Adaptation CP

http://www.gao.
gov/products/GAO-13-242
http://www.gao.gov/key_issues/climate_change_funding_managem
ent/issue_summary#t=1
climate change adaptation strategies government funding
climate change adaptation strategies OR strategy site:.org and united
states
Solvency Coastal adaptation projects - economy
Coastal preparedness mitigates impact of sea level rise
Spross 2014 (Jeff Sea Level Rise Could Reduce The World Economy By 10 Percent This Century Think
Progress February 5, 2014 http://thinkprogress.org/climate/2014/02/05/3254771/sea-level-reduce-gdp-
10-percent/ accessed 8/1/14 tm)
New research predicts that by 2100, damage from flooding and rising seas could cost the world almost
a tenth of its economy. The paper, by researchers at the University of Southampton, modeled the
economic effects of future sea level rise, using various projections from the Intergovernmental Panel on
Climate Change (IPCC) of future carbon emissions and global warming, along with various models of
future economic growth, population growth, and population movement. According to the IPCCs
projections, sea level will rise 25 to 123 centimeters, depending on whether humanity does a lot to
tackle climate change or just coasts along with business-as-usual. Using those models, the researchers
concluded 0.2 to 4.6 percent of the worlds population will be flooded annually by the end of the
century, resulting in annual losses of 0.3 to 9.3 percent of global GDP. For reference, 5 percent of the
worlds population in 2100 could mean 600 million people many of whom will live in deeply
impoverished regions like southern Asia. As for GDP, 9.3 percent of that could be over $100 trillion.
The researchers also looked into scenarios in which people around the world attempt to protect
themselves and their coasts by expanding dikes, levees, and other protection systems. The paper
concludes such efforts could reduce the damage from flooding by two or three orders of magnitude, at
a cost of $71 billion per year under the most demanding circumstances. If we ignore sea-level rise,
flood damages will progressively rise and presently good defences will be degraded and ultimately
overwhelmed, said Professor Robert Nicholls, one of the papers co-authors. Hence we must start to
adapt now, be that planning higher defences, flood proofing buildings and strategically planning
coastal land use. Other efforts at flood mitigation and adaptation can include resorting to wetlands
and beaches as natural barriers, and better city planning. In the wake of Sandy and other major storms,
American cities like New York, Houston, and Miami are prepping new drainage systems, conservation
efforts, zoning changes, and infrastructure improvements. The entire state of Massachusetts is
undertaking a similar project.

Adaptation policies money key
Lack of funding limit expansion of adaptation policies
Chakravartty 2014 (Anupam Climate adaptation: Developed and developing world in same boat
Mar 31, 2014 http://www.downtoearth.org.in/content/developed-and-developing-world-same-boat
accessed tm 7/26)
The chapters on various regions state that while most European countries have adaptation strategies,
only a few have been implemented. Africa also suffers from lack of implementation of plans. In North,
Central and South Americas, adaptation plans are in place for some cities. In Australasia, there are few
adaptation plans. In the Arctic, they are in their infancy. At the same time, civil society and local
communities have the opportunity to play a role in decision making about adaptation in Europe and
Asia. In Africa, social learning and collective action are used to promote adaptation. The report further
states that all developing regions cite insufficient financial resources for implementing adaptation as a
significant limitation.
Adaptation policies solve laundry list
Despite small successes not sufficient adaptation policy adoption globally
Langford 2014 (Kate, WorldAgroForestry - he World Agroforestry Centre (ICRAF) is a CGIAR Consortium Research Centre.
ICRAFs headquarters are in Nairobi, Kenya, with five regional offices located in Cameroon, India, Indonesia, Kenya and Peru. The Centres
vision is a rural transformation in the developing world as smallholder households strategically increase their use of trees in agricultural
landscapes to improve their food security, nutrition, income, health, shelter, social cohesion, energy resources and environmental sustainability.
The Centres mission is to generate science-based knowledge about the diverse roles that trees play in agricultural landscapes, and to use its
research to advance policies and practices, and their implementation, that benefit the poor and the environment. The World Agroforestry Centre is
guided by the broad development challenges pursued by the CGIAR. These include poverty alleviation that entails enhanced food security and
health, improved productivity with lower environmental and social costs, and resilience in the face of climate change and other external shocks.
We receive our funding from about 50 different investors; including governments, private foundations, international organizations and regional
development banks. Our work is conducted with partners from a range of scientific and development institutions. Climate change
adaptation strategies are lacking April 2, 2014
http://www.worldagroforestrycentre.org/newsroom/media_coverage/climate-change-adaptation-
strategies-are-lacking accessed tm 7/26)
A new report by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) outlines the lack of climate
change adaptation strategies being implemented in both developed and developing countries. Down
to Earth looks at the findings of the report, titled Climate Change 2014: Impacts, Adaptation, and
Vulnerability, which shows considerable variation across different regions of the world in the extent to
which adaptation processes, practices and policy have been studied and implemented. The report
does point to some positive actions, such as early warning systems that are helping communities
adapt to the changing climate and successful community-based initiatives. In Asia, adaptation is
being facilitated in some areas through mainstreaming climate adaptation action into sub-national
development planning, crop insurance, early warning systems, integrated water resources
management, agroforestry and coastal reforestation of mangroves. While Europe and Australia have
had extensive research programs on climate change adaptation, only a few strategies have been
implemented, according to the report. In large parts of Asia, Africa and Central and South Americas,
there is only sparse data on climate change impacts. Research in Africa and Asia has been dominated
by international partners and relies heavily on case studies of community-based adaptation. Africa
also suffers from a lack of implementation of plans, and most planned adaptation work is being
undertaken under pilot programs.

Adaptation indigenous practices
Indigenous practices could be adopted globally check impact of climate change
Ghana and Indonesia prove
Mollins 2013 (Julie Traditional knowledge fuels climate change adaptation in Ghana study
26Sep 2013 http://blog.cifor.org/19210/traditional-knowledge-fuels-climate-change-adaptation-in-ghana-study#.U9Rwo7GrriA)
BOGOR, Indonesia (26 September, 2013) Strategies used by indigenous rural people to help predict
disasters and mitigate the effects of climate change could be deployed to design large-scale
global adaptation efforts, the authors of a study of rural communities in Ghanas Offin River Basin have said. The basin
a semi-humid tropical region populated mainly by subsistence farmers has been hit hard
by crop failures since 2000 due to warming air temperatures, increasing sunshine intensity
and a change in seasonal rainfall patterns, according to the study titled, Using traditional
knowledge to cope with climate change in Ghana. Theres much we can learn from
indigenous, traditional and community-based approaches to natural disaster
preparedness, said scientist Benjamin Apraku Gyampoh, lead author of the paper. Indigenous people have been
confronted with changing environments for millennia and have developed a wide array of
coping strategies their traditional knowledge and practices provide an important basis
for facing the even greater challenges of climate change. GENERATIONAL KNOW-HOW For example, in
December 2004, a magnitude 9.15 earthquake off the coast of Indonesias Aceh province triggered a tsunami in the Indian Ocean that killed about
226,000 people in Indonesia, Sri Lanka, India, Thailand and nine other countries. Just before the tsunami struck, the Moken and Urok Lawai
people of Thailand, the Ong of Indias Andaman Islands and the Simeulue community of Indonesia took the precaution of moving inland after
they saw the waves retreat from the ocean shoreline. Entire villages were destroyed, but inhabitants escaped safely almost 80,000 Simeulue fled
and fewer than seven died, the U.N. reported. The islanders were not alerted by warnings from loudspeakers, mobile phones or radio
transmission, but recognized the danger signs, due to stories about their devastating impact passed down through generations after a tsunami in
1907. They referred to it as the telling of smong a local term used to describe earthquake tremors,
withdrawal of the sea beyond its usual low tide mark and returning waters that rush
inland. There is much to learn from indigenous, traditional and community-based
approaches to natural disaster preparedness, Gyampoh said. Indigenous people have
developed adaptation methods and coping strategies to manage their environments over
the millennia, and these can be redeployed for facing the great challenge of climate
change. Between 1961 and 2006, there was a reduction of mean annual rainfall of just over 22 percent and a gradual rise in average
maximum temperatures of 1.3 degrees Celsius an increase of 4.3 percent in Ghanas Offin River Basin, research shows. Indigenous
people may not understand the concept of global warming or climate change, but they see and feel the effects of seasonal
changes in rainfall patterns, Gyampoh said, adding that their observations are supported
by scientific findings.

Local adaptation solves best
Stakeholder participation means local and regional best methods
Amaru and Chhetri 2013 (Stephanie and , Netra B, Climate adaptation: Institutional response to
environmental constraints, and the need for increased exibility, participation, and integration of
approaches Applied Geography 39 (2013) 128-139 science direct)
Adaptation to climate change also occurs on a variety of scales, with action taken at the local or
regional level in an attempt to make adjustments to changes (Klein, Schipper, & Dessai, 2005), and can
be undertaken by a range of stakeholders including farmers, public institutions, communities, civil
society (NGOs), and private sectors. Some important elements of successful adaptation measures
include leadership, resources, information exchange and communication among stakeholders, and
compatible views and beliefs. Moreover, monitoring and evaluation mechanisms must be implemented
to manage and measure the outcomes of adaptation and changes to the environment (Moser &
Ekstrom, 2010). A sus- tained effort to adapt therefore demands an active engagement of various
stakeholders so that location-specic technology is inno- vated to adapt to climate change.
Macro adoption fails need local innovations
Macro level adaptation policy may be disconnected from the needs of marginalized communities
where location specic adaptation needs exist independently from national and international pol-
icies. Local cases of climate adaptation illustrate how intricately power and authority over the global
climate change debate has become more decentralized, as other actors such as nongovernmental
organizations, rms, experts, international institutions, and individuals take its ownership (Rodima-
Taylor, Olwig, & Chhetri, 2012). In light of this broader distribution of power over many types of ac-
tors, it is important to investigate the role of institutions in local cases of climate adaptation. An
increasing number of studies demonstrate the importance of informal networks of customary
institutions of mutual help in climate adaptation. For example, the mutual help among Kuria people of
Tanzania involved both customary institutions as well as important innovations (Rodima-Taylor, 2012).
Most importantly the adoption of a participatory approach provided the participants an innovative
way to manage their livelihoods. While drawing attention to the potential limits of social innovation,
Eriksen and Selboe (2012) highlight the close coupling between institutions (formal and informal) and
climate adaptation. By examining how villagers in a Norwegian mountain farming community manage
the increasing formalization of rural agricultural production through negotiating the traditional
networks of collaboration to access equipment and labor, the authors demonstrate the continued
dependence of the farmers on informal social relations that help to manage and shape that
formalization. A clearly growing number of papers emphasize the need for a policy framework that
better ac- commodates existing informal structures and local collective action.
Local responses faster and better macro policies create gaps in understanding
In addition to an increase in the mobility of people and ow of information in recent decades, there has
been an increase in new ideas and resources that can facilitate adaptation. Local adaptations are thus
increasingly coupled with global policy, illustrating the interconnectedness between institutions and
actors across scale. Indeed, according to Rodima-Taylor et al. (2012) local response to climate is
increasingly embedded in the global response and vice versa. While the institutions operating at the
macro level may be able to create an enabling environment for adaptation at the national level, their
levels of engagement tend to leave large gaps in adaptive responses at the local level, ignoring
important actors in understanding the relationship between climate trends and adaptation outcomes
at the local level. According to Crane, Roncolo, and Hoogenboom (2011), individuals (e.g. farmers),
local organizations (e.g. farmers groups), and other actors (NGOs) at the local level act as pro-active
agents who respond to challenges posed by climate in shorter time scales (e.g. season) and in the long
term (e.g. decade). The signicance of institutions in facilitating local adaptation is not in question
here, but the absence of understanding local dynamics can be a major shortcoming in our ability to
design robust adaption plans in response to climate change. This disconnect between actors operating
at different scales can be problematic in designing robust adaptation strategies at the local level
(Fresque-Baxter & Armitage, 2012).

International adaptation CP sovles
Joint programming initiative fosters integration and collaboration on adaptation
climate
Swart et al 2014 (Rob Climate Change and Adaptive Land and Water Management Team Science of
adaptation to climate change and science for adaptation FrontiersinEnvironmentalScience
July2014|Volume2|Article29 accessed science direct tm 7/26
A major new research initiative in Europe in support of climate change adaptation policy development
is the Joint Programming Initiative (JPI) Climate a collaboration between 14 European countries to
coordinate jointly their climate research and fund new transnational research initiatives. JPI
Climate intends to connect scientific disciplines, enable cross-border research, and increase science-
practice interactions (JPI Climate, 2010). One of the four elements of JPI Climate specifically aims at
facilitating transdisciplinary exchange on the objectives, the framework conditions and the
realization of sustainable societal transformations toward carbon neutral, adaptive and climate
proof European societies through interaction and joint initiatives with stakeholders as knowledge
partners. Another JPI element focuses on improving models and scenariobased tools for decision
making under climate change, tools which will be further developed, compared, and applied in
close interaction and dialogue between researchers and stakeholders at different levels.
Macro policies work information
National and global institutions provide information for innovation
Although cross-scale linkages are commonly asserted to be important in responding to climate change
(Adger, Arnell, & Tompkins, 2005), research on the interrelationships between local and global
processes shaping adaptation is still young. According to Adger et al. (2005:80) the dynamic nature of
linkages between levels of governance is not well-understood, and the politics of the construction of
scale are often ignored. Research on adaptation to climate change is just the beginning of efforts to
recognize the cross-scale dynamic at play. Recent work on the importance of the social aspects of
climate change (e.g. Agrawal, 2010; Nielson & Reenberg, 2010; Ribot, 2010) has thus particularly
highlighted the interaction between institutions and actors across multiple levels. Institutions may
both limit and facilitate local climate adaptation. The roles and responses of institutions in climate
adaptation are becoming more intertwined with global policy. As the world becomes increasingly
globalized, discourse and ideas travel more readily across scales. National and global institutions may
impose policies and programs that inhibit local adaptation, but they may also promote innovation
through social and economic resource provision. This may be accomplished with resources including
management strategies for livelihoods, knowledge about climate, technical skills, and new
organizational frameworks (Rodima-Taylor et al., 2012). Additionally, as climate projections change
institutions at all scales have been pushed to reevaluate their roles and purposes (Agrawal, 2010). This
paper examines the signicance of institutional involvement by analyzing a sample of 45 cases of local
climate adaptation during an era of globalization and increased interaction of stakeholders across
multiple scales. The following section describes our methodological approach for selecting a sample of
cases, con- ceptualizing institutional intervention, drawing distinctions between different types of
adaptation methods, and selecting specic examples for further discussion and analysis.

Agriculture adaptation solves mitigation and adaptation
Agriculture adaptation results in decrease GHG solves your mitigation claims
Lobell, 2013 (David B Climate adaptation as mitigation: the case of agricultural investments Environ.
Res. Lett. 8 (2013) 015012 science direct accessed tm 7/26)
In this paper, we focus on an activity that has not yet received attention in the literature on harmonizing
climate adaptation and mitigation: investing in agricultural research and development (R&D) for
adaptation to climate change. In most discussions, investments in agricultural adaptations are viewed
exclusively within the realm of adaptation, and they are accordingly funded out of the adaptation
portions of climate funds (which are typically much smaller than mitigation portions). However, the
goal of adaptation activities, such as adoption of drought tolerant seeds or improved irrigation, is
often to maintain productivity in agriculture, which in turn is an important determinant of overall land
use decisions. Given that land use change remains an important source of GHG emissions,
investments in agriculture have potential impacts on mitigation efforts. A recent study [7], for
example, estimated that global investments in agriculture over the past 50 years helped to avoid
emissions at an effective rate of $4$9 per tonne CO2ea figure which is competitive with many
current mitigation activities.
Ag adaptation solves mitigation as well or better than current mitigation efforts
Three outcomes of this study appear worthy of emphasis. First, the mitigation co-benefits of investing
in agricultural adaptation appear substantial. The total mitigation potential (0.35 Gt CO2e per year)
and cost ($15 per tonne CO2e) of broad-based investments in adaptation are themselves attractive
enough to rival many other mitigation activities, notwithstanding the more direct economic benefits
for consumers that come from higher productivity and lower prices for food. Indeed, these co-benefits
would themselves be sufficient to justify widespread agricultural adaptation investments given current
carbon prices in, for instance, Europe and Australia.
Mangrove restoration Adaptation CP solvency
Use of indigenous practices and restoration of mangroves solve adaptation
accessed tm 7/26)
The report hails the early warning systems that are helping communities across the world to adapt to
the changing climate, especially forecast related to warm weather spells. Also, community-based
initiatives in developing countries and robust leadership in the European countries have been hailed by
the report as future strategies for adaptation to climate change. Community-based adaptation is
happening and being planned in many developing regions, especially in locations that are poor, the
report states. For instance, in the Solomon Islands of Australasia, relevant traditional practices include
elevating concrete floors to keep them dry during heavy precipitation events and building low
aerodynamic houses with palm leaves as roofing to avoid hazards from flying debris during cyclones,
supported by perceptions that traditional construction methods are more resilient to extreme
weather. Further, use of mangroves to reduce flood risks and protect coastal areas from storm surges
is a measure promoted in Asia, Africa, the Pacific and South America.
Science of adaptation CP solvency
Need focus on science of adaptation to better understand how to adapt to climate
change
In the context of this paper, we define the science of adaptation as a combination of disciplinary
research theories and methods, grounded in the classical science traditions, to theorize and test the
fundamental assumptions, processes, and principles of adaptation to a changing climate so as to provide
an evidence base for the science for adaptation. Such endeavor therefore goes beyond merely including
(multi)disciplinary sciences in supporting decision making on adaptation. We propose three potential
roles for such science of adaptation: (1) break through heuristics and clarify key concepts; (2) move
toward testing and explanatory ambitions; (3) allow for multiplicity of ontological perspectives and
methodological variety. A science of adaptation would aim to understand the more fundamental
scientific questions. Despite 15 years of research we are still unable to conceptually disentangle
adaptation to climate change from adaptation to environmental change (Dupuis and Biesbroek,
2013). We hardly know what successful adaptation means (Doria et al., 2009), or the conditions
necessary or sufficient for evaluating successful adaptation. In addition, although definitions of
maladap- tation have been provided by different authors (e.g., Swart et al., 2014), it has not been
systematically analyzed what it implies in theory and practice, and how it might be avoided in
different contexts (Barnett and ONeill, 2010). Other fundamental questions seem to be ignored
altogether: is adaptation so different from other types of directional change (Chapin et al., 2006)? If so,
can we articulate pre- cisely what makes adaptation to climate change so different? If the answer is no,
then why are we so vigorously trying to make it into a separate field of research? What does this mean
for involving the disciplinary social sciences more actively? Addressing or highlighting these conceptual
challenges requires involving the disciplinary sciences more constructively.
Adaptation solves health impacts
Health adaption key only 13 states now
Barbi (ICCG) 2013 (Valeria Climate Change and Health: Impacts, Costs and Adapt ation strategies
ICCG Reflection No. 18/November 2013 1 Climate Change and Health: Impacts, Costs and Adapt ation
Strategies.
http://www.iccgov.org/FilePagineStatiche/Files/Publications/Reflections/18_Reflection_November2_20
13.pdf accessed tm 7/26
Health costs have rarely been included in valuation s of climate change damage, an omission that has
resulted in substantial underestimations of cli mate change costs. For example, the 2010 SwissRe
report on climate change impacts found that global insured economic losses from climate-related
disasters, not including health costs, had soared f rom $5 billion to $27 billion US dollars annually f
rom 1970 to 2010 16 . However, according to a report published by The E arths Best Defense, focusing
on six major extreme US events heat wave in Califor nia (2006), wildfires in Southern California
(2003 ), Red River flooding in north Dakota (2009), smog pol lution nationwide (2002), West Nile virus
in Louisiana (2002), and hurricanes in California (200 4) - health costs exceeded $14 billion,
demonstrating how much higher the true costs of cli mate change are and will be in the future if there
is no immediate implementation of concrete adaptation actions 17 . Despite the undeniable reliability
of the above mentioned study, it is als o true that the total health-related costs of the s ix major
extreme US events could actually be as high a s $40 billion if all the possible sources of variability in
the estimated health effects, and th e methods used to place cost values on health effects, are
included 18 . Currently only 13 US States include public health measures in their climate- change
adaptation plans. A meagre amount if we con sider that a report from the international reinsurance
company MunichRe, which has studied ext reme events since 1980 through 2011, concluded that the
costs of damages caused by extre me events in the US is drastically on the rise.

Adaptation policies address health impacts key to limit deaths
Barbi (ICCG) 2013 (Valeria Climate Change and Health: Impacts, Costs and Adapt ation strategies
ICCG Reflection No. 18/November 2013 1 Climate Change and Health: Impacts, Costs and Adapt ation
Strategies.
http://www.iccgov.org/FilePagineStatiche/Files/Publications/Reflections/18_Reflection_November2_20
13.pdf accessed tm 7/26
These health effects will be unevenly experienced b etween and within different countries. Whether
and how they will be experienced will depend on the adaptive capacity and actions of health systems
and the level of access different populatio ns have to these services. Some of the measures might be
efficient enough under current climates bu t might need to be strengthened or revised under much
stronger or accelerated climate change. To this end, intensified research on climate- related health
effects and adaptation, focusing par ticularly on the identification and evaluation of potential threats
and options for effective protect ive interventions, will be critically important.

CP avoids Politics
CP popular adaptation key element of climate policy more needs to be done
Ever since the perceived taboo on adaptation to climate change has been lifted (Pielke et al., 2007),
adaptation has become politically accepted and institutionalized at different levels of governance: for
example, through the establishment of financial instruments at the global level of the United National
Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), the European Unions Climate Change
Adaptation Strategy, the increasing number of National Climate Change Adaptation Strategies and
plans, and the numerous local and regional initiatives to plan for future climate change risks
(Biesbroek et al., 2010; Dreyfus and Patt, 2012). Many examples of adaptation have been reported and
now serve as an inspiration for future adaptation efforts across the globe. Still, the World Economic
Forum considers the failure to adapt to climate change to be one of the major threats that society faces
in the coming decades (WEF, 2013, 2014), requiring even more adaptation action.
AT what are examples of adaptation strategies
Regional variation in adaptation solves best
accessed tm 7/26)
Adaptation strategies across the world

In Africa, most national governments are initiating governance systems for adaptation.
In Europe, adaptation policy developed across all levels of government, with some adaptation planning
integrated into coastal and water management, environmental protection and land planning, and disaster
risk management.
In Asia, adaptation is being facilitated in some areas through mainstreaming climate adaptation action
into sub-national development planning, crop insurance, early warning systems, integrated water
resources management, agro-forestry and coastal reforestation of mangroves
In Australasia, planning for sea-level rise, and in southern Australia for reduced water availability, is
being adopted widely
In North America, governments engaging in incremental adaptation assessment and planning,
particularly at the municipal level.
Central and South Americas are following ecosystem-based adaptation and community management of
natural areas.
In the Arctic, some communities have begun to deploy adaptive co-management strategies and
communications infrastructure.
In small islands community-based adaptation has been shown to generate larger benefits when delivered
in conjunction with other development activities.
In the ocean, international cooperation and marine spatial planning are starting to facilitate adaptation to
climate change, with constraints from challenges of spatial scale and governance issues.

AT they say mitigation first
Ongoing efforts to mitigate co2 ineffective adaptation necessary for regional
adaptation
Until recently, adaptation e a process by which societies address the consequences of climate change e
was a taboo subject in the discussion of global climate policy, where it was viewed as under- mining
efforts to reduce greenhouse gas emissions (see Pielke, Prins, Rayner, & Sarewitz, 2007). However, the
realization that, even in the best-case scenario, emissions reductions can have little effect on social
vulnerability to climate impacts over the next sev- eral decades has prompted a resurgence of interest
in adaptation. This has yielded an increase in methodological frameworks and theoretical approaches
to understand and assess vulnerability of society to climate, along with a focus to design appropriate
adaptation strategies (Berkhout, 2012; Fresque-Baxter & Armitage, 2012; Fussel & Klein, 2006).
Adaptation to the threats posed by climate change is not just a function of the threats themselves, but
is shaped by the cultural, institutional, and socioeconomic contexts in which these risks occur (Hinkel,
2011).
At they say perm do both
Links to spending DA competition for resources undermines ability to do both
mitigation and adaptation
Climate change mitigation is defined as an anthropogenic intervention to reduce the sources or
enhance the sinks of greenhouse gases *2+. Climate adaptation, on the other hand, is often defined as
adjustment in natural or human systems in response to actual or expected climatic stimuli or their
effects, which moderates harm or exploits beneficial opportunities *2+. Mitigation and adaptation are
most often viewed as two separate but complementary approaches to avoid damages from climate
change. Any investment portfolio to reduce impacts should have some component of each, and many
integrated assessment studies have evaluated the optimal global mix of mitigation and adaptation
efforts [3, 4]. The two are mainly viewed as substitutes for each other, with more investment in
mitigation reducing the need for adaptation, and vice versa. As substitutes, mitigation and adaptation
are also often in direct competition for a finite pool of resources devoted to climate change (e.g., the
Green Climate Fund).

Affirmative Answers
Permutation solvency
Multiple integrated efforts key plan part of institutional and relational innovation
Following Rodima-Taylor et al. (2012) we argue for the importance of identifying different forms of
climate adaptation by considering adaptation as institutional and relational innovation. We argue that
institutions operating at multiple scales prepare and mediate responses to climate change while
rapidly evolving and adapting to new contexts and demands. We further argue that innovations
themselves are human responses to changing contexts and are embedded in social processes. So the
consequences of climate event are not the function of its physical characteristics, as Rayner and
Malone (2001) contend, they are the function of the way in which society has con- gured its relations
with its resource endowments. So adaptation to climate change will often be mediated through
existing social and institutional factors and may be executed by multiple actors, with a range of
resources, and have the potential to transcend the bu- reaucracy and slowness of national and
international political debate (Rodima-Taylor, 2012). An understanding of adaptation should therefore
draw attention to the broader set of stakeholders, including farmers and their supporting
organizations.

Top down and bottom up approaches to adaptation solve best institutional
efficiency
A reason to integrate top down and bottom up stakeholders is to enable the benet of shared
resources, information, and aspirations. While some successful climate adaptation measures may not
require scientic or technical knowledge, integrating topdown and bottom up actors may help
communicate and deliver the benets of science and technology to communities with adaptation
measures rooted in bottomup action. For example, the presence of companies that sell seeds from
drought-resistant seed breeding companies at seed fairs could enrich the selection of seeds sold at seed
fairs by collaborating with local farmers. An initiative requiring or incentivizing laboratory scientists to
observe and communicate with rural farmers to supple- ment their research on adaptable crop
genotypes could promote the development of seeds that are more appropriate for the specic envi-
ronments and agricultural techniques of rural communities. A balance of avariety of actors with
different roles and strengths may compensate for the shortcomings of a program that is exclusively
topedown (e.g. DRI research in Case I) and science-based or exclusively bottomeup. Additionally,
polycentric institutional arrangements uniting actors at different scales can help bolster adaptive
governance, as local and national institutions gain strength from the support of institutions
operating at the regional and global scale (Folke et al., 2005).

Macro adaptation fails
Macro adoption fails need local innovations
Macro level adaptation policy may be disconnected from the needs of marginalized communities
where location specic adaptation needs exist independently from national and international pol-
icies. Local cases of climate adaptation illustrate how intricately power and authority over the global
climate change debate has become more decentralized, as other actors such as nongovernmental
organizations, rms, experts, international institutions, and individuals take its ownership (Rodima-
Taylor, Olwig, & Chhetri, 2012). In light of this broader distribution of power over many types of ac-
tors, it is important to investigate the role of institutions in local cases of climate adaptation. An
increasing number of studies demonstrate the importance of informal networks of customary
institutions of mutual help in climate adaptation. For example, the mutual help among Kuria people of
Tanzania involved both customary institutions as well as important innovations (Rodima-Taylor, 2012).
Most importantly the adoption of a participatory approach provided the participants an innovative
way to manage their livelihoods. While drawing attention to the potential limits of social innovation,
Eriksen and Selboe (2012) highlight the close coupling between institutions (formal and informal) and
climate adaptation. By examining how villagers in a Norwegian mountain farming community manage
the increasing formalization of rural agricultural production through negotiating the traditional
networks of collaboration to access equipment and labor, the authors demonstrate the continued
dependence of the farmers on informal social relations that help to manage and shape that
formalization. A clearly growing number of papers emphasize the need for a policy framework that
better ac- commodates existing informal structures and local collective action.
Local responses faster and better macro policies create gaps in understanding
In addition to an increase in the mobility of people and ow of information in recent decades, there has
been an increase in new ideas and resources that can facilitate adaptation. Local adaptations are thus
increasingly coupled with global policy, illustrating the interconnectedness between institutions and
actors across scale. Indeed, according to Rodima-Taylor et al. (2012) local response to climate is
increasingly embedded in the global response and vice versa. While the institutions operating at the
macro level may be able to create an enabling environment for adaptation at the national level, their
levels of engagement tend to leave large gaps in adaptive responses at the local level, ignoring
important actors in understanding the relationship between climate trends and adaptation outcomes
at the local level. According to Crane, Roncolo, and Hoogenboom (2011), individuals (e.g. farmers),
local organizations (e.g. farmers groups), and other actors (NGOs) at the local level act as pro-active
agents who respond to challenges posed by climate in shorter time scales (e.g. season) and in the long
term (e.g. decade). The signicance of institutions in facilitating local adaptation is not in question
here, but the absence of understanding local dynamics can be a major shortcoming in our ability to
design robust adaption plans in response to climate change. This disconnect between actors operating
at different scales can be problematic in designing robust adaptation strategies at the local level
(Fresque-Baxter & Armitage, 2012).
Data key to effective adaptation decisions
Lack of info undercuts specificity of adaptation policies
accessed tm 7/26)
The report further notes that there is a disparity of copious amount of evidence that try
to measure climate change impacts. While good quality data is emerging from Europe,
North America, Australasia, polar areas and oceans, the coverage is sparse in large parts of
Asia, Africa and Central and South Americas. The disparity in data generation creates
these variations. For developing regions, it is still the empirical knowledge collected
through case studies that builds the conceptual framework for the policies related to
adaptation. Thus, regional approaches to adaptation vary in their degree of generality, the
report states. For instance, Australia and Europe have invested heavily in research on adaptation since the previous IPCC report, and the result is
a rich body of literature published by local scientists. In Africa, however, most planned adaptation work is considered to be pilot and seen as part
of learning about adaptation.
Adaptation trades off with mitigation
Adaptation policies like levees decrease incentive to reduce emissions
Spross 2014 (Jeff Sea Level Rise Could Reduce The World Economy By 10 Percent This Century Think
Progress February 5, 2014 http://thinkprogress.org/climate/2014/02/05/3254771/sea-level-reduce-gdp-
10-percent/ accessed 8/1/14 tm)
On top of all this, simply relying on dike and levee protection rather than a full-on global press to cut
carbon emissions could make matters worse. If you build dikes, people feel safe and move into the
exposed area and that increases the amount of infrastructure, Bob Kopp, a Rutgers University climate
scientist not affiliated with the study, warned reporters. If your dikes slip up, you increase your losses
even more.

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