Racial Bias in Dream Content

Steven J. Hoekstra, April N. Stos, Jessica R. Swendson,

and Anne E. H. Hoekstra
Kansas Wesleyan University
Students from 2 colleges, one predominantly White college and one predom-
inantly Black college, completed a survey in which they reported aspects of
their dream content as well as their degree of experience with various races
and TV viewing preferences. The self-reported racial content of their dreams
was then compared to their racial experiences in life. The proportions of races
in participants dreams reected their own race as well as their interpersonal
exposure to individuals of various races. There were some observed differ-
ences in racial dream content associated with preferences for particular TV
genres and overall amount of TV viewing.
Keywords: dream content, race, prejudice, stereotyping
Psychology has had long-standing interest in dreams. Studies of dream content
have often relied on diaries collected as part of a therapeutic context. Studies
surveying content of dreams in a nonclinical sample, such as Middleton (1942), have
explored whether individuals dream in color or black and white, or other thematic
elements (Livingston & Levin, 1991; Schredl, 1999; Schwitzgebel, 2003). This study
wanted to explore the racial dimension of dreams, particularly the degree to which
the dreams social demographic characteristics reected the experiences of the
dreamer. The impetus for the study was a personal experience of one of the
authors, who in a lucid dreaming moment had been surprised to note the presence
of a minority, particularly given that the author had an adopted sibling of that
minority group.
This experience raised the question, Where do the people in ones dreams
come from? When people dream, do the proportions of races of individuals in
their dreams match the dreamers biological race or the racial proportions found in
the dreamers life, such as in their extended families, their schools, their friendships,
or their media exposure? Is dream content based on nature, nurture, or a combi-
nation thereof?
This article was published Online First November 28, 2011.
Steven J. Hoekstra, April N. Stos, Jessica R. Swendson, and Anne E. H. Hoekstra, Department of
Psychology, Kansas Wesleyan University.
Special Thanks to W. Richard Walker of Winston-Salem University for his assistance in data
collection. This study was presented at the annual meeting of the Midwestern Psychological Association,
Chicago IL, May 2007.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Steven Hoekstra, Kansas Wesleyan
University, 100 East Clain, Pioneer Hall 465, Salina, KS 67401. E-mail: hoekstr@kwu.edu
10
Dreaming 2011 American Psychological Association
2012, Vol. 22, No. 1, 1017 1053-0797/11/$12.00 DOI: 10.1037/a0026474
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Domhoff (1996) proposed a continuity hypothesis, the idea that experience
leads to carryover from waking life into dream life. This theory has been supported
by research into sex ratios in dreams (Houran, 1998; Schredl & Jacob, 1998;
Schredl, Lobnitzer & Vetter, 1998; Urbina & Gray, 1975), as well as themes of
conict and aggression (Punamaki, 1998; Punamaki & Joustie, 1998) or strong
emotional intensity (Schredl, 2006). Because mundane activities appear to not be
prevalent in dreams (Schredl, 2000a), emotional and interpersonal contact appears
to be key (Schredl, 2000b, 2003; Schredl & Hofmann, 2003).
Part of this continuity could be from the dreamers direct interpersonal con-
text. Some individuals are born and raised in families and communities with limited
racial diversity. Others have much broader ethnical experience in their lives.
Continuity would suggest that these interpersonal relationships could be reected
in ones dreams.
However, individuals raised in homogenous environments can have exposure
to other racial subcultures through the media (Harris, 2004). Although many of
these portrayals are racially stereotypic or role restricted (Clark, 1969), exposure to
media that contains people of other races could cause adjustments to schemas
about race frequencies in the population and make such norms more cognitively
accessible (Tversky & Kahneman, 1974). This accessibility might then carry over
into dream content.
The identity of the individual also could serve as a source of dream content,
where the self would serve as a referent and inner self issues could be expressed in
ones dreams. Historically, Freud and other psychodynamic theorists (Freud, 1900;
Jung, 1965) used dreams as a reection of an individuals unconscious issues. Mageo
(2003) incorporated racial identity, describing how Samoanss dreams reected the
struggle within the self with regard to blackwhite symbols. Peluso (2004) described
the use of dreams in Amazonian culture as a means of tapping into ones true
nature, or self-consciousness. These sources suggest that dream content could be
more internally, rather than externally, driven. Therefore, one might expect that
not experience but personal characteristics of the dreamer should play a role.
Given the preponderance of evidence in support of the continuity hypothesis,
this study predicted that continuity would be more powerful than identity when
determining dream content. Specically, it was expected that individuals would
dream about interpersonal relationships that corresponded to the racial composi-
tion of their interpersonal environment or media exposure, rather than dreaming
about those of their own race.
METHOD
Participants
Sixty-six students at a predominantly white Midwestern Liberal Arts college
participated initially. This sample was 83% White, 6% Black, 6% Hispanic, and 5%
other; 70% of the sample was female, and the median age in years was 19.5.
Because of the disproportionate racial distribution, when initial data screening
suggested the possible presence of the predicted racial differences, a second sample
of 60 individuals was collected from a historically Black college in the Southeast.
Race and Dreams 11
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This sample was 97% Black and 3% other; 71% female, with a median age in years
of 18.
The resulting overall sampling was 44% White, 48% Black, 3% Hispanic, 0%
Asian, and 4% other; approximately 70% of the sample was female. The average
age in years of participants was 19.
Materials and Procedure
Individuals completed a short survey about their dream content, racial expe-
riences, and media preferences and habits. Most items were in closed-ended format.
The racial experience item asked participants to estimate the percentage of time
they have spent interacting with people of various races: Caucasian, African Amer-
ican, Hispanic, Asian, or other.
The critical item related to dream content was a question similar in format to
the racial experience item described above, except that participants were to specify
percentages of people in their dreams of the various races. Thinking about people
in your dreams, please specify the percent of people in the following racial groups
(your responses should add up to 100), with response blanks for Caucasian,
African American, Hispanic, Asian, and other. In addition, to disguise the research
question, the dreaming race item was embedded in several other questions about
dream content, including frequency of remembering dreams, prevailing themes in
dreams, the relationships between the participant and other dream characters
(friends, enemies, family, acquaintances, famous people, or strangers), whether
they dream in black and white or in color, whether they have own, dreamt in slow
motion, or had recurring dreams.
Media items addressed overall level of TV viewing (How many hours of TV
do you watch in an average week?) as well as a ranking of their preference for 10
different genres of shows: comedy, sports, romance, reality, action, science ction,
educational, news, drama, and game show.
RESULTS
Only 10% of the sample reported not remembering dreams at least occasion-
ally; 54% remembered their dreams frequently or very frequently. Over 80%
remember the majority of their dreams to be in color and about 3% reported
dreaming typically or exclusively in black and white.
Given the small to absent numbers of Hispanics, Asians, and other, those
individuals and participants who failed to report their race were excluded from
analyses comparing responses by participant race. Their data are shown in Figure
1 to illustrate the degree to which their pattern of results related to the larger
model. A variable, binomial race, was created for Black and White participants,
with the others coded as missing. The following analyses were conducted separately
by school, and when the pattern of results did not differ, the samples were pooled
and data analyzed on an overall group of 115 participants, 55 Caucasian and 60
African American. Given the small number of Black individuals at the predomi-
nantly White school, it was not reliable to do comparisons of Black individuals
12 Hoekstra, Stos, Swendson, and Hoekstra
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dreams by school. Table 1 shows mean percentages of comparisons for the schools,
illustrating the confounding of school with the racial experience measure. The t test
met the assumptions of homogeneity of variance for all signicant effects.
Race was related to the racial content of dreams. A one-way multivariate
analysis of variance (MANOVA) showed that individuals reported the largest
proportion of individuals in their dreams being of their own race (see Figure 1).
Additionally, the proportion of various races in dreams positively correlated with
proportions of races in ones personal experience, and this was true both overall
and separately by school sample (see Table 2).
Race in dream content was somewhat related to TV consumption. Students
who watched more TV reported fewer White individuals, r(126) .22, p .001,
and higher proportions of Black individuals in their dreams, r(126) .39, p .001.
Proportions of Black and White individuals in dreams were related to ranked
preferences of sports (rs .18 and .22), and reality TV (rs .27 and .19). In the
Midwestern sample, preference for comedies was also associated with greater
proportions of Black persons in ones dreams, r(66) .35.
As race and experience both appeared to play a part in dream content but were
somewhat confounded in the samples, hierarchical regression analyses were conducted
to compare the relative contributions of those variables (see Table 3). Dreamers
demographic race was entered in the rst step, followed by their self-reported propor-
Figure 1. Racial content of dreams by race.
Table 1. Comparisons of Racial Experience and Dream Content by School
Variable
Midwestern school
M
Southern school
M t
Time spent interacting with Whites (%) 65.98 23.43 12.57

Time spent interacting with Blacks (%) 13.09 61.78 16.33

Time spent interacting with Hispanics (%) 13.53 9.8 1.64

Time spent interacting with Asians (%) 5.47 6.27 0.51
Whites in your dreams (%) 76.94 11.88 16.92

Blacks in your dreams (%) 8.86 78.67 20.49

p .05.

p .01.

p .001.
Race and Dreams 13
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14 Hoekstra, Stos, Swendson, and Hoekstra
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tions of experience with Black and White individuals, with dream content as the
criterion. The process was repeated, reversing the order of hierarchical entry. Results
of the Black and White respondents indicated that experience and personal race both
play signicant independent roles. Both orders produced signicant predictors, and the
second step signicantly improved the R
2
over the rst.
DISCUSSION
This data appear to suggest that individuals do, in fact, experience different
racial content in their dreams and that this racial content appears to reect personal
experience, background, and, to a lesser extent, media consumption. This would
support the continuity hypothesis. However, the dreamers race and interactions
with members of different races appear to both play signicant and independent
roles in determining the racial content of his or her dreams. Therefore, the
hypothesis that dream content is initiated from the self, independently of ones life
experience, is worthy of attention as well, at least in combination with the conti-
nuity hypothesis.
It is important to note that participants found this to be a very challenging task
in that many participants reported not necessarily paying much attention to the
issue of race in their dreams previous to this study. It is therefore possible that the
ndings reect some sort of projection or demand characteristic of the task, or some
memory-based retrieval bias, rather than actual content of ones dreams. Research
has shown (Beaulieu-Prevost & Zadra, 2005; Schredl, 2002) that memory accessi-
bility of dreams, or autobiographical memories about dreaming, affect general
beliefs about dream content. Therefore, the retrospective nature of the current
Table 3. Hierarchical Regression Analyses Predicting Racial Dream Content Based on Participants
Race and Racial Interactions
Measure Whites in dreams (%) Blacks in dreams (%)
Series 1
Step 1
Binomial Race .91

.88

R
2
.82

.78

Step 2
Interactions with Whites (%) .32

.06
Interactions with Blacks (%) .01 .55

R
2
change .04

.07

Total R
2
.86

.85

Series 2
Step 1
Interactions with Whites (%) .50

.08
Interactions with Blacks (%) .39

.82

R
2
.75

.80

Step 2
Binomial race .64

.47

R
2
change .11

.06

Total R
2
.86

.85

Note. Regression coefcients are shown for the step at which they were entered into the equation.

p .001.
Race and Dreams 15
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study, although efcient, was lacking both in detail and perhaps in validity. Repli-
cation using diary methodology could perhaps clarify the issue, in that repeated
measurements would allow participants to engage in more lucid assessment of the
racial composition of people in their dreams.
This study opted to use a questionnaire data collection method rather than the
more traditional dream diary. Reliability and validity are problematic issues re-
gardless of data collection method (Bernstein & Roberts, 1995; Schredl, 1998, 2002;
Schredl & Fulda, 2005; Urbina, 1981), and closed-ended questionnaires, at a
minimum, allow collection efciency, ease of coding, and uniformity of report
length (Schredl, 1999; Schredl, Ciric, Gotz, & Wittmann, 2004; Schredl & Erlacher,
2007).
The frequency of race in the various TV genres was not assessed. As this study
was exploratory, and the issue of race and status of various races on various
programs is a very complex assessment, this study endeavored to rst establish
whether there were signicant relationships between races of people in ones
dreams and ones TV genre preferences prior to the examination of this variable in
subsequent studies. However, it is interesting to note that there were differences in
dream content for some genres and that reected content norms for those genres;
for example, the presence of Black individuals in sports more often than in reality
TV programming. Overall amount of TV viewing also was related to increases in
the number of Black persons in ones dreams, an issue worth replicating and
understanding for future theory building.
Future research should more fully explore the role of media in dream content,
and could perhaps explore racial composition in dreams relative to dreamers
scores on prejudicial attitude measures. It would also be advantageous to replicate
the survey in more multiracial rather than homogeneous environments, or in Asian
or Hispanic subcultures, which were largely underrepresented in dream content
across other racial groups and absent from the present sample.
This study provided a preliminary exploration into the way a dreamers race
and their racial experiences in waking life translate into estimates of racial propor-
tions of people in their dreams. More systematic study with alternate methodolo-
gies would further enhance this research area.
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Received November 7, 2008
Revision received October 3, 2011
Accepted October 24, 2011
Race and Dreams 17
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