Website Heritage Values and Issues Report PART 2

Angkor: Living with HeritageHeritage Values and Issues ReportAugust 2008
39
4.0 The Scientific Value of Angkor
Prof Roland Fletcher
Overview
Angkor is of critical scientific significance for the
understanding of pre-industrial urbanism because it is the
most extensive pre-industrial low-density urban complex.
This critical significance extends into the understanding of
large-scale urban infrastructure, the economics and ecology
of land use and the relationship between anthropogenically
altered landscapes and global climate change. It is also
obvious that these issues are of some significance for
comparative analyses of the situation that confronts
present-day industrial urbanism.
More generally Angkor is relevant to debates about the
formation of complex societies, the archaeology of empires
and the demise of civilisations. Angkor is also significant as
a case study of the application of scientific research
methodologies.
It is important to note that the majority of the critical
scientific value of Angkor is located in the landscape
beyond the designated Zones 1 and 2 of the World Heritage
Site.
Scientific Significance
The scientific significance of Angkor falls into four main
categories and their global significance:
Methodology
Ancestry of Urban Society
Operation of Urban Society
Demise of Urban Society
The history of archaeology at Angkor is somewhat unusual
because it combined early use of technological innovations
by the EFEO, like aerial photography in the 1920s and 30s,
with an intense focus on epigraphy, the study of art and
architecture and also the restoration of monuments.
Because of the focus on history, art and architecture the
archaeology of Angkor was largely restricted to reports on
the excavation and/or restoration of monuments until the
1950s. Bernard-Phillipe Groslier, in the 1950s and 60s,

40
who was the Director of the EFEO in Siem Reap and then
Director of the Angkor Conservancy was the real initiator of
a program of scientific and archaeological research on the
other aspects of Angkor, especially its domestic life, its
economy and its ecological impact. His program, which
included extensive surveying, the study of the water
management system and excavations on non-monumental
features such as the Sras Srang cremation cemetery was,
however, brought to a halt by the deteriorating security
situation in Cambodia. By the early 1970s most research
had ceased at Angkor and from 1975 to the early 1990s
political conditions were inimical to local scholarship and
Cambodia was largely cut off from the international world.
Only in the late 1980s and the early 1990s did the major
international teams begin to return along with Cambodian
scholars to re-establish the administrative and logistical
infrastructure to support research.
Methodology
The vast extent of Angkor requires remote sensing
methodologies including aerial and ground radar and
GIS/GPS to be used as a matter of course. Concurrently,
because the urban complex was so large and was part of a
larger anthropogenic landscape of rice fields and economic
trees there is a substantial environmental component to the
analysis of Angkor. This requires research down to the
level of microscopic entities such as pollen and the analysis
of hydrology, land-use patterns and ecology. As a
consequence, research at Angkor needs to be located in a
multi-disciplinary milieu in which the complementary
differences between different classes of evidence are
recognised. For example, Angkor will be critical for the
debate about the difference between historical textual
sources and archaeological sourcesthe key point being
that these two sources may lead to different conclusions
with the archaeological data being about what actually
happened and the texts providing information on what
people said and intended and wished to be the case.
Visualisation will play an increasing analytic role in the study
of Angkor. Because of its spectacular visual qualities
Angkor may well play a key role in the development and
promotion of new analytic visualisation approaches.
Ancestry of Urban Society
A fundamental problem in Cambodian archaeology is the
date of the early use of domesticated rice and the ancestry

41
of the bunded field farming technology. As yet no trace of
the initial development has been found. It would
presumably have commenced at some time in the 4
th
3
rd

millennia BCE. We should also expect early rice farming to
have occurred around the edge of the Tonle Sap where
annual inundation was favourable to the production of rice
and may have been a natural environment for wild varieties
of rice. This is a priority area of research and depends
upon the preservation of lake edge sites as part of the
heritage site of Angkor.
Rice and the growth of agrarian villages is the platform for
the development of urbanism. The growth of Angkor
focuses attention on issues of the formation of urban
societies and the role of indigenous and exogenous
influences. It is clear that there was an Indianising influence
into SE Asia concurrent with the initial formation of urban
settlements in the south, along the west coast of Vietnam.
But it is by no means clear that the influences involved more
than SE Asian traders and travellers bringing back
information from India. The central issue now is the role of
regional trade in SE Asia and the nature of the societies that
began to develop large urban centres. The key issue in the
Angkor area is that the ancestry of the Angkorian settlement
pattern seems to lie further south and east in Pre-Angkorian
period. In the Angkor area occupation is known from the 1
st

millennium BCE at Prei Khmeng and Koh Tah Meas. We
also know of the radial sites (Moores circular sites), such as
Lovea that clearly predate the more orthogonal Angkorian
landscape pattern. Understanding how the local settlement
pattern of the 4
th
to 1
st
millennia BCE was transformed is
critical to the analysis of the way the Angkor urban complex
came into being from many separate settlement nodes.
This work requires detailed attention to the western portion
of the 3000 sq km catchment of the Angkor basin and to
locating the sites of radial settlements within the urban area
whose surface expression has been obliterated by later
construction and landscaping.
Operation of Urban Society
At a broad intellectual level the relationship between textual
and archaeological sources as complimentary but different
has yet to be fully explored at Angkor. There is still a
tendency to regard the historical texts as the primary and
best, though regrettably fragmentary, source, to which the
archaeological evidence is to be attached or related. The
insight from Historical Archaeology over the past twenty

42
years that the archaeological record offers information that
the historical record cannot provide, can diverge from the
historical record and allows questions to be asked that are
not envisaged in a textual-based enquiry, has not yet
become a standard approach at Angkor.
The range of scientific research that needs to be carried out
at Angkor to understand its operation as an urban complex
is immense. Concurrently, an understanding of Angkor is
fundamental to the study of urbanism and even to provide a
perspective on modern low-density urbanism. The essential
issue with Angkor is the elementary question of how
extensive it was and how we are to develop indices for
defining its extentan issue that vexes the study of modern
low-density cities.
While the key topics of the operation of Angkor can be
summarised, to detail them would be to try to define a
myriad of different research projects! The first key class of
information that is required concerns the economic basis of
the city from how it produced its staple crops, through the
operation of the water management system to the impact on
the local environment. Then the domestic economy of
markets, the production of tools and ceramics and the role
of external trade need to be examined. These necessarily
require study of the key infrastructure, the canals and roads
of Angkor. Much of their history, their operation and their
effects are unknown.
The second key set of information concerns the domestic
settlement pattern of Angkorwhere people lived, how to
identify domestic housing and what rubbish disposal
patterns are associated with them. This requires intensive
research along the banks of canals, on the occupation
mounds, within the walled enclosure of Angkor Thom and in
the temple enclosures.
These two sets of information need then to be combined
with the palaeo-environmental data for the Angkor region to
develop analyses of the population of Angkor and to
understand the relationship between the histories of the
economy, the water management system, the occupation
sites and the environment.
The analysis of how Angkor functioned is interesting in its
own right and allows the development of a new
understanding of the Angkorian world. It is also critical for
the third major issue in the study of Angkor, the analysis of
its demise as a massive urban complex.
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43
Demise of Urban Society
In many ways the paradoxical, yet fundamental significance
of Angkor lies in its demise. This is paradoxical because
the magnitude of Angkor is the obvious and affirmative
focus of attention. But the demise of civilisations and the
breakdown of states has long been a fascination of cultural
and dynastic histories. Angkor is critical precisely because
it is so large. The site is fundamental to the debates about
the magnitude, form and extent of pre-industrial urbanism
and hence for the significance of magnitude and extent in
the demise of cities.
As with all the other general investigations into the nature
and history of Angkor the analysis of the demise of Angkor
requires a multi-scalar approach and the avoidance of the
assumption that all causal factors operate at the same rate
or scale. An assessment of the demise of Angkor has to
consider factors ranging from the effects of changes in
religion, through the political relationships with adjacent
states, the role of changes in international trade, the impact
of economic activity, in particular the development of
extensive anthropogenic landscapes, and also the role of
climate change on a planetary scale.
A key focus at present needs to be on climate change in the
period 1300 to 1700 CE as much new information is
becoming available in adjacent regions. Proxy data for
climate change in that period is urgently needed in the
vicinity of Angkor and the Tonle Sap.
Angkor in its Global Context
Angkor is critical to several great debates about cultural
processes. As such the site is of profound scientific
importance world-wide. The critical issues to which it
relates currently are:
Formation and expansion of the state.
South and SE Asian empiresas cases of empires
worldwide.
South and SE Asian medieval low-density urbanism
as cases of low-density cities worldwide.
The role of massive infrastructure in limiting the growth
and persistence of cities.

44
The size of Angkor as an indicator of the limits of the
size of pre-industrial urban settlements world-wide.
Global significance of its potential environmental
impact and the relationship to the demise of
civilisations.
The significance of regional urban decline as a
consequence of low density urban collapse.
Conclusions
There are numerous research projects and theses yet to be
undertaken on Angkor, steadily increasing in number as
more discoveries are made and new interconnections and
differences between them are recognised. With the Bam
Penh Reach site, for example, there was no obvious
research to carry out at the site until the laterite blocks in
the Khmer Rouge channel were pointed out to Sary Van of
the EFEO. Following excavations and the discovery of a
large masonry-built spillway numerous new questions have
arisen. The spillway was damaged and then buried. The
issues that now need to be pursued are obvioushow and
when was it destroyed/dismantled, why was it buried, what
else was done to the landscape, what replaced it, what
effects did its demise and burial have, how did it relate to
the dynastic history of Angkor?
The second crucial point is also illustrated by Ban Penh
Reach. First it was completely buried, in places 2.5 m
below the modern ground surface, suggesting that more
such buried features are likely to be discovered as survey
work and excavation increases in Angkor. In addition the
site lies far outside Zones 1 and 2 and strongly indicates
both that crucial sites are yet to be found and will be well
beyond the control that is exerted in Zones 1 and 2. A high
percentage of the scientific significance of Angkor lies
outside the Angkor World Heritage Park and indeed the
majority of it may do so because the majority of Angkor lies
outside the designated Zones 1 and 2. Critically, the
Angkor urban complex is one of the largest, integral and still
well preserved archaeological-geoscientific landscapes of
the pre-industrial world. The region around the centre of
Angkor should be treated as a single, integral cultural
heritage landscape of profound significance for the world
and for understanding the history and the culture of the
people of Cambodia.

45

46
Illustrations that appear in this chapter were provided by Dr Martin Polkinghorne and Cecilie
Knowles.

47
5.0 Social Values and Community Context
Im Sokrithy
Introduction
The APSARA Authority has for some years understood the
importance of working with communities and that heritage is
much more than the temples and other tangible features of
the Angkor region. This is an important approach and one
that is being recognised throughout the world. Heritage can
thus include language, myth, ritual, customs, dance, arts
and crafts, oral traditions, food festivals and day to day
practices. It also includes beliefs and values, and the way
people live and how all of these are passed on to the next
generation and to other community members.
At the national level, the Cambodian government is working
to record aspects of this intangible heritage, in projects that
will allow for the safeguarding of this valuable legacy. In
2004, together with UNESCO, the government produced a
report Inventory of Intangible Cultural Heritage of
Cambodia, which has catalogued cultural forms such as
performing arts, ethnic minority languages, oral literature
and folklore, and artisan skills.
The work we are doing at Angkor builds on these initiatives
and provides an opportunity to work closely with the
villagers of the region, and to involve them in the
identification, recording, and safeguarding of this significant
part of the heritage of the Angkor World Heritage Area.
This reinforces that Angkor is a place of living heritage,
where communities provide an essential lived and enduring
component of the broader heritage values of the region.
The Project
In early 2000, following the success of the first intensive Ta
Nei training course
1
, the APSARA Authority created a new
Social Research Unit. The Unit was initially made up of
three young cultural anthropologists, with the number of
staff growing to five in the following two years. The
researchers primarily worked with villagers within the world
heritage site, engaging with an in-depth study of their way of
life, their traditions and customsall of which are significant
components of the intangible heritage of Angkor. The
importance of this research can not be overstated. The
project so far has involved collecting cultural information
from the villages within the Angkor Park. While we know it

48
is an ambitious project, there is an imperative to document
this living heritageparticularly as it is fragile and seriously
threatened today by many factors.
The research project was postponed for two years over
2004 and 2005, due to an internal restructure of APSARA.
In 2006, the newly created APSARA Department of
Demography and Development launched a new small
project entitled Traditional craft of Angkors villages. The
project aimed to study socio-economic parameters of
communities within the heritage area. The research is a
component of the community development section of the
APSARA Authoritys project.
In late 2005, the Living with Heritage Project was proposed
as a collaborative venture between APSARA, the University
of Sydney, UNESCO, EFEO and other partners involved in
the study of cultural values and issues involved with the
villages in the Angkor Park. The Steering Committee
constituted not only representatives of the projects
partnership, but also representatives of the lay and religious
communities, private sector and NGOs. A Technical
Committee was created in conjunction with the Steering
Committee to support, facilitate and undertake tasks
needed for this collaborative work. The Technical
Committee draws its membership from different APSARA
departments and carries out the research project under the
guidance of the Steering Committee.
Methodology/Research Approach
The current study is primarily based on a data-collection
form that was developed out of earlier studies conducted by
the former Social Research Unit. The Technical Committee
has developed this survey form and trained its members in
its use to collect cultural data from the local community.
Four local people from each village are selected for
interviewing: the village chief or his deputy, a senior citizen,
a monk or a spiritual leader of the village, and a government
staff member.
The survey form consists of four main points:
1. Geography and statistics: the location of the village,
its UTM, heritage protected zone number, data
collection date and a brief description.
2. Village boundary: generally this will be four markers,
which can be defined by man-made structurespoles,
canals, roads, fences, etc; natural featureswater

49
ways, hills, forests, water features, rice fields, etc; built
structuresBuddhist monasteries, schools, health
centres, temples, etc; and miscellaneous or other
features.
3. Values: This is the main focus of the study and is given
the greatest attention on the data form. The data is set
out under seven headings:
Village location and its structure: for example,
whether on an ancient man-made structure, a dike
of a water reservoir, a road or an ancient site.
Some villages preserve a traditional layout,
concentrated around a central point.
Village history: the village may be characterised
by its own local history; tales (both personal and
collective stories); beliefs; a village emblem or
symbol, such as represented by an ancient
structure or natural feature; or legends told about
ancient features within the village.
Architecture: Angkors villages have applied
different traditional approaches to temple
architecture and Buddhist monastery construction,
and to traditional household structures and
infrastructure.
Natural landscape: this considers the diversities of
environmental aspects, taking into account (for
example) the landscape differences between a
location within a historic precinct and one that is
within an agricultural region.
Cultural landscape: This gives focus to the
traditional landscape of the village and household
settlement, and the broader relationship with
tangible featuressuch as ancient temples,
Buddhist monasteries and infrastructureas well
as intangible aspects such as daily life, events and
ceremonies, and traditional methods of greeting.
Customs and beliefs: This is a significant
component of the data form and aims to collect
comprehensive information about the traditions
associated with each of the Angkor villages. We
are studying two main aspects: the first is
concerned with rites of passage, and with rituals
associated with a fixed annual calendar or with
special occasions (which can occur at any time).

50
Rites of passage are special events in an
individuals life and are an ancient tradition of the
region. Rituals that are associated with particular
set dates encompass a series of ceremonies that
occur throughout the traditional yearly calendar.
These are complemented by rituals that can be
performed at any time of the yearthey are
usually held to coincide with an auspicious time,
as identified by the officiant. The second aspect is
concerned with customs and performing arts,
which are also considered to have a ritual
component, and which contribute as part of
collective events such as shadow plays, dances
and theatre. These are all discussed in greater
detail below.
Socio-economic: this is concerned with aspects
such as traditional crafts and handicraft
production; agricultural production; basket, mat
and broom dressing; weaving; alcohol production
from rice or sugar palm, and foods.
4. Issues: Currently the threats to Angkor heritage are
immense, so this part of the study is crucial. The
survey has already identified a range of threatening
processes, including tourism impact, the problem of
ongoing illegal construction activities, and the impacts
on social, natural and cultural environments.
The survey form contains four pages on which the research
team records the data collected during each interview. In
addition, the interview is recorded using audio tapes and
photographs.
The Extent of the Survey
The Technical Committee currently has seventeen
members, including the chair and one deputy. The
research team has been divided into three groups of five
people, each including a coordinator. The field survey is
being undertaken in Zones 1 and 2 of the Angkor World
Heritage Site. This incorporates a study area of around 400
square kilometres, and includes 112 villages situated within
the Rolous area, Central Park and the Banteay Srei area.
The existing schedule encompasses a ten-month work
program, with each group timetabled for field work once a
week. Despite considerable effort and departmental

51
support during the last few months, only twenty villages
have been surveyed so far.
Findings of the Survey
As suggested above, this report relates to the current stage
of work and provides an update on the results of our
ongoing field survey activities. This has been assessed in
the context of data collected during previous fieldwork
(undertaken during 20002004), allowing for a preliminary
but valuable presentation and discussion of results.
The Angkor plain stretches from the great lake of Tonle Sap
on the south toward the Kulen Range on the north, which
covers an area of several thousand square kilometres.
Based on geographical and environmental factors in the
context of a long history of human occupancy, the region
can be distinguished by three major types of village
community. Each type occupies one of the main ecological
sub-zones of the region and is differentiated by socio-
cultural characteristics. The population of the Angkor region
is known to be conservative with respect to ancestral
traditions and retains a great number of traditional cultural
practices that have disappeared elsewhere, but continue to
be performed here as a part of daily life.
Community Types
Community Type One is found within the floodplain
stretching from the shore of Tonle Sap, up to the level of the
southern area of Siem Reap city; and the area lying along
the riverbank of the Pouk, Siem Reap and Rolous rivers.
The people in this area live in concentrated clusters and
have a mixed economy characterised by cultivation of rice,
fishing activities, supplying their own subsistence needs and
selling their surplus catch in order to purchase other
essential foodstuffs and tools. One of our target studies is
situated within the area, in that part called the Rolous zone.
The Type Two communities include the villages scattered
from the level of Siem Reap city to the north, and
particularly incorporate the main area of the Angkor Park.
As a whole, these villages are very old agglomerations.
Some of the villages are located on the prehistoric site,
some are settled on pre-Angkorian and/or Angkorian sites,
or at least in proximity to sites dating back several
centuries. These communities consist basically of
traditional subsistence rice farmers whose livelihood
principally depends on one crop a year of rain-fed or

52
irrigated rice paddy. The main study zone of the Living with
Heritage project primarily encompasses this community
type.
The Type Three community area covers the upper plains,
lying to the north of Angkor Thom up to the Kulen foothills.
The density of population is less than that of Type Two.
Site occupation is also very old, similar to that found in the
Type Two area. The main economic activity is generally
similar to the Type Two community in that their livelihood is
based on the cultivation of rain-fed or irrigated rice paddy.
In addition to the paddy, the population cultivates fields
prepared by slash and burn techniques where they grow
rice and other vegetables. Our study also encompasses
this third type of community with the research being
undertaken in the Banteay Srei area.
Village Boundary
The boundary of a village is delimited by the local
government, based on a decision-making process that
involves the village chiefs, commune heads and the district
governor. The boundary is generally defined using natural
and cultural landscape features. There are very few cases
of boundaries that are defined by some kind of
administrative marker, such as poles, a small road or
channel. Natural boundary markers include features such
as a rice field, farm, large trees, stream, mounds, water
ponds, forests and hills. Cultural boundary markers are
commonly ancient structural featuressuch as a road,
water reservoir, dike, temple, ancient site or stone bridge.
The following examples are taken from the first three
villages studied: Banteay Srei
2
, Kok Thnot
3
and Kok Srok
4
,
representing each of the three community types. Banteay
Srei is bounded on the eastern side by the local road, built
in the 1960s. The villages other sides are delimited by
streams and ancient water structures. The boundary of Kok
Thnot is defined by the northern dike of western Baray on
the south, by ancient dikes on the northern and western
sides, and by an ancient road on the eastern side. The Kok
Srok boundary is defined by an ancient road on the eastern
side, rice fields and a mound on the south, an ancient
temple on the north, and another temple on the west.
Village Structure
The Angkor village settlements are often associated with
ancient occupancies that date back to different periods of
Angkorian history. As a result, the structure of each Angkor

53
village has accrued its own character and value. Some
villages reflect the discernible ancient landscape along the
historic road, and continue to use the road as a central
feature and communication arterial. Kravan, Trach Chum
Kiri Meanon, and Trach villages are all situated along the
Royal Road from Angkor to Vat Phu, Laos. Some villages
exist harmoniously with nearby ancient temples or Buddhist
monasteries, for example Rohal, Sra Srang and Banteay
Srei villages. Several villages are significant for their
relationship with ancient water structures or irrigation
systems. These include Kok Thnot, Pradak, and O Toteong
village. Others are distinguished as a result of their
settlement within Angkorian industry nodes, such as the
ceramics production centre: for example Bakong and Tani
villages.
These villages have gradually developed in a cluster around
a central Buddhist monastery, most of them built on an
ancient temple or ancient structure. The villages are
surrounded by rice fields, vegetation or the protected forest
of the Park. Some villages are isolated from each other by
rice fields. The seasonal changes reflected in the
surrounding landscape also act to create a changing
environment.
Village History
The settlement histories and stories of the Angkor villages
are often reflected in their names. Kok Thnot village can
provide us with an excellent example. At an earlier time, a
group of the ethnic minority Kuy had migrated down from
Surin (today a province of Thailand) searching for fertile
land for agriculture. After arriving at Western Baray, they
settled their home on a Kok, or plain mound, where sugar
palm trees grew. They fished inside this reservoir and
cultivated rice in the surrounding area. In the early 1950s,
during the rehabilitation of the Baray, the villagers were
relocated to live on the northern dike of the reservoir, which
is where their village is today.
Several villages share a popular tale, which they consider to
be a common history that creates a linkage between their
communities. The legend relates to a princess named Keo
Prampil Poar (crystal of seven colours) who lived at Angkor
Thom.
5
The princess raised a crocodile that she had
hatched from an egg found in the forest surrounding Angkor
Thom. She raised the baby crocodile in a basin within the
Royal Palace and when it became bigger she brought it to
live in the Western Baray. She played with the crocodile

54
every day, watching it grow from a baby to become a giant
creature. The crocodile liked its mistress very much.
However, one day, an accident occurred to the princess
while she was visiting the crocodile it swallowed her up.
The King ordered his army to chase the crocodile to save
the princess. However, the crocodile escaped from the
Baray and swam down to the Tonle Sap. Finally, during the
chase, the princess very sadly died. The route of the chase
is marked with different stages of the story of the pursuit.
Today, the names of different villages in the region reflect
the pursuit of the crocodile as it moved on from one place to
another. This story is common to villages situated on the
south of the Western Baray down to the Tonle Sap.
Another historical theme relates to the first man who came
and cleared land for developing that community (eg Daun
Teav, Daun Nom, Ta Prak at Rolous area). Other villages
have histories relating to natural, cultural or historical events
of the region. Most stories of this type relate to nature and
are concerned with a specific plant grown in the area. The
plants that are found in these stories include:
Thnot, Sugar palm treeBorassus Flabellifer
ChambakIrvingia malayana
MomeanhCleome Gynandra
TrachDipterocarpus Intricatus
BengAfzelia Xylocarpa
Svay, Mango treeMangifera Indica
TreangCarypha Umbraculifera
SamrongSterculia parviflora
There are a number of examples of names relating to
cultural or historical events: Thnal Trang, straight road, is
the village settled along the ancient main road of Bakong
temple linked to the east region; Thnal Bak, a cut road, is a
village situated along the ancient road located to the east of
Angkor Wat. The ancient road was cut at the place where a
community was founded. Pradak village is situated inside
the dry Eastern Baray. Pradak is derived from the Sanskrit
word, tadaka, meaning water. Sra Srang, royal swimming
pool, is the name of the village situated along both sides of
the water structure called Sra Srang. Kravan, a kind of
flower, is the name of a village located near to a temple
where the Kravan flower is found.

55
Most of these histories can probably be dated to after the
fall of Angkor. They have been told from one generation to
the next and exist primarily as oral traditions, although a few
stories have been published.
Household Structures
Although there is rapid and illegal growth of new modern
buildings, traditional structures are still preserved within the
Park. All are wooden structures. The traditional house is
built on stilts, where people live upstairs and animals (such
as a cow) are stabled underneath with an ox-cart. This is
common for the central and upper plain, in contrast to the
flooding plain region where a boat is more usually kept
under the house. Generally, for the central and upper plain,
houses are surrounded by a natural fence of small trees
(sometimes fruit trees or medicinal trees) or different kinds
of flowering plants. The roof is covered by traditional
ceramic tiles, usually in a brown colour. Some households
have a small garden around the house; a water pond is
often found in front of the house. In some places, rice fields
are situated next to or in front of the house. For the areas in
the flooding plain, there are no gardens or vegetation found
around the house, with the exception of some small hanging
gardens installed behind or in front of some houses.
Fishing materials are stored near the houses.
Natural Landscape
The village landscape reflects the different seasonal
changes. The rainy season in particular can give much
beauty to villages surrounded by rice paddies and seasonal
vegetation. At this time of year the villagers are all busy
with agricultural work, and their activities can be observed
from dawn until night during half the year. Typically, a
number of traditional varieties of rice are grown. Each
variety is adapted to different soil types and, particularly, to
differing water conditions. Traditional farming techniques
are used, such as the swing plow pulled by oxen or buffalo.
In the north region, each family generally cultivates a field
prepared by slash and burn techniques, where rice and
many vegetables are grown.
The beginning of the harvesting season sees yet another
change, with new seasonal agriculture and the annual
feasts of agrarian rituals and festivals. In the central and
upper plain activities turn to the production of sugar made
from the juice of the sugar palm (3 months per year),
handicraft, weaving, charcoal and blacksmith work. It is

56
also the time to collect medicinal plants and other natural
forest products for the fabrication of nets used by fishermen
on the lake of Tonle Sap, and for souvenirs. In addition,
during the non-agricultural season, many farmers from the
plain migrate to the lakeshore where they seek wage-labour
in fishing activities and in processing the traditional
fermented fish paste. For communities in the flooding area,
this season is very busy. On one hand, it is a fishing
season on the lake of Tonle Sap; fishing is the main
economic activity of the area. On the other, just after the
fishing season, the villagers cultivate traditional dry season
rice and vegetables on the plain of the lakeshore.
Cultural Landscape
A variety of village landscapes have been identified on the
basis of their settlement structure and environment. Many
villages are situated on ancient infrastructure (for example,
dikes, water structures, ancient roads), and reflect one set
of changing environments. Other villages are found close to
ancient temples or clustered around a temple, which gives a
different character to the village landscape.
During the period of our study, many collective ceremonies
continue to be practised within the Angkor villages (see
below). Some examples of collective community events
include: the Festival of Death, Agrarian Rituals, and Rites of
Passage. These events are jointly organised within the
community, and participation in the various activities is
considered a significant part of the cultural practice and
landscape of an Angkor village.
The daily life of the Angkor villages has not changed
considerably. Traditional crafts, such as weaving, are still
practised in the village. Other activities include basket, mat
and natural broom dressing; weaving silk or cotton; ox-cart
production, and alcohol making. These tasks are performed
under or near to the house. These ongoing practices and
their contribution to the village landscape are an important
component of the cultural value of Angkor villages.
Tradition and Belief
The study of this aspect of village life has been given
attention over several years since 2000. Most of the main
traditional and ceremonial events have been identified. As
discussed above, there are two main categories of
ceremony. The first is concerned with rites of passage, and
with rituals associated with either the fixed ceremonial
calendar or with special occasions (which can occur at any

57
time). The second aspect is concerned with customs and
performing arts, which are also considered to have a ritual
component, and which contribute as part of collective
events such as shadow plays, dances and theatre.
Rites of passage encompass a series of ritual practices
performed through a circle of an individuals life, from the
stage of new birth to death: they are manifest in eight
different rituals. This series of rituals can be summarised
and literally translated into English as the following:
Ritual Concerning Birth Kat Sak Bankok Chmob is
performed a few days after delivery, and aims for the
recognition by the community of the newborn, to pass
on the familys gratitude to the midwife, and to drive
away any misfortunes in the future that may be
caused by the mothers blood during delivery, which
is considered to be unclean. The midwife has ritually
shaped the newborn to make the baby into a new
human being of our world. This ritual is performed
throughout all the Angkor villages.
Keeping and Cutting of the Topknot Kor Chuk
marks the human age of pre-adolescence.
Traditionally a child in a family is made to grow a long
central tuft of hair, often from birth. Around the age of
13, and always at an odd-numbered age, a ceremony
is performed symbolising the passage into puberty
and rivalling the marriage ceremony in importance
during which the tuft is removed. The ritual is still
practised in a large number of Angkor villages.
Buddhist Monk Ordination Bous Neak for a male
celebrates a new step of life to the study age. Young
adult men prepare for ordination as novices in the
Buddhist order. These events are also observed
commonly in the Angkor region, but not for all young
men. For a girl of this life stage, there is a ritual
called Mlob (literally meaning entering to shadow).
The girl stays inside her room for a period of time and
is banned from talking with strangers or with a man.
She learns from an old woman sage how to be a
good housewife. This ceremony is no longer
practised in the villages inside Angkor Park, but it still
survives in a few villages of the Siem Reap region.
Marriage Reap Kar is a conjugal step between a man
and a girl who has passed through the adolescence
step of life. There is a diversity of ritual during

58
marriage events noted in the Angkor villages. While
the concept and objective of the ceremony is the
same from one village to another, the form of the
ritual is usually slightly different.
Ritual Concerning Delivery which marks the
transition from a housewife to being a mother. The
ritual is practised across the whole Angkor region.
The Ceremony of Prolongation of Life has several
names: Chansok Kiri Sout, Chhark Toch, Chhark
Thom or Chhark Maha Bangsakol, and Tor Ayuk.
The ritual practices are associated with elderly
people. The ceremony aims to prolong the life of the
person concerned, by simulating a cycle of death
gestationrebirth. Meditation is practised by the
elderly, notably older women, to assist the mediator
to envisage his or her own self as a corpse,
presumably in preparation for death. The ritual is
widely practised in the Siem Reap and Angkor
regions.
Funerary Rite Bochea Sap is composed of three
major ceremonial components: First burial,
Exhumation and Definitive burial. The two major
ritual components are exhumation followed by
cremation of the remains. The rite is still practised in
many Angkor villages.
Burying of the Ashes from Incineration Banchus
Theat is the final stage of the human life circle. This
is a testimony to the continuation of an ancient
tradition in the Angkor region.
The ceremonies of the fixed annual calendar can be
observed as the following: traditional ceremonies over
twelve months as written in the traditional calendar; agrarian
rites, and practices of animisma homage to Neak Ta, an
important spiritual village protector.
The traditional ceremonies over the calendar period are
performed similarly elsewhere in the kingdom. The
difference lies in the way the ceremony is practised from
one place to another.
The ceremony of homage to Neak Ta is widely performed in
every village of the region. The most famous ceremony for
the Siem ReapAngkor region is the homage to Ta Reach
at Angkor Wat. Ta Reach is one of the most prominent

59
guardian spirits of the Angkor Site. The local population
believes he is a royal spirit.
Agrarian rites are the most practised in the Angkor region.
This reflects the importance of agriculture as the main
economic activity of the region. A series of rituals
concerning rice paddies celebrates the beginning of the
agriculture season through to the time the rice is stored.
The agriculture season commences after the royal
ploughing ceremony, which is conducted by the king or his
representative.
Ceremonies that are not tied into specific calendar events
include those that are observed in the ritual of inauguration
of a vihara, Buddhist monastery, or any public building;
rituals relating to the asking for rain; rituals to divert
misfortune in a family or village or community; rituals at the
beginning of house construction and house warming. This
series of ceremonies is also widely performed throughout
the region. Any ritual of this type can be performed on an
auspicious date, determined by the officiant.
Customs
Performing arts that are considered to be of a ritual nature
have contributed to shadow plays, dances and theatre. The
stories represented in shadow plays, some dance
performances and theatre are related to the Indian epic
Ramayana, or Reamker in Khmer. Popular dances are
indigenous forms relating to the chasing of evil, bad spirits
and wild animals that can provoke misfortune over the
communities. Trot is performed only during the New Year
celebration for chasing away bad luck and misfortune. Tug-
of-war is also played during the New Year Day celebrations.
The aim of the latter is to ensure rain for the coming
agriculture season.
Issues
The study has found that there is a multiplicity of threats to
the heritage site and its values. As the objective of our
study to date has focused only on the cultural values of
Angkors villages, the discussion of issues will be reported
at a later date.
Conclusion
The exceptional wealth of the Angkor region is not limited to
its singular archaeological and artistic remains, but includes
a living cultural heritage of inestimable importance in

60
anthropological and linguistic terms. The rural populations
of the Siem ReapAngkor region are known to be
particularly conservative with respect to ancestral traditions,
and a great number of archaic cultural practices that have
disappeared elsewhere continue to be performed in its
villages. What is more, many of these maintained traditions
are only found here, reflecting the specificity of the Angkor
regions rich historical legacy.
The richness of the community and social values of the
villagers includes daily and traditional practices, and
encompasses aspects such as festivals and rituals to the
way in which the villagers continue to live in the broader
landscape. It is this layer of meaning, and the memories,
stories and histories of these communities that must be
considered to fully identify and understand the heritage
values that make Angkor important.
Within Angkor lies much of Cambodia's future. The
Angkorian heritage offers incomparable potential for
economic prosperity, which can in turn provide opportunities
and the means necessary for effective protection of the
Khmer heritage for the generations to come. However, the
situation remains extremely delicate. Under the present
conditions of persistent national poverty in economic as well
as administrative terms, and confronted with the opening of
Cambodia to a rapidly expanding regional market, the
potential wealth of the region lies exposed to exploitation on
an unprecedented scale. It is only in a context of well-
regulated economic dynamism that the cultural heritage of
the area can be protected and can further prosper; in turn, a
protected and prospering cultural heritage will make an
essential contribution to permanent economic stabilisation,
sustainable development, and to ensuring durable
international and national interest in Angkor.

61
Illustrations that appear in this chapter were provided by Im Sokrithy and Cecilie Knowles.
Endnotes

1
This training program aimed to create a solid core of national technicians and managers to provide the APSARA Authority with
further expertise and human resources to plan and apply conservation and research projects, as well as tourism and urban
development projects in the context of a global plan for the Angkor Park Management.
2
The former name of this village was Rohal, situated close to two ancient water structures, Boeng Khnar and Sanday, to the west
of Banteay Srei temple. It was a small village with about twenty households. In 1967, when the current road (national road 67) was
built, the villagers were relocated to live along the new road. They renamed their village to reflect the name of Banteay Srei
temple. The majority of the current population of Banteay Srei has hence migrated to this place.
3
Kok literally translates as a plain mound or elevated area arisen from flood. Thnot is sugar palm tree.
4
Srok literally means inhabited area or district. Kok Srok is an inhabited area on an elevated plain.
5
Marui, M et al 2000, Princess Keo Prampil Poar: Khmer LegendHistory, Monuments and Life, in Khmer, Shinnyo-En, Tokyo.

62

63
6.0 Continuing Community Values in the Greater Angkor Region
Dr Jane Harrington
A significant outcome of the ongoing work with Angkor
communities being undertaken by the APSARA community
project is that it reinforces the research from a number of
other projects supporting a historical continuity in various
community traditions and practices. This is important in
understanding the wider heritage significance of Greater
Angkor. While contemporary practices and ways of life are
themselves an important component of the heritage of the
region, it is equally significant that these maintain a
connectivity with the past and with the Khmer civilisation.
Angkor is not only a living heritage site because it is the
home of multiple village communities, it is also living
heritage in the sense that the village way of life itself
although constantly evolving and changingreflects a
continuation of practices, beliefs, memories and traditions.
It is important to remind ourselves that when Angkor
entered into the Western consciousness in the 19
th
century,
it existed as a dynamic and living landscape. At the time of
its discovery, the supposedly forgotten ruins were well
known to the local community, and identified with Khmer
language names. It was not merely a set of ruins, nor a
lost civilisation, waiting to be found by European explorers.
While written accounts from this time are important
historical documents, as are the small number of earlier
texts that record life in Angkorthe most cited being the
writings of Chou Ta-Kuan, a Chinese traveller who spent
some time in Angkor in 1296these are complemented by
other methods of recording, such as folklore, oral history
and myths, and traditional practices. These all play a
significant role in reinforcing the connectivity of the lives of
the present day Angkor population with the past and with
the lives of their ancestors, and which are themselves an
integral and important component of the heritage values of
Angkor today.
Sharon Sullivan
1
has elsewhere reinforced this continuity,
particularly noting that knowledge about and concern for
conservation of the Khmer heritage has been a continuing
process since the Angkor period:
400 years ago, and more than 400 years after the construction of
Angkor Wat [that is during the period when the Spanish were claiming
to have found a deserted city] [the Cambodian] Queen Mother, whose

64
son undertook the restoration of the temple, inscribed these lines on its
already ancient stones:
I was struck by the work of my royal child who, full of devotion restored
this Preah Pisnulok [Angkor Wat] of the old Cambodia to its true
ancient form. At this sight I was overcome with joy.
2

The city was gradually abandoned after the fifteenth century but as this
quotation indicates never entirely so. The domestic buildings of the
city itself including the housing for the numerous court officials, monks,
scribes and food producers were made largely of wood and quickly
disappeared into the jungle. However, the temples, in particular
Angkor Wat remain places of pilgrimage to this day
The Khmer continued their attachments to the site. Claude
J acques, the great contemporary scholar of Angkor relates
that Queen Ang Mei, who was taken prisoner by the
Vietnamese in about 1840, during a particularly dark period
in Khmer history, had used the outline of the three famous
towers of Angkor Wat on her personal seal.
3
This is the
same symbol that became and has always been the
centrepiece of the modern Cambodian National Flag.
However, it has taken a long time for the strength and
importance of the Khmer peoples continuity of knowledge
of and regard for Angkor to be recognised.
The devastating impacts of the Khmer Rouge takeover in
the 1970s included dislocation and lossthe lives and
memories of an entire generation being almost obliterated.
Although in no way lessening the tragedy of this period, to
some extent recovery from the impacts of war, political
upheaval and dispossession has been an ongoing theme in
Khmer history. However, despite the disruptions of the
Khmer Rouge period and its aftermath, the local community
has retained links with Angkor and can establish cultural
continuity with the Khmer period. For example, traditional
land and forest use in the area is still very important. There
continues to be an active religious life at the ancient
monuments, with numerous shrines, centres of national
pilgrimage, and ongoing Buddhist worship. Many of the
local population have stories and traditions associated with
the monuments, including descent lines from the ancient
rulers of Angkor. Angkor is for many Khmer a symbol of
modern Cambodia and a source of pride and identity for its
citizens.
4

Respect for the Angkorian landscape, and its features, is
itself an enduring practice: the philosophy of protecting and
conserving important aspects of the past is not a singularly
modern phenomenon. This includes understanding that

65
rural communities have survived across centuries through
the application of sustainable water and land-use
management practices and techniques and traditional
knowledge, often involving a relationship with the land that
is inseparable from spiritual concerns. The natural
environment of the Angkor region, particularly the
hydrology, has been hugely influential and presented a
challenging environment for people to survive and work
within.
5
Wetland environments have challenged the
creativity and talents of people for centuries, and have
dictated the need to develop special modes of transport for
fishing, tools, nets, housing and commerce.
The cultivation of rice has created its own characteristic
landscape, the continuation of which reflects an ongoing
community relationship with the land, and the application of
long established land practices. Even mundane activities
such as tending the family garden are passed on as
enduring practices which transmit knowledge and
memorythey are places where the older generation
passes down practical and emotional knowledge,
behaviours and attitudes that allow a continuation of living
on the land. In this way features of the landscape retain
ecological understandings and become places of learning.
6

It is through such continuities with the past (recognising that
they have changed over time) that a sense of history and
connection is maintained and transmitted, and this is an
important process in reinforcing identity, belonging and a
sense of place and community.
Recent research on environmental parameters undertaken
for the Greater Angkor Project has addressed historical
patterns of land use and management and reports (among
other matters) on the patterns of channels and
embankments:
The dispersed residence pattern allows that a
significant proportion of the population of Angkor lived
off rice production in fields around their houses and at
more remote plots of land, in a dispersed
arrangement of landholdings. That families and
institutions in the medieval period had landholdings
dispersed into different ecological zones across the
region is apparent in the inscriptions, just as they do
today

66
The linear features appear to be a network superimposed
on a landscape of traditional landownership. These
features would have had several crucial functions
whatever the other functions of the embankmentswhether
they were actual roads or the embankments of barays or
the banks of canals, [they] would have served as routeways
across the landscape of bunded rice fields these routes
tied together the urban complex by facilitating relatively
rapid interconnections compared to those available over
equivalent distances across the paddy fields. Even today
many of these embankments still serve as long distance
links across the region.
7

Keiko Miuras PhD research
8
is a particularly valuable body
of work reinforcing the results that are being reported in
current projects. Her research with Angkor village
communities has illustrated a number of ways in which
todays practices represent cultural continuation. Her
results that are important for our study are summarised in
the sections below.
Veneration of Patron Spirits and
Continuing Sacred Landscapes
Angkor has always been a spiritual landscape, inhabited by
patron spirits who live in temples and villages. Of course, at
the same time it has been and continues to be a place of
everyday life. The veneration of a god, the king, Buddha or
neak ta is a central element in the retention of village
identity and memory of the Angkor people. Hindu gods, the
naga, and bang bat all also have spiritual power. Natural
stones and Hindu icons have been appropriated as the
embodiment of certain neak ta. Trees have some degree of
sacredness as they have been inherited from the villagers
ancestors and their safeguarding is a passed-on
responsibility.
Praying to the Buddha and the neak ta, and organising
ceremonies and rituals is a continuing practice that
reinforces both the sacred landscape and community
identity. Within the landscape, certain special places are
commemorated through ritual, and their importance
remembered and passed on within and between village
communities. Rituals have acted to reinforce and pass on
both knowledge and values, and to reinforce spiritual and
social boundaries. This includes an ongoing and popular
deference to royalty and the sacerdotal class.

67
For centuries, pilgrims have been visiting the Angkor
temples to either gain spiritual fulfilment or to pay homage
to ancestors. This remains the case today and, together
with the ongoing homage by the local community, reinforces
that the sacredness of the Angkor landscape is perpetuated
through ongoing practices of belief and veneration.
9

Myths and Legends
Myths and legends and oral histories commonly reflect
collective knowledge and can be derived from historical
memory, myth, legends, folktales and beliefs. Within
Angkor there are a number of myths that serve to reinforce
values and elaborate local understandings of the
sacredness of certain sites, linking elements in the stories to
local practices. For example, the Myth of the Naga, Neang
Neak and Preah Thaong (the Leper King) explains the
circumstances under with the Bayon was built to include the
faces in the towers. The myth also tells us the meanings of
certain names, wedding traditions, history, geography,
architecture, causal relationships and social rules. In
addition, it links local understandings of the beginning and
decline of the Angkor civilisation to the construction of the
Bayon, and to actions of mythical characters who violate
both moral codes and the sacred. The continuing popularity
of this particular myth (which appears in various versions)
has lead to its inclusion in the performance repertoire of
twentieth-century classical dance drama.
Another myththe Legend of the Union of the King and the
Naga Queenhas institutionalised the Kings obligations
and homage to the naga in all rites of passage and
occasions when land is used, such as at the time of house
construction. The beginning of the ritual incorporates a
supplication to the king of the nagaswho is considered by
local people to be the owner of landto request his
permission to use the land, through the offerings of food.
Miuras work with a collection of stories from Angkor
villagers substantiates claims from other researchers that
the folk memories of Angkor are both more persistent and
more accurate than many previous assessments have
allowed for. It is suggested that Khmer people have taken
inspiration and learning from the rise and fall of Angkor, and
in a process of interpretation have transformed it into coded
rules and texts that continue to provide a set of guidelines
for moral practice, wisdom and tradition.
10

68
Struggle and Power Relations
Cambodian people have a shared history in overcoming
adversaries and hardship, which is reinforced in popular
beliefs in the sacred and magical power of Angkor. This
continues to provide people with themes for legends,
folktales and beliefs in spirits and immortal protagonists,
complemented by historical memory which provides mortal
protagonists (the king, Buddhist monks and so on). This
reinforces a collective sense of ownership and place in
which the supreme owner is of the immortal world,
necessitating that placation and offerings become an
important part of ritual life.
Modern day Cambodian communities share a perpetual
theme of waiting for the time to take action and for
accepting there are times to accept passively and times to
rebel: to sense the wind. In Angkor in particular this
follows a long history of discontinuity and displacement, and
of returning to places that people identify as their homes.
Angkor has been a site of struggle, or a symbol of
domination, throughout its history. Uprootedness has been
juxtaposed with the enduring presence of Angkor Thom and
Angkor Wat which provide a centrality for cultural and socio-
economic life. The power of Angkor is not just in it being a
sacred place, but it is also one replete with antagonists who
battle, negotiate and change from one element to another
this makes people more deeply aware of their vulnerability
and impermanence, and of the necessity to negotiate and
survive through the various obstacles thrown up by life. The
Angkor landscape hence represents a stage of continuing
human struggles that engages with natural forces and other
mortals, and it is this understanding that is embedded in the
cultural and socio-economic knowledge that links people of
the past to the present and the future, and that is passed on
to ensuing generations, often through oral and unofficial
stories.
11

Land Management and Lived Experiences
Descriptions of Khmer society, culture and people reflect a
shared way of life with villagers today, much of which has
been discussed by Im Sokrithy
12
: forest management,
collecting firewood and other forest products; rice
cultivation, fishing, grazing cows, bathing water buffaloes,
resin tapping, and distilling palm sugar. Villagers retain
knowledge of the ownership of land and trees. There is a
continuity of living in the same spaces, within which there

69
are inherited memories of ancestors experiences and
beliefs, overlain with the new generations memories and
experiencesand these all remain closely associated with
particular places and localities within the wider landscape.
Continuing practices also include story-telling, playing New
Year games, watching dance, music and theatre, and arts
and crafts.
13
These are complemented by continuing modes
of transport, cooking utensils and village cooking styles and
tastes, clothing, the games children play and lullabies that
are used to sing children to sleep.
Monuments, forests, and the rice fields, lakes and ponds,
have the names of ancestors attached to them or are
surrounded by legends that remain as important landmarks
for local people. The names of villages are similarly
reflective of local and natural elements and markers, or of
shared history with other villages. The markers that
delineate village boundaries are often reliant on natural
features (such as mountains, and rice fields) that have not
changed over time.
The local population also depends to a very significant
extent on the revenue generated by the visitors to Angkor.
One of the challenges with heritage management practices
is addressing economic considerations, however for many
local communities, and certainly for the Angkorian villagers,
their lived landscape is the place in which they have
subsisted and earned a living for generations, so to some
extent the imperative to continue to do so cannot be
separated from cultural practice and heritage
considerations.
Conclusion
Continuity of practices and traditions is closely related to
communal memory and often through life-long familiarity
with people and the surrounding environment. Both
memories and meanings are stored through cultural
practicessuch as language, songs and ceremonies,
rituals and stories and other oral traditionsand also
associated with objects, places and monuments. This is
clearly the case with Angkor communities. Memories
continue to be passed on in a variety of ways, one of which
is through performances, and can be found in religious
traditions, songs, rites of passage, ceremonies, and even
everyday practices such as preparing food.
14

Traditional practices are important for providing both a
sense of historical continuity and for their capacity to reflect

70
earlier and ongoing practices and ways of life. They
reinforce a common belonging and identity with Angkor and
with Khmer people, and rely on a transmission of
knowledge, skills, beliefs and practices that have been
acquired over a long period of time. Living in the world of
Angkor is a process of reinforcing beliefs in power and
sacredness, and reinforcing memories of happiness, pain,
sorrow and fear, all of which are embedded in certain
places within Angkor. Myths and legends intricately link the
lives of both past and present communities, and have the
same ongoing importance for modern day Angkor
communities as do the physical features of the landscape.
There is little separation between the physical world
(including the natural environment) and the cultural world.
Knowing and passing on this knowledge to the next
generation is reliant on activities that are informed by the
past but reflect a changing history of practices. This
ongoing transmission of knowledge, beliefs and practices is
a significant component of both the lived existence of
Angkor villagers, and of the heritage of the Greater Angkor
region. The end result is in fact a co-ordination of places
and landscapes with the enduring practices that give life to
both present and past communities.

71
Illustrations that appear in this chapter were provided by Dr Jane Harrington, Im Sokrithy and Cecilie Knowles.
Endnotes

1
Sullivan, S 2002, The Expert and the Community, paper delivered at the US ICOMOS Conference.
2
Cited in Ang, Ch, Thompson, A, and Eric, P 1995, Angkor: A Manual for the Past, Present and Future, APSARA/UNESCO, Phnom
Penh.
3
Jacques, C 1999, Angkor, Konemann, Cologne.
4
Sullivan, op cit.
5
Hang, P 2008, Water Resources Management for Angkor Park and the Siem Reap Region, report prepared for the Living with
Heritage project; see Annexure B in this volume.
6
Cattell, M and Climo, J 2002, Meaning in Social Memory and History, Social Memory and History: Anthropological Perspectives,
Cattell, M and Climo, J (Eds), Altamira Press.
7
Fletcher, RJ, Barbetti, M, Evans, D, Than, H, Im, S, Chan, K, Penny, D, Pottier, C and Somaneath, T 2003, Redefining Angkor:
Structure and environment in the largest, low density urban complex of the pre-industrial world, Udaya 4, pp 107121.
8
Miura, K 2004, Contested Heritage: People of Angkor, PhD Thesis, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London,
London.
9
Miura, K, op cit; see also Ang, Ch 2000, People and Earth, Reyum Publishing & Kasumisou Foundation, Phnom Penh; Ang, Ch
and Lim, S 2001, A study on communities living in Siem Reap-Angkor region, Udaya, Journal of Khmer Studies, n2, APSARA,
Phnom Penh, pp 7180; Warrack, S 2007, Involving the Local Community in the Decision-Making Process: the German APSARA
Project at Angkor Wat, in Rosalia Varoli-Piazza (ed), Sharing Conservation Decisions: Lessons Learnt from an ICCROM Course,
ICCROM, Rome, pp 9296.
10
Miura, K, op cit.
11
ibid; see also Luco, F 2005, The People of Angkor: Between Tradition and Development, Phnom Bakheng Workshop on Public
Interpretation, Center for Khmer Studies, Siem Reap.
12
Im, S 2007, Social Values and Community Context, Living with Heritage: Report of the Technical Committee, APSARA Authority,
see chapter 5 in this volume.
13
see Daravuth, L and Muan, I (eds) 2001, Tools and Practices: Change and Continuity in the Cambodian Countryside, Reyum
Publishing, Phnom Phen; and Peycam, P, Ogawa, N, Nishikawa, J (eds) 2004, Hol The Art of Cambodian Textiles: Seminar
Proceedings, Institute for Khmer Traditional Textiles & Center for Khmer Studies, Siem Reap, for reports on the continuity of textile
traditions and rural tools and practices respectively.
14
Cattell, M and Climo, J 2002, op cit.

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