social trust and communit)l-building; it also sustained a civic dimension. A clear
dualism now became apparent t o Weber: a world-mastery individualism focused
upon the capacity of the faithfill t o shape and re-shape their salvation destinies
through work and the search for profit became accentuated; however, the same
salvation quest pushed the devout toward engagement in their communities and
social reform on behalf of God' s commandments and honor. Now no longer
exclusively anchored in the blood bond, ethical action became oriented t o civic
activity - indeed, in a systematic manner. Political-ethical action was born and
acquired a dynamic moment um.
Furthermore, a firm and enduring organization crystallized as the social
carrier of the 'ps)lchological rewards' that ascetic Protestantism bestowed upon
both world-mastery individualism and community participation: the congrega-
tio11.~ Because it was a tightly Itnit family of trust and helpfi~lness, this org.aniza-
tion co~llprised of 'God's children' served as an effective training ground for
behavior in conformity with this Deity's abstract principles and for instruction in
group participation skills. In this secure milieu of certified believers and honest
'brethren,' the rules of self-go\lernment could be taught and service to thegroup
c~l t i vat ed. ' ~ Far removed from utilitarian concerns, this relig.ious lzfe oriented the
devout toward civic activism, Weber insists.
Hence, Protestant asceticism exercised a broad influence upon the
economic and political cultures of Colonial America and the early United States
(Weber, 2009: 185-204). Owi ng t o its sanctification of trade, profit, and system-
atic labor, and the ascetic believer's strict respect for God's Commandments, a
constellation of interpersonal values now assumed the form of ideals for interac-
tion and even for comnlercial relationships: trust, truthfill advice, honesty, and fair
play. Once secure in the economy and religion domains, these integrating and
solidary values expanded i nt o the political sphere and erected strong ideals of
t rut hf~~l ness, social trust, good will, and fair play for public life generally.
To Weber, this expansion i nt o the economy and political arenas of the
political-ethical action formulated in sects and churcl~es implied a continuous
tension with the means-end rational action - even sheer instrumental calculation -
that normally held sway in these realms. Nonetheless, wherever strong carrier
organizations appeared, political-ethical action c o ~ ~ l d permeate - as an ideal -
even these spheres, he maintained. Indeed, long before the onset of industrialism
KALBERG WEBER'S ANALYSIS OF THE AMERICAN CIVIC SPHERE 123
in the mid-nineteenth century, the economy and political domains became infused
in America with these ideals. The demarcation of a civic sphere of public ethics
placed elected officials and private businesspersons alike under an obligation t o
uphold its high standards.
This sphere proved indispensable for the origin and expansion of civic
associations, Weber maintains. Moreover, it established firm patterns. Although
civic activists in the nineteenth century infrequently viewed their participation as
'doing God's work' or as an effort to acquire His favor by confronting evil and
creating an ethical community on earth, social standing and esteein was still
awarded t o then]. No longer a mark of devoutness but still one of trust and social
honor, membership in civic associations was accon~panied by a secular 'badge' of
respectability and a 'status elevation'; certification of.'persons as trustworthy and
as 'gentlemen' followed (Weber, 1968: 1207; 1985: 7-8; 2009: 192-3). In this
manner, the legacies of ascetic Protestantism, now manifest as community norms
of participation and service, as well as ideals of public ethics, strongly assisted the
formation of diverse civic associations, Weber argues. The capacity of these
legacies t o assist the formation of such associations on a broad scale is evident t o
him: 'The old "sect spirit" holds sway with relentless effect in the internal
character of these organizations' (2009: 204). And:
Today, large numbers of 'orders' and clubs of all sorts have begun to assume
.in part the hnctions of the religious community. Allnost every small
businessman who thinks something of himself wears some kind of badge in
his lapel. However, the archetype of this form, \vhich all use to guarantee
the 'honorableness' of the individual, is indeed the ecclesiastical community.
(1985: 8; see also 2009: 191-2, 197)
Weber's focus upon ascetic Protestantisin and its carrier groupings - sect
and church congregations - places his analysis of the civic sphere's origins and
expansion firmly in opposition to Tocqueville's emphasis upon free institutions, a
public spirit, and economic interests. It also opposes the Parsonsian explanation of
the civic arena's origins as an evolutionary co11comitant of industrialisnl's broad
advance and a subsequent 'differentiation process' (see Parsons, 1966, 1971; also
Icalberg, 1993). Case studies and ideal types, rather than theory devoid of an
empirical grounding, must guide sociology, Weber contends. The political
cultures of nations only rarely gave birth to expansive civic ideals resonating
beyond elites, he argues,ll and their interlocking with a \vorld-mastery individu-
alism proved extremely unusual. As a consequence of a common foundation in
ascetic Protestantism's singular doctrine and organizations, civic values and
activist individualism became intertwined in Colonial America.
This interweaving took place in a manner that intensified both. A thick civic
realm empowered to direct even this strong individualism crystallized. Manifest as
public ethics, a civic sphere now delineated - and defended - values, ideals, and a
124 JOURNAL OF CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGY VOL 9(1)
domain of activity .antagonistic t o all utilitarian action rooted in instrumental
calculations. Conversely, a civic-oriented individualism,12 because characterized by
a self-confidence capable of acting on behalf of values, principles, and rights even
against great obstacles, perpetually rejuvenated the civic realm's autonomy. In
turn, reinvigorated civic ideals placed high expectations upon persons to reform
communities in accordance with ethical values - and thus an intensification of
world-mastery indi\~idualisrn occurred. However, this indi\~idualism remained
locked within the civic arena's parameters and hence in opposition t o all practical
rationalism, utilitarianism's interest-based calculations, and egocentric striving,
Weber insists. A m~it~ially s~istaining dynamic developed in this manner o ~ i t of this
strong individualism - civic sphere dualism (see IZalberg, 1997: 209-1 6). A sym-
biosis was apparent. Finally, the sheer pervasiveness of innumerable (and in part
conflicting) civic associations, societies, and clubs itself created a continuous
jostling whereby each organization's values - because loyalties and commitments
to specific groups had to be repeatedly justified - wererejuvenated.
The birth and expansion of an American civic sphere occurred in this way,
Weber holds, rather than as a coilsequence of free institutions, a developed public
spirit, or the pursuit of commo~l economic interests, as Tocqueville maintains, or
as an outgrowth of an evolutionary comcomitant of industrialization and differ-
entiation processes. This deliinited realm implied to him constellations of cohesive
groupings, a con~inunit)l forination elenlent, and cross-cutting conflicts.
Far from 'unconnected atoms,' Americails lived deeply within, although
not subordinated to, a in~iltit~ide of groups. A civic realm of activism and ideals,
indebted to ascetic Protestant doctrine, the congregations of Protestant sects and
ch~irches, and civic associations, potentially oriented action. Moreover, this sphere
cultivated social integration, fair play, and trust; rather than harsh and authoritar-
ian, it was permeated by ideals of good will and ethical conduct. Its political-eth-
ical action proved unique, Weber ascertains, and it followed a trajectory distinct
from modernizing European political cultures. Lacking a broadly ranging ascetic
Protestant heritage, political-ethical action was here located differently - namely,
in the labor unions of the late nineteenth century, world-view ideologies of
political parties, and the prestige and laws of the de\leloping social welfare state.13
Weber depicts the classical manifestation of the American civic sphere in
this manner. His identification of political-ethical action's unique locatio~l and
pivotal dualisn~ - world-mastery individualism's juxtaposition with a developed
civic arena - conveys major features of the American political culture. He empha-
sizes the mutually sustaining interaction between its central components, its co111-
munity-building energy, and its particular modes of integration.14
The empirical fragility of this singular dualism also captures Weber's attention.
Its duration requires a delicate balancing of groups that are perpetually in flux.
Significant and rapid social change endangers its intricate s)lmii~et~-y and harbingers its
fi-agmentation, he is con\~inced. The separate &yes of t hs dualism, wherever they
KALBERG WEBER'S ANALYSIS OF THE AMERICAN CIVIC SPHERE 125
become independent and lose their symbiotic character, abandon their capacity effi-
ciently t o orient action. The civic sphere then becomes exposed and vulnerable,
expanding or contracting depending upon domination constellations, the irregular
flow of power, and multiple alignments. A routinization of political-ethical action t o
practical-rational orientations follows directly upon any weakening of this realm.
Originating in the agrarian and religious landscapes of the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries, the American civic arena confronted severe challenges in the
nineteenth and twentieth centuries, Weber holds. Deeply anchored in ascetic
Protestantism, would this thick civic sphere retain an independent influence? The
frontier's 'rugged individual,' who survived against great odds and even conquered
a vast landscapc, bccamc mythologized. American society, rendered conducive by
ascetic Protestantism to the values of an expanding bourgeois class, became per-
meated far and wide by the orientation of action t o competition, achievement, an
optimistic frame of mind in respect to the individual's ability, and an energetic
approach to problems and tasks. By the 1870s, heroes in Horatio Alger's mold,
severed from binding tradition and on the basis of their own talent, energy, and
will, climbed 'from rags t o riches.' Urbanization, industrialization, and modern
capitalism implied a massive societal metamorphosis. Standing alone, the individ-
ual became in major circles legitimate, worthy of praise, and placed on a pedestal.15
These developments reaffirmed a practical-rational individualism directly
antagonistic t o the civic realm, Weber maintains. Would the dynamic reciprocity
that strengthened the world-mastery individualism-civic sphere d~~al i sm remain in
place in the twentieth century? Or would a rejuvenated practical rational is^^^
shatter this civic-oriented individualism? Would civic associations continue t o
permeate Anlerican society and supply the integrating and comn~unit)~-building
infi-astructure that circumscribed atomization? Even though still substantially
nourished at the end of the nineteenth century by churches and civic associations,
the civic arena, unceasingly challenged by practical rationalism, appeared signifi-
cantly weakened.16
We must now address the possible fates of the thick civic realm in the rapidly
changing twentieth and twentyfirst centuries. Our orientation thus shifts away
fi-0111 the distant past and toward the more immediate past and the present.
However, we shall do so utilizing Weber's concepts and analytic fi-amework; they
once again guide the analysis - both directly through the reconstruction of 'a
Weberian model' and indirectly through the formation of three updated, alterna-
tive models: the generalization, professional associations, and conflict constructs.
Each model postulates a likely outcome for the American civic sphere. Hence, the
following discussion extends the Weberian conceptual frainework. Now more
wide-ranging, it maps out the broad spectrum within which present-day oscillations
of the American civic arena take place. Significant changes of 'location' occur
over generations and, at times, even within a decade. This spectrum deinarcates
the parameters of today's civic sphere. We turn first to the Weberian model.
126 JOURNAL OF CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGY VOL 9(1)
The Weberian Model: The Dissolution of the Civic
Sphere
This model reconstructs the several ways in which Weber viewed the course of the
American civic realm's twentieth- and twenty-first-century weakening and dissol-
ution. Three sub-models const i ru~e chis T.tkbe~iart consci-uc~. Each formulates
hypotheses regarding challenges t o the civic arena.17 Brief scrutiny of each must
suffice.
The Privatization of Work and the Expansion of Practical
Rationalism
According t o this sub-model, the sanctification of wealth and methodical work in
the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries faded and, as asceticism and disciplined
labor moved away from the center of the salvation quest, individualism became
routinized back t o its interest-based, practical-rational form. This construct, that
hypothesize a depletion and circumscription of the civic sphere followed. A vicious
cycle ensued.
Nonetheless, and although weakened with the waning of asceticism, the
aim of building God' s kingdom endured in routinized form, this sub-model
postulates: citizens sought in t he eighteenth and nineteenth centuries t o estab-
lish the j ust a n d ~ o o d civic society. Unsurprisingly in light of t he inajor
Anlerican religious heritage, work became viewed as t he central means toward
this end. Thus, a further nurt uri ng of t he earlier symbiosis between t he civic
sphere and world- master)^ indi\~idualism occurred, this construct maintains.
However, as t he nineteenth cent ur ) ~ drew t o a close, the civic realill corn-
inenced again upon a pathway of decline. It s capacity to direct the activity of
broad cross-sections of the American population weakened anlid expanding
practical-rational individualism.
I n this new urban and industrialized milieu neither Benjamin Franklin's
spirit of capitalism nor the Protestant ethic's values endowed methodical work
with subjective meaning (Weber, 2009: 157-8). As the historical journey distin-
guished by asceticism's prodigious sanctification of work caille t o completion,
labor becanle simply a utilitarian activity. Now de-coupled fiom the religious
sphere and routinized back t o its practical-rational form, labor moi-e and
more served the egoistic interests of individuals, this Weberian sub-model
hypothesizes.
This heuristic sub-construct captures the full privatization dominant at the
final stage of this monumental journey. I t also depicts the social contest that,
according t o Weber, influenced this development: modern capitalisnl's coercive
aspects and practical rationalism. Whether employees or entrepreneurs, those
' born i nt o this powerful cosmos' are forced t o adapt t o market-based laws and
the inlpersonal exchange of goods in order t o survive. Once 'in the saddle,' the
KALBERG WEBER'S ANALYSIS OF 'THE AMERICAN CIVIC SPHERE 127
workplace tempo of 'victorious capitalism' imposes upon all within its reach an
organized mode of life. Within this 'grinding mechanism' characterized by an
'.
~nescapable network of pragmatic necessities,' survival of businesses, as well as
the individual's capacity t o earn a livelihood, requires nothing less. According
t o this sub-construct, the foundation that grounds the modern era is not 'spir-
itual,' but 'mechanical': ' The idea of an "obligation t o search for and then
accept a vocational calling" ilow wanders around in our lives as the ghost of
beliefs n o longer anchored in the substance of religion' (Weber, 2009: 157) . I n
one of his most famous passages, Weber tersely captures this significant trans-
formation at the level of subjective meaning and motives: ' The Puritan anted
t o be a person with a vocational calling; we must be' ( 2009: 157, see also
1574, 446- 8) .
Of central significance for the fate of the civic arena, work is eviscerated of
its prior religious and civic underpinnings, as well as all community-building and
integrative capacities, even though it remains at the center of daily life. Hence, this
sub-model hypothesizes a massive alteration of meaning away from the world-
mastery individualism-civic sphere dualism and toward unsanctified labor and
practical rationalism. Accordingly, the civic realm's political-ethical action is
pushed t o the margins. A sub-postulate follows: citizenship, in its broader sense as
the regular orientation of persons to the civic arena's ideals and t o engagement in
communities, also reaches a final stage. It becomes re-defined as a hobby activity
and re-located within the realm of leisure.
The Circumscription of the Civic Sphere by th,e 'Power of
Material Goods'
A significant developn~ent in more recent decades - the expansion of the 'power
of material goods' - also affirms the untamed individual and stands in a relation-
ship of antagoilism t o a vibrant civic realm. A f~l rt her Weberian sub-model
captures this transformation and its outcome: an expailsioil of practical
rationalism.
This sub-construct also focuses upon the social inilieu surrounding this
development. Under 'victorious capitalism,' it postulates, the power of goods
acquires a firm grip over persons. Whereas seventeenth- and eighteenth-century
American Protestants, living in this world but oriented t o the next world, could
cast easily aside the temptations presented by products like 'a light\veight coat that
one can throw off at any time,' their power by the early t\.ventieth century had
'become a steel-hard casing' (Weber, 2009: 1 5 3 4 , 157-8).
Material goods acquire, Weber's sub-model holds, 'an increasing and, in
the end, inescapable power over people - as never before in history' (2009: 158).
A ubiquitous and intense consumer culture develops parallel \\lit11 the onset of
prosperity. Alluring products must be possessed. Moreover, the striving for their
possession has acquired a new intensity and becoille a ~ligoi-ous 'pursuit of gain in
128 JOURNAL OF CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGY VOL 9(1)
the United States,' this sub-construct hypothesizes, displacing the vocational
calling's 'spirit of asceticism' and 'religious-ethical meaning.' Reigning now are
'purely competitive passions,' and this quest in the twentieth century assumes the
'character of a sports event' (2009: 158; see Bell, 1996).
What consequences followed fi-om this development for the American civic
arena? The ubiquitous cons~unerist ethos of this 'new cosmos,' according t o this
sub-model, invigorated practical rationalism f ~~r t her . To the same extent, an
acceleration of the civic realm's porousness followed. Its independence waned, as
did that of political-ethical action. Again, a vicious cycle ensued.
The Circumscription of the Civic Sphere by
'Europeanization'
This Weberian sub-construct postulates a gradual 'Europeanization' - or bureau-
cratization - of American political culture. It views large-scale bureaucracies as
indigenous t o industrial societies and expects this development to whittle away
and constrict the ci\ ~ i c ' arena.
The constraints accon~panying industrialization render this alteration
likely, this sub-model indicates. Characteristic is a centralization of power and an
increase in the prestige and authority of civil servants and managers. Their
specialized knowledge of the ~lorkiilgs of the state and the economy lead in these
directions - and this aggrandizement is accompanied by a diminution in the
authority of elected politicians over polic~l-making decisions. With ever-widening
bui-eauci-atization, this sub-model hypothesizes, a civic realm dominated by con-
tending political parties, open debate, pluralistic and coinpeting values, and
freedom of ideas loses viability. As substantive conflict becomes tame and then
quiescent, civic ideals - no longer rejuveilated by the \videspread controversies
that appear wherever groups compete vigorously - fade as well (Weber, 1968:
1396-1405; 1978: 281-2; 1994: 272-303).
Intensified by ever greater class stratification and restricted occupational
and social mobility, a 'societal ossification' follows, according to this sub-
construct. The survival ofpolitical-ethical action becomes questionable - all the illore
so as the prestige and authority of functionaries increase. A rigid, inward-looking,
and stagnant society, dominated by risk-averse, securit~l-seeking, and cautious
managers, is postulated. The cilpic arena, as well as all residuals of the sect spirit's
communit)l-buildiilg energy, is circumscribed and pushed to the margins.
Simultaneously, the bureaucracy's formal rationality, in light of its orieiltation t o
procedures, statutes, codes, and written regulations, coilfronts and weakens
further any legacies of \vorld-mastery iildividualisnl rooted in value orientations,
this sub-n~odel holds. Survival of the older symbiosis - the world-mastery indi-
vidualism-civic sphere mutual affirmation - is threatened. Circumscription of the
civic realm's independence and a weakening of its expansive thrust follows
(Weber, 2005: 255-72).18
KALBERG WEBER'S ANALYSIS OF THE AMERICAN CIVIC SPHERE 129
These three sub-constructs have offered a Weberian conceptualization of the
American civic sphere in the twentieth century. Each postulates its dissolution.
Taken together, they constitute the Weberian model - namely, an updated
construct that demarcates likely parameters of the American civic sphere accord-
ing, on the one hand, t o the analytic framework and rich set of concepts
summarized above, and, on the other hand, t o a variety of Weber's writings.
Rather than being intended as an accurate depiction of empirical reality, this
model, as utilized here, has sought t o formulate hypotheses and guidelines for
empirical research today.
This investigation must pursue fi~rther its orientation to\vard model-
building rather than searching for a confirmation or rejection of the hypotheses
formulated by each Weberian sub-model (a task far beyond the scope of this study).
I t now formulates three complementary constructs, all of which are indebted t o his
concepts and analytic framework. They expand the conceptual grid provided by the
Weberian model, and hence demarcate the civic arena's wider parameters.
Complementary Models: Updating and Extending
the Analytic Framework
In combination, the Weberian, generalization, professional associations, and
conflict models form an extended spectrum that allows conceptualization of a
broader range of the American civic realm's major features, tensions, dynamics, and
developmental pathways. More thick, expansive, and independent mailifestations
stand at one end of this spectrum and Inore porous, circumscribed, and depend-
ent forms stand at the other. This expanded analytic fi-amework captures the oscil-
lations f ol l o~~e d by political-ethical action in the ~n ~e r i c a i l political culture.'"
The Ge~ieralization Model: The Civic Sphere's Longevity
Compared t o the Weberian model, the generalization construct anchors the
extreme opposite end of the civic sphere spectrum. At its foundation stands an
assunlption at the core of Weber's sociology: the past never fades away simply as
a consequence of struct~iral changes; rather, it endures into the present.
According t o the generalization model, the world-mastery individualism
of the se\lenteenth and eighteenth centuries retains over a longer term its civic ori-
entation, the ascetic Protestant focus upon work sustains aggressively a conlmu-
nity-building element, the sect legacy's long-term influence becomes generalized
into various sectors of American society, and the symbiotic relationship benveen
world-mastery individualisnl and the civic arena remains vibrant. In this con-
struct, the thick civic realm maintains its expansiveness and independence, and
defends its boundaries against practical rationalism, the power of goods, bureau-
cratization, the specialization of labor, and the fi~nctionary's cautious frame of
mind. The polic~l-making arena continues t o be rooted in a strong parliament
130 JOURNAL OF CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGY VOL 9(1)
and electoral politics. In general, civic realm values, political-ethical action, and a
world-mastery individualism are transferred t o a broad pluralism of socializing
groups and independently cultivated. A notion of 'service t o a community'
remains viable. Finally, the sheer number and wide dispersion of civic associations,
by injecting a pluralistic dynamism, resist societal stagnation. Instead, these organ-
izations support political-ethical action and form a bulwark against the value con-
figuration carried by civil servants, fi~nctionaries, and managers.
As is the case for the Weberial1 model, the enlpirical appearance of all these
aspects of the generalization model requires the presence of facilitating arrays of
cohesive carrier groups. Wherever they acquire authority, status, and power \is-A-
vis opposing groups, the civic sphere retains its thick consistency and independ
ence, this model postulates. Rather than expanding exclusively into the arenas of
work and politics, it then spreads generally across the breadth of American society:
its political-ethical action extends into families, neighborhoods, schools, civic-
oriented charities and foundations, volunteer groups, universities, the military,
and other mainstream organizations and institutions.
As discussed above, the Weberian model's secularization weakened both
the civic sphere and world-mastery individualism - indeed it postulated a dissolu-
tion of the civic realm. On the other hand, according to the generalization
construct, work retains far longer its sanctified, or quasi-sanctioned, aspect.
Hence, to a greater or lesser extent, all of these organizations and institutions
transmit a con~munity-building energy.
In sum, the generalization inodel hypothesizes, and despite nineteenth-
and twentieth-century transformations, the civic sphere substantially maintains its
earlier intensity and influence. In direct contrast to the Weberial1 construct, it
remains thick, expansive, and i i ~dependent . ' ~
The Professional Associations Model: 'the Re-Location
and Narrowing of the Sect Legacy
The professional associations construct, in contrast to the generalization model,
shares a pivotal hypothesis \+!it11 the Weberian model: a social nletamorphosis of
American society has led to an expansion of practical rationalism. However, the
professional associations construct rejects the Weberian model's central presuppo-
sition: ascetic Protestantism's singular achievement in the post-war period - the
sublimation and rationalization of work across many strata into a value-based
activity - has been eviscerated. Rather, and even though acknowledging labor's
longer term de-coupling fi-0111 sanctifying value configurations, the professional
associations model hypothesizes that the sect's legacies permeate into this era
deeply. Nonetheless, their scope fails t o rival the broad expanse achieved under the
generalization inodel.The professional associations construct articulates their cir-
cumscribed location in the post-\var United States and calls attention t o their con-
tinuing influence.
KALBERG WEBER' S ANALYSIS OF THE AMERICAN CIVIC SPHERE 131
According t o this model, generalization of the ascetic Protestant heritage
t o the same magnitude as characteristic of the nineteenth century is no longer
apparent in this era. Moreover, sect legacies become significantly separated from
civic associations - which become more porous and internally less rigorous, it
maintains. A sector of American society becomes the home for these legacies: its
upper-middle class professional as s ~ci at i ons . ~~ Here they are cultivated and
sustained, this construct contends. As carried by these secular organizations, a
methodical and value-based orientation t o work and vocations competes directly
with practical-rational and utilitarian orientations. How do post-war professional
associations manifest sect legacies, according t o this construct?
Acceptable behavior and appropriate moral conduct for members are
prescribed. An orientation t o high standards must characterize behavior. The
admission candidate's suitable conduct is testified to by certificates of educational
attainment (rather than a minister's letter of recommendation); they provide the
basis for membership. In turn, behavior is monitored formally and informally for
its conformity to the organization's standards. To do so, the sect's external form
is adopted: observational mechanisms and discipline are apparent. Articulated in
'codes of conduct,' rules and statutes become enforced by designated committees
empowered t o punish violators. Penalties can be imposed, including the loss of
membership, and severe sanctions may bring careers t o a sudden conclusion.
Finally, professionals measure their self-worth and dignity against a set of moral
codes. Does the member 'live up to' the association's standards? Has 'professional
integrity' been maintained throughout the career? A sincere 'professionalism' and
'the professional career,' substantively bounded and separate from other realms,
here acquire legitin~acy and pi-estige. The professional association in this manner
maintains its integrity and that of its melnbers (Abbott, 1983; Abel and Lewis,
1989; Barber, 1978-9; Friedson, 1984).
model comprehends these associations as abundantly manifesting sect
legacies.22 A great variety of vocation-based associations have crystallized in the
United States, many of which pre-date the post-war period: for example, the
American Medical Association, the American Bar Association, the American
Psychological Association, the American Association of Social Workers, and the
Ainericail Sociological Association. Business corporations large and small define
'business ethics,' codes of conduct, and 'mission statements' (see Abbott, 1983;
Abel, 1985, 1986; Barber, 1978-9; Friedson, 1984; Parsons, 2007).
This re-location of asceticism's legacies t o professional associations implies
significant consequences for the American civic sphere, according t o this model.
The sect spirit's relationship t o American society generally has been transformed.
Its legacies, instead of setting standards for civic endeavors in an expansive way, as
did both the sect in the se\lenteenth and eighteenth centuries and the civic
association in the nineteenth century, are now more narrowly located, this
construct hypothesizes: they have become restricted t o members of professional
associations. And because a cultivatio~l of ethical action now occurs outside the
132 JOURNAL OF CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGY VOL 9(1)
civic sphere, its rejuvenation in a manner parallel t o previous centuries - as politi-
cal-ethical action - is precluded. Furthermore, as a consequence of the internal
orientation of professional association members, these organizations, compared t o
civic associations, sects, and churches in earlier eras, demoilstrate a weakened
capacity t o challenge practical rationalism, the power of goods, and bureaucrati-
zation. A vacuum appears in the civic realm. Indeed, this nlodel maps a dr-
coupling of the sect legacy from the civic arena and hypothesizes the incapacity of
ascetic Protestantism and its secular legacies t o nourish civic life.
This absence of a linkage between professional organizations and the civic
sphere implies not only an exclusive orientation of members' behavior to stan-
dards and codes of conduct internal t o these associations. In addition, a relation-
ship of antagonism develops between these realms, this construct hypothesizes,
wherever a methodical work ethos among professionals acquires a halo of 'self-
fulfillment' and 'self-realization': itself a legacy of ascetic Protestantism, this legit-
imating aura bestows filrther autonomy upon 'professional life'. Other activities,
such as civic engagement, are curtailed not only owing to scarce energy and
time, according to this model, but also as a result of their loss of meaning to
professional^.^^
In sum,24 this construct postulates that the growth in the nineteenth and
twentieth centuries of practical rationalism, the power of goods, and bureaucra-
cies never eradicated ascetic Protestantism's legacies. However, their manifestation
narrowly in the post-war era's professional associatioils failed t o convey political-
ethical action into the civic realm of sufficient intensity t o counteract the spread
of utilital-ian and interest-oriented activity. In stark opposition t o the generaliza-
tion model, the professional associations const r ~~ct llppotllesizes a curtailment of
the sect spirit's more far-reaching capacity t o call forth a demarcated civic realm
infused by political-ethical action. On the other hand, and in sharp opposition to
the Weberian model, the professional associations model does not postulate an all-
eilco~npassiilg confrontation with this sphere and its subsequent dissolution.
The Conflict Model
This construct articulates filrther hypotheses designed to delineate the civic
arena's i nagni t ~~de and scope. I t contributes the final nod el t o a ~lniquely American
spectrum of possibilities.
Co~npetition and relationships of tension across groupings of approxi-
mately equal weight are characteristic. Conflict appears on a regular basis. The
rejuvenation that originates from cross-cutting rivalries - allegiances of group
members are strengthened - sustains a vibrant cultivation of pluralistic arrays of
groups and a societal openness. This dynamism, rooted in the sect legacies and
civic associations, confronts the privatization of work, the intensification of the
power of goods, bureaucratization, and the restriction of sect legacies t o
professional associations. Although never dominant, political-ethical action and
KALBERG WEBER'S ANALYSIS OF 'THE AMERICAN CIVIC SPHERE 133
world-mastery individualism continue t o be nourished amid regular confronta-
tions and 'culture wars.' 'Service t o a community' and a community-building
element remain of sufficient expanse t o contain practical rationalism.
Hence, in strict opposition t o the Weberian construct, the conflict model
postulates that the civic sphere continues t o exist, albeit to a less substantive extent
than hypothesized by the generalization model and although perpetually beset by
tensions. Powerful carrier organizations, whether families, schools, or volunteer
groups, for example, sustain this arena. According t o this construct, the civic
realm permeates influential organizations.
Nonetheless, the conflict model hypothesizes also unceasing challenges
and threats to the civic sphere. Its boundaries become less firm. Interest-oriented
activity develops more intensively than postulated by the generalization construct,
and persons, unconstrained by political-ethical action, are more frequently
oriented by utilitarian considerations. Furthermore, secularization has weakened
world-mastery individualism, the halo of sanctity around work, and all God-
oriented community-building, this model postulates. Thus, the civic arena's thick
quality is depleted. Accordingly, fewer hindrances obstruct the permeation of daily
life by the power of goods and bureaucratization contests the civic realm's inde-
pendence on a regular basis. In this context, a generalization of the ethical action
cultivated in professional organizations is precluded; rather, it retains its exclu-
sively internal focus.
Conclusion
The generalization, professional associations, and conflict models expand and
update Weber's foreshortened analytic fi-amework. This remains the case even
though these constructs are grounded in his rich set of concepts. All models have
formulated arrays of operationalizable hypotheses capable of orientiilg even today
the empirical investigation of the American civic sphere.
In combination, these constructs define a spectrum that conceptualizes
this sphere's past and present oscillations. More thick, generalizing, and
independent manifestations are apparent at one end of this heuristic tool and
more porous, circumscribed, and dependent forms anchor the other. Moreover,
as an orieiltatioilal research mechanism, this conceptual framework can be utilized
t o identify directional movements, coalitions across groups, and conflicts across
groups. Only arrays of causally effective groups, Weber insists, push movement
across this spectrum (see IZal berg, 1994: 52-78, 168-76). I11 concluding, several
aspects of his analysis must be briefly highlighted.
First, as evident from this entire study, Weber contends that investigations
of the American civic sphere (or that of any other country) that are focused
exclusively on the present fail t o yield an adequate comprehe~lsion of its unique
value contours, origin, expansion, parameters, and oscillations. An orientation to
134 JOURNAL OF CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGY VOL 9(1)
the rational choices of individuals, the economic interests of powerful actors in
groups, structural factors, or this arena's 'filnctions' identifies only surface-level
factors. Influences from the past, when carried by cohesive and effective groups,
must be acknowledged in a systematic manner in all sociological investigations of
the present, Weber holds. Once anchored in firm carrier organizations, strata, and
classes, pivotal values, traditions, and interests seldom entirely fade from a soci-
ety's landscape. As evident above, he embraces strongly the notion that cultural
influences may endure despite broad structural transformations. For this reason,
all global dichotomies (for example, Gemeinschaft-Gesellschaj and tradition-
modernity) are rejected entirely (Ical berg, 2003a: 1 3 8 4 0 , 164-8). This central
tenet of Weber's sociology underpins all four models above.
Second, Weber's writings on the American civic sphere stress that its
viability will fade in the absence of an initiative-taking individualism. Persons must
not only take cognizance of the civic arena's values, he argues, but also possess
capacities that allow action consistent with them. How does the delicate balance
indispensable for the unfolding of a thick civic realm congeal in certain groups and
in certain societies? Weber's analysis maintains that a practical-rational individual-
ism, because lacking consistent internal guidance by values, must be rationalized
and sublimated into world-mastery individualisnl if a viable civic sphere is to
crystallize - for civic orientations are inherent t o this individualism. However,
according to his analysis this value-based individualism proves rare, and frequently
undergoes routinization back to interest-oriented action. Practical rationalism, the
privatization of work, the power of goods, and bureaucratization present significant
challenges t o this world-mastery individualism - as well as to the civic sphere itself.
Finally, Weber's models indicate that an independent civic sphere endures
with greater likelihood if rooted in competing groups and regular, pluralistic
tensions (2005: 168-72, 255-71). A societal openness derives fi-om sustained,
moderate-level conflict; ossification occurs, with a greater probability, wherever a
single group or organization acquires hegemony, he holds.
In this respect the bureaucrac)~' ~ certified, risk-averse, and conformist
f~~nctionaries constitute a central problem - yet not one of overwheln~ing magni-
tude. A society's stagnation looms lllore likely whenever bureaucratization
proceeds to such an extent that few social, economic, political, or legal constrail1ts
stand effectively against this developnlent - one that will eventually lead t o the
substitution of decision-making in reference to values by decision-malung in
I-eference to pragmatic, utilitarian, and instrumental considerations (Weber, 2005:
255-71; see Icalberg, 2003a: 171-9). The civic sphere will then be diminished in
scope. Typically, while examining the adverse consequences of bureaucratization,
Weber acknowledges a paradox: although they hold bureaucratization in check,
dynamic and tension-filled societies today strengthen the power of goods and
practical rationalism's unbounded individualism. As discussed, both will also lead
t o a circunlscription of the civic
KALBERG WEBER'S ANALYSIS OF THE AMERICAN CIVIC SPHERE 135
I would like to thank Nancy T Ammerman, Robert J. Antonio, Julia Michaels, John Torpey, and Peter C.
Yeager for helpful comments.
1. This is my term.
2.
That is, the Methodist, Presbyterian, Baptist, Quaker and Mennonite sects and churches. Weber
distinguishes these Protestant groupings sharply from Lutheranism. His generic term 'Puritanism'
(see 2009: 141-59) will be sparingly used synonymously.
3. His writings on the American civic arena have been examined only infrequently. See above all Kim
(2004); see also Kalberg (2003b, 2009b); Loader and Alexander (1985).
4. This section is partially indebted to Kalberg (1997, 2005).
5. Jellinek (1979) constitutes a clear exception
6. The origins and formation of the civic sphere are addressed here in a manner that opposes radically
Alexander's position. An analysis grounded historically or in carrier groups is not to be found in his
long study. Rather, for him (as for Parsons), the civic sphere emerges out of a macro differentiation
process that gives rise to 'different kinds of institutional spheres and discourses' - one of which is
the civic sphere. This perspective neglects nation-specific differences (see Alexander, 2006: 195).
7. This section draws upon Kalberg (2001 b: 185-9).
8. Weber's extremely complex analysis has been noted here only in abbreviated form (see Kalberg,
1980: 11 51-2; 2003a: 148-52; 2009a: 21-7).
9. Weber saw American individualism (unlike the more inward-looking German ~ndividuallsm) as
fundamentally located in groups, even in those groups - especially sects - that expect strict adherence
to firm norms. Rather than losing the capacity for decision-making when In groups, Americans 'hold
their own,' he contends, on the basis of defined standards, values, and goals. To hrm, here ascetic
Protestant~sm's influence is ev~dent. See Weber (2005: 277-90); also Kalberg (2003b: 22 n. 30).
10. One central source of American manners can be located here.
11. That ascetic Protestantism (as opposed to intellectual movements and the world religions carried
by elite strata, such as Confucianism and Buddhism) transformed the lives of broad strata has
been scarcely acknowledged by the vast literature on the 'Protestant ethic thesis' (see Weber,
2009: 238-31 0).
12. This is my term
13. See n.25 below. That these modes of solidarity were not viewed by sociologists in Europe as
adequately giving rise to a community-building energy in part itself led to their conclusion that
atomization inherently accompanied capitalism and urbanization. Their error must be seen as
involving a false transposition onto the United States. This conclusion, because it viewed all
societies amid this transformation as fundamentally alike, occluded cognizance of American
exceptional~srn.
14. This depiction should be vlewed as a Weberian ideal type. Many empirical examples from
Amer~can history that vary distinctly from thls model are apparent in Weber's writings. He is, for
136 JOURNAL OF CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGY VOL 9(1)
example, quite aware of widespread corruption in American cities. See 1968: 1397-8; 2005:
108-1 2.
On the American world-view, see, for example, Bellah et al. (1985); Hartz (1955); Hofstadter
(1955); Kalberg (2001a: 310-14; 2001b; 2004); Konwitz and Kennedy (1960); Lipset (1963); Lynd
(1 967); Miller (1 961); Parrington (1 954); White (1 957).
The 'communitar~an' and 'bowling alone' discuss~ons can be seen as recent revisitations of the
classic American world-mastery individualism-civic sphere dualism. See, for example, Bellah et al.
( 1 985); Etzioni (1 997, 1998); Hall and Lindholm (1 999); Putnam (2000); Selznick (1992).
Thus, the conceptual y~eld of Weber's analysis is stressed rather than its emprrical accuracy. In
opposition t o the position taken here, many may argue that the three models, all recognizable t o
readers of Weber, constitute for h ~ m actual depictions of reality. This complex questlon cannot be
resolved in a study of limited length. Suffice ~t to say, the orientation in thls investigation toward
Weber is purely conceptual: utilizing his concepts and analytic framework, it seeks t o offer an
analyticalconsideration that maps the full spectrum in reference t o which the civic sphere, accord-
ing t o Weber, oscillates across the American political culture. Such 'clear conceptualization' and
model-building, according t o Weber's methodology, must always const~tute the first step in the
research process - that is, a stage prior t o commencement of the emp~rical invest~gation (see
Weber, 1949: 90-1 04).
Again, the 'Weberian sub-models' are constructed here as hypothesis-forming aids for research
rather than as constructs designed t o capture empirical reality. Interpreters have generally
comprehended Weber's 'Europeanizatron thesis' as an empirical development-and offered trench-
ant cr~ticisms (see Mommsen, 1974, 1998, 2000; Roth, 1985, 2005a, 2005b).
It is here maintained that these constructs, although not exhaustive, const~tute the most plausible
models to be derived from Weber's concepts and conceptual gr ~d.
This model approximates the major presupposlt~ons of the Parsons~an vlslon of Amer~can society.
From the point of view of the 'pluralistic models' mode of theor~z~ng undertaken in this study,
Parsonsian theorizing on American society diverges distinctly: although it also sees pendular
movements, it foreshortens the American spectrum's scope. Hence, compared t o Weber, Parsons
offers a far more monolithic vision of Amer~can society and American political culture (see
Parsons, 1966, 197 1, 2007).
Of course, such professional associations are also found in other countries. They have originated,
however, either from the laws of a state or the leadership initiative of el ~t e groups rather than
from a broad-based sect her~tage. See Abel (1 985); Abel and Lewis (1 989); Rueschemeyer (1 973).
If Weber had lived t o observe the full development and scope of the professional association, he
would have viewed it also from another vantage point - namely, as offering further support for
h ~ s fundamental position: American society is not constituted from a sandpile of unconnected
indrviduals (see Kalberg, 2009b).
Americans now work more hours per year than the people of any other nation. While not
rejecting the role of external constraint and domination (see above, pp.127-30). Weber's inter-
pretive sociology of subjective meaning Insists upon a recognition of the deep cultural meanings
behind this quantitative indicator.
An emp~rical substantiation of this model would requlre comparat~ve investigation. It would
postulate that professional associations in other nations assume a less activ~st posture in respect
KALBERG WEBER'S ANALYSIS OF THE AMERICAN CIVIC SPHERE 137
t o monitoring and. effective punishing than their American counterparts. Moreover, in other
nations, the power t o impose penalties for 'unprofessional conduct' usually lies wi th legal
authorities and outside the association (see Abel and Lewis, 1989; Parsons, 2007; Rueschemeyer,
1973; Savelsberg, 1994).
25. To define the American civic sphere constitutes inherently a comparative excercise. A full-scale
isolation of its uniqueness can be achieved only through the systematic utilization of comparative
cases. In this manner alone can an assessment occur of, for example, the extent t o which the sect
spirit plays a 'central' part in the formation of the civic sphere. Such tasks, of necessity, must be
omitted from this short, and purely conceptual, study. For a demarcation of a uniquely German
civic sphere and contrasts t o the uniquely thick American civic sphere, see Kalberg (1987, 1992,
2001 b, 2003b, 2006). These studies emphas~ze the diverging location of the civic realm in these
nations and some consequences thereof.
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Stephen Kalberg teaches sociological theory and comparative sociology at Boston University. He is the
author of Max Weber's Comparative Historical Sociology (University of Chicago Press, 1994) and
numerous articles on Max Weber and German and American societies, and the translator of Max Weber,
The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit o f Capitalism with Other Writings on the Rise of the West (Oxford
University Press, 2009). He edited Max Weber Readings and Commentary on Modernl y (Blackwell,
2005).
Address: qepartrnent of Sociology, 96 Cummington Street, Boston University, Boston MA 0221 5, USA.
[email: kalberg@bu.edu]
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KALBERG WEBER'S ANALYSIS OF THE AMERICAN CIVIC SPHERE 141