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Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Postcolonial Studies Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/cpcs20 Indian princes, dancing girls and tigers: the Prince of Wales's tour of India and Ceylon, 18751876 H Hazel Hahn Published online: 18 May 2009. To cite this article: H Hazel Hahn (2009) Indian princes, dancing girls and tigers: the Prince of Wales's tour of India and Ceylon, 18751876, Postcolonial Studies, 12:2, 173-192 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13688790902887163 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the Content) contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinions and views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors, and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sources of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims, proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arising out of the use of the Content. This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms- and-conditions Indian princes, dancing girls and tigers: the Prince of Waless tour of India and Ceylon, 18751876 1 H HAZEL HAHN We have become accustomed to the association between royalty and celebrity in modern times. Yet the history of the triadic association between the institutions and cultural formations of royalty, celebrity culture and colonial imperialism is one that is comparatively little researched. In charting such a history in the nineteenth century, the Prince of Wales, the future Edward VII, is an exemplary figure and his tour of the subcontinent is a formative case study in the history of travel and celebrity. The Prince toured India and Ceylon for four months from 8 November 1875, when he arrived in Bombay, until 13 March 1876. Contemporary assessment of the tour was that it was an immense success, paving the way for the conferral of the title of the Empress of India on Queen Victoria in 1877. 2 Since then it has mostly only been discussed in Edward VIIs biographies, echoing the view of some of the short- term political effect of the tour, with little effort to examine the tour in the context of broader political and cultural trends of the period. 3 The Prince of Wales was one of the most famous people in Britain at the time, and the Princes tour was a sensational domestic media event. The immense quantity of texts and images generated through the tour highlight significant trends in representing the colonial dynamic, royal spectacle and colonies as travel destinations. 4 This essay examines the representation of the British monarchy, the Empire, and tourism as seen mainly through the extensive coverage of the English illustrated weeklies The Illustrated London News and The Graphic. The representation of the Prince as a celebrity traveller informs us of the development of the relationship between royalty and celebrity, and travel and colonial imperialism in the late nineteenth century. The tour of the Prince coincided with a rapid expansion of the press propelled by technological improvements in printing, transportation and telegraphs, accompanied by rising literacy. 5 From the 1860s telegraph wires, along with the railroad, were widely used within India, and the opening of the Indo-European cable line in 1865 transformed communication in the Empire. 6 By the late 1870s the Empire would become a source of highly popular events for the press. The tour was one of a number of defining imperial moments of the 1870s, including the finding of David Livingstone by Henry Morton Stanley in 1871; Livingstones death in 1873 in Central Africa and his funeral; the durbar held by Lord Lytton, the viceroy of India; and ISSN1368-8790 print/ISSN1466-1888 online/09/02017320 #2009 The Institute of Postcolonial Studies DOI: 10.1080/13688790902887163 Postcolonial Studies, Vol. 12, No. 2, pp. 173192, 2009 D o w n l o a d e d
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events in Zululand and Afghanistan in 1879. 7 How these events redefined the Empire and influenced public views of it are questions not fully settled, yet there is a strong argument that the Empire became increasingly popular with the British public from the 1870s, especially as the intensification of cultural propaganda increased in the 1880s. 8 Britains imperial incursions in Egypt, the Sudan, West and East Africa, South Africa, China and a number of other places would be followed by a surge of popular enthusiasm for Empire that would peak around 1900. 9 The transformation of the image of the military during the nineteenth century was an important factor in the shift in the media coverage of the colonies. The British military leaders during the 1857 Indian Rebellion, then known as the Sepoy Mutiny, became immensely popular heroes. 10 By the mid-1870s a significant portion of the illustrated press consisted of heroic images of officers and soldiers of the Empire fighting in colonial wars. From the 1880s to the early decades of the twentieth century the illustrated press would become thoroughly preoccupied with colonial wars. Coverage of such conflicts would comprise, in my estimate based on a survey of the leading titles of the British illustrated press, between 50 and 70 per cent of the contents of these publications. The Illustrated London News and The Graphic were both aimed at the middle and upper classes, and the latter was more liberal than the former, but when it came to colonial news there was little difference in their stance: both favoured the Empire and celebrated the heroism of the British army. In spite of the popularity of colonial news, the vastness of the British Empire by the 1880s would mean that each colony would receive less and less coverage. Even India would be in the news only in times of crises and frontier troubles, and news would consist largely of details of warfare from the British perspective rather than sustained analyses of any given situation. Given this context, the Princes tour and its coverage stand out as unique, in that the tour was ostensibly a civilian and diplomatic undertaking, rather than a military campaign, in a period when the media coverage was beginning to be consumed by colonial wars. Moreover the tour marked, strikingly, the most intense focus by the British media on India since the 1857 uprising. The tour was a major topic of the daily press as well, but the nature of the tour, which required few urgent news items such as the safe arrival of the Prince in India, was particularly suited to extensive coverage through images. The Illustrated London News and The Graphic were two of the few papers that employed special correspondents, especially Special Artists, before the 1880s. The circulation of The Illustrated London News was five times that of the elite paper The Times during the 1870s. 11 The initial stories of the Princes tour were cabled, but the bulk of the news of the tour, including artists sketches, came through regular mail, taking four weeks to arrive. 12 The coverage started in October as the Prince departed from England and travelled through Europe and the Suez Canal. From 6 November 1875 The Illustrated London News covered the tour in every issue, including five to six pages of images per issue, and also included eight-page supplements with four pages of images in almost every issue through early 1876. The magazine also 174 H HAZEL HAHN D o w n l o a d e d
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issued a forty-eight-page special number with twenty-two images in January 1876. The Graphics volume of coverage was similar, and it also published a supplement in May 1876, coinciding with the return of the Prince to England. 13 The tour also needs to be situated in the history of tourism. Although an extensive scholarship on travelogues exists, the history of the rise of tourism beyond Europe and the Middle East in the nineteenth century has received scant attention. 14 Moreover the role of the press in the connection between colonialism and tourism is hardly known. In this period, as the press was increasingly preoccupied with colonial wars, there was less interest in travelogues than before, as the golden age of discoveries and exploration had passed. The tour of the Prince provided a unique occasion for the press to focus on a singular topic, an unprecedented tour of India and Ceylon by the future British king. The Prince of Wales was simultaneously the highest of the imperial authorities to visit India and a diplomatic emissary. He was also a tourist, a fact that has not been examined. His tour occasioned a unique convergence of royal spectacle, the theatre of colonies and the theatre of exotic tourism, affirming English imperial authority, keeping the Prince constantly in the public eye for a sustained and unprecedented period of time, and also presenting a great deal of the sights of India and Ceylon. Situating the tour in the framework of cultural history and postcolonial theory, this article argues that the tour was significant in the re-forging of the cultural imaginary of India and Ceylon as travel destinations, and that the tour was a significant moment in the historical development of modern travel and celebrity culture. Royal spectacle and tourism The publicly stated purpose of the tour was the Princes desire to acquaint himself with the distant colonies that one day he would rule over. The implicit agenda for the trip, however, was the strengthening of the ties between England and the colonies in order to affirm British imperial authority. To this end colonial governments in India and Ceylon were charged with the task of showing off the popularity of British rule. Royal rituals were an important means for expressing British nationality, 15 and the tour of the Prince was considered by many in the government to be a significant way of asserting British imperial authority both in Britain and in the colonies. The Princes idea of the tour was initially opposed by Victoria. She did not feel that he could represent her, and she also objected to the proposed retinue for the Prince. 16 Moreover the radical press was opposed to what they saw as another government-funded expensive pleasure trip for the Prince. 17 One complicating issue for the planning of the trip was that the Prince would be expected to reciprocate the costly presents that Indian rulers would offer him, while on the other hand the Prince would get to keep those presents that were given to him by his Indian hosts. Although the Indian government was to pay more than 100,000 pounds towards the Princes personal expenses, the Prince had to offer gifts of far less value to the Indian princes than those that they would 175 INDIAN PRINCES, DANCING GIRLS AND TIGERS D o w n l o a d e d
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lavish upon him. 18 To further complicate matters, there was a concern that a war between India and China might break out, in which case the Indian army should not be disturbed with a royal visit. 19 For these reasons, initially, the tour was far from a unanimously welcome event. It was undertaken only after extensive negotiations with the Parliament and to a significant degree was dependent on public opinion. In addition, for the Prince the tour was also a means of consciously building his own image and enhancing that of the royal family. The Prince had been in the public eye since childhood, and images of him as one of Victorias children were ubiquitous. However, his personality was largely unknown until he undertook a tour of North America in 1860 at the age of eighteen, which received a great deal of press coverage in North America. 20 This tour kept up the high profile of the royal family, something both Disraeli and Gladstone considered to be important in the face of the publics increasing disapproval in the 1860s over Victorias seclusion. 21 Celebrity culture is all about the image, the cultural imaginary. Victorian Britain was rife with celebrity culture for famous people like Tennyson, Anthony Trollope and Darwin, 22 although the most famous were dead people who had reached mythic status, such as Byron or Nelson. Members of the royal family were famous because of who they were rather than what they did: for their ascribed rather than their achieved celebrity, as Chris Rojek would put it. 23 Yet their popularity was far from a given, and as such their celebrity had to be earned through public deeds and the careful cultivation and maintenance of an image, since most of the celebrities of the period were people thought to have achieved something extraordinary. Aware of the massive press coverage the tour would generate, the Prince took his friend William Howard Russell, The Times correspondent, to accompany him, along with Sydney Prior Hall, an artist for The Graphic, with the provision that they would not be allowed to make exclusive dispatches. 24 Numerous other correspondents also went to the colonies to cover the tour. While intending to heighten public enthusiasm for the monarchy and the Empire through positive media coverage, the British monarchy and the government were not fully in control of the means, contents and impacts of the press coverage, as the Prince was dependent on the choices that the press made in representing him and his hosts, and the events of the tour. The content of the coverage, and the public reception of it, could not be entirely foreseen or managed. The illustrated press emphasized the novelty of the tour. The moderniza- tion of travel was one of the themes emphasized as new. The Graphic reported that royal personages rarely made peaceful journeys into distant countries, and that the Princes tour was enabled by the modernization of travel. The Graphic saw the tour as a new type of diplomacy, providing firsthand acquaintance with distant colonies that would prevent many misunderstand- ings ending in wars. 25 The press thus characterized the tour as a unique combination of the themes of royal diplomacy, the colonies and modern travel. An important fluidity existed between journalism and travelogue in the nineteenth century, 26 and the coverage of the Princes tour showcases this 176 H HAZEL HAHN D o w n l o a d e d
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feature. The tour was covered as news rather than as a travelogue, from a third-party perspective because the Prince was not writing for the press directly. 27 The tour was covered mainly as a series of events of a diplomatic nature that the Prince participated in, and apart from historical narratives, there was little in-depth analysis of the colonies, not even the situation of issues facing the British there. On the other hand, there was a great deal of reporting on the sights of India and Ceylon, including numerous cities, and as such the tour marked a unique event when a months-long trip was thoroughly covered in the press, generating texts and images that effectively formed a lengthy, mediated travelogue of sorts. In addition a number of travelogues by the Princes travelling companions and correspondents were published afterwards. The tour was covered by the English press almost exclusively from the perspectives of English reporters and the English in India. The coverage of Indians was largely limited to that of ceremonial interactions between the Prince and Indian notables, as well as street scenes and ethnographical observations. Little attempt was made to report from the perspective of Indians through interviews or other more direct methods of reporting, nor did the English press cite the Indian press. This fits into the conventional framework of the press coverage of the Empire. On 13 November 1875 The Illustrated London News reproduced an account of the arrival of the Prince at Bombay telegraphed on 8 November by the Standards special correspondent. The account was primarily from the perspective of the English in Bombay and expressed the excitement that the Princes arrival generated in this group, and in Bombay overall. Bombay retired to rest last night in the fullest confidence that the Serapis, with the Royal Highness on board [ . . .] would not arrive before midday today and perhaps not till a late hour in the afternoon. Its inhabitants were, however, startled at an early hour this morning by the firing of successive Royal salutes from the fleet of war ships which is lying in the harbor. It was 8 oclock when the salute began at which hour few of the European residents had either bathed or dressed themselves, and none had breakfasted. The early morning hours in the East are devoted to a constitutional ride on horseback, or to lounging in luxurious dishabille in the deepest shadow of the coolest verandah of ones bungalow, till it is time to prepare for the business of the day. It was in this state that our English fellow countrymen were found when the guns of the fleet thundered forth the announcement that an unusual visitor was approaching [. . . .] There was bustle and excitement everywhere, and crowds of people hurried [. . . .] Dog carts, buggies, and traps of all sorts, and belonging to all classes, were driven [ . . .] from all parts of the native town toward the same spot. At a quarter to nine the Serapis entered the harbor, the most spacious in India, and one of the most magnificent that any port possesses. [ . . .] The yards of the fleet were all manned [ . . .] and loud English cheers broke out from every side. As the Serapis entered the seaway formed by the double line of ships a Royal salute was fired from the vessels [ . . . .] The Prince stood, in the full uniform of a Field Marshal [ . . . .] The spectacle was most beautiful to behold. The sky was of a bright pale blue; the 177 INDIAN PRINCES, DANCING GIRLS AND TIGERS D o w n l o a d e d
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sun, though already strong had not yet risen to the fierceness of his strength; and there was just enough of breeze to carry off the white smoke which shot from the sides of the vessels as his Royal Highness passed. 28 At three oclock the viceroy met the Prince on the Serapis, accompanied by more salutes fired from the fleet, then at four oclock the Prince disembarked in front of two hundred select spectators including officials of the government of Bombay, Indian Rajahs and fifty or sixty other Princes and chiefs, each of them resplendent in barbaric pearl and gold. Upon the embarkation the land batteries fired a royal salute; and the news was telegraphed to every Indian fortress, that a simultaneous salute might be fired over the length and breadth of the land. At five oclock a procession passed, with the populace keeping the most perfect order. The article described dense throngs of natives, with womens brilliant gold and silver embroidered garments adding to the gorgeous variety of the spectacle which greeted his Royal Highnesss eyes. 29 This description highlights royal spectacle, imperial spectacle and the theatre of tourism in exotic settings, from the perspectives of the English and the English in India, and, indirectly, from the perspective of the Prince, who was simultaneously at the centre of attention and a spectator. 30 The passage on the ships arrival describes an exotic, magnificent setting from the British perspective, a setting controlled by the British as the reference to the activities of the British underlines. The arrival of the Prince into this setting reinforces the power dynamic between the colonizers, whose power is strengthened by the injection of high imperial authority, and the colonized, all classes of whom are seen as vying to welcome the Prince. The movement of the ship on which the Prince stood, entering the harbour, encapsulates the dynamism of the colonizers, in implicit contrast to the static quality of India that receives the visitor. The reference to the barbaric pearl and gold and the gorgeous variety of the spectacle which greeted his Royal Highnesss eyes establishes the gaze of the Prince as that of the traveller enjoying the scenery and entertainment provided by the less civilized. A lengthy description of Bombay followed, a more detailed version of what might be found in a guidebook. What made it distinctive was the large illustrations accompanying the article, sketches by W Simpson, a Special Artist, including those of types of different classes of people in Bombay, an ethnographic observation. The ethnographic depictions were in line with the collection The People of India, the eighty- eight-volume catalogue published between 1868 and 1875 containing photo- graphs of the ethnic types of India that represented humans as scientific specimens. 31 The second day of the tour, the Princes thirty-fourth birthday, occasioned more spectacles. 32 The Prince received Indian princes in a stately and splendid reception. 33 The following day the Prince met with more Indian princes, held a numerously attended levee, and attended the native school childrens feast. 34 At night he went to the ball of the Byculla Club, and remained until 2 oclock, dancing vigorously. The following day, with a party of 400, he visited the Caves of Elephants. 35 Three weeks later the events 178 H HAZEL HAHN D o w n l o a d e d
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of the second day were described in great detail, accompanied by images of a spectacular illumination of the city and the harbour at night. 36 Then the Prince left Bombay for Ceylon, with a stop in Goa. According to The Graphic the reception for the Prince at Kandy was both imposing and enthusiastic, all the great Kandyan chiefs having assembled in their State finery to receive their Sovereigns son, the humbler natives attesting their welcome by warm cheers. Among those present were the wild men of Veddahs, who by large presents had been induced to come to Kandy to be exhibited before the Prince of Wales as an ethnographic display. Here the display, rather than serving a purpose of scientific investigation, was a source of curiosity and entertainment. 37 An image (Figure 1) of a festive welcome ceremony for the Prince featuring a torchlight elephant procession, sacred dances and an illumination was typical of a great many images featuring welcome ceremonies staged for the Prince during the tour. In Ceylon the Prince visited a Buddhist temple and saw a sacred tooth of Buddha. One day he shot wild elephants, shooting one from ten yards when it was about to charge him, and wounding two others. On his return home, the wagonette being overturned, the Prince was thrown into a ditch, but was not at all hurt. He returned to Colombo on Tuesday, held a Levee at the Governors House, went to the Agri-floricultural Show, and ended the day with a state dinner and a ball. 38 The press reports, consisting by and large of the Princes activities, portrayed the Prince as possessing much masculine energy that carried him through his extremely full days. The affirmation of imperial masculinity was Figure 1: The Illustrated London News, 8 January 1876, pp 4445. The Perahara Festival at Kandy, before the Prince of Wales. 179 INDIAN PRINCES, DANCING GIRLS AND TIGERS D o w n l o a d e d
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one of the main themes of the narrative of the news coverage, as can be seen in the image (Figure 2) of the Prince reviewing troops. Reports on the tour of India and Ceylon continued in this fashion for the next four months. The full itinerary of the tour was as follows: Bombay* Mysore*Western Ghauts*Mahratta*Bombay*Baroda*Goa*Colombo* Kandy*Colombo*S Ceylon*Madras*CalcuttaHyderabad*Lucknow Cawnpore*Delhi*Lahore*Kashmir*Agra*Gwalior*Jeypore*Amber* Rajpootana*the Taj Mahal, Agra*the Terai*Nepal. The coverage of the tour added up to a textual and visual survey of the subcontinent and Ceylon. By visiting many corners of the subcontinent including Nepal and Kashmir, the Prince even engaged in something of adventure travel. One of the Figure 2: The Illustrated London News, 25 December 1875, p 636: (top) The Guicowar Palace of the Motek Bagh, Baroda; (bottom) Review at Poonah before the Prince of Wales. 180 H HAZEL HAHN D o w n l o a d e d
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highlights was the Princes reaching Lucknow in February 1876, a site of obligatory English pilgrimage because of the uprising that had taken place nineteen years previously. There, it was thought, he sensed a latent hostility for the first time. The Prince laid the foundation stone of a memorial to the Indian sepoys who had died while defending the British Residency, and also met with a group of Indian veterans individually, thus affirming one of the most significant colonial narratives of the period. 39 The Prince also hunted tigers in the Terai in northern India. The cover of The Graphic on 1 April 1876 depicted one of the Princes travel companions shooting at a tiger attacking the elephant he was riding while hunting in the Terai. 40 The Prince was in about a third of all the images produced, almost always surrounded by Indian and British notables. The coverage included represen- tations of cities, landscapes and people, welcoming ceremonies, dinners, balls, entertainments, visits to monuments (Figure 2), temples and other sites, hunting, portraits, ethnological observations, the founding of hospitals and other establishments, dedications, knighting ceremonies and military reviews (Figure 2), all meant to affirm imperial and royal authority embodied by the Prince, and also to emphasize the work of the civilizing mission in progress. At the same time they also provided an exotic feast for the eye. Not only was the Prince seen as carrying out his duties, he was also continuously being entertained, enjoying himself as a royal tourist taking in the immense variety of sights and spectacles staged for him. By this period imagined India had entered Victorian popular cultural realms through a great deal of visual production such as exhibitions, department stores, museums and paintings. Saloni Mathur argues that the images of traditional India*timeless, authentic, romantic, exotic*that became so functional and fashionable in the showcase of Victorian London*were also, by the 1880s, incoherent and contested. 41 Represented through the English illustrated press which imposed uniformity on the style and content of the narratives and illustrations, for British readers the sights and spectacles were the real-life version of imagined India. The Princes tour occasioned the defining of the contents of Indian and Cingalese cultures. Indian and Cingalese authorities, interacting with and under the directives of the British, participated in the selection and staging of what was deemed worthy of showcasing for the Prince and for the British audience. Edward Said noted that Orientalism is better grasped as a set of constraints upon and limitations of thought than it is simply as a positive doctrine. 42 Through the limited agency the colonized had in the cultural production for the tour, Indian and Cingalese cultures tended to be further essentialized. The Royal Tour as colonial tourism To what extent was the Prince a traveller and to what extent a tourist? John Phillips notes that in European travel narratives the stable identity of the self is challenged and tested by contingencies to which the self must respond in consistent and enlightened ways, often achieving considerable enrichment along the way. The subject of travel narrative must integrate new experiences 181 INDIAN PRINCES, DANCING GIRLS AND TIGERS D o w n l o a d e d
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and radical geographical and cultural differences within a stable cultural frame, and ultimately the travellers stable identity is reaffirmed. 43 The travelogue generated by the press coverage of the Princes tour fitted this classic pattern, with some twists. The experiences of contingencies, such as the route not being entirely fixed at the beginning and thus requiring some spontaneity, as well as the narrative of progressing through unfamiliar surroundings and responding to unforeseen circumstances such as the wagon being overturned, fitted into the traditional European travel narrative. Since the Prince was not narrating his own travelogue, however, the subjectivity of the Prince was curiously absent. On one hand, this weakened the narrative of the stable self being challenged and ultimately prevailing since, for one, the Princes aesthetic control over strange landscapes was mediated. On the other hand, the framework of the tour was set up so that the Princes progress was far from that of an ordinary traveller. The Prince was to be challenged, but with an expectation from the start that he would meet the challenge with no difficulty. The challenge was to show, to the domestic as well as Indian populaces, that the Prince was worthy of inheriting the Empire. Thus the level of difficulty was controlled from the beginning, through the elaborate staging of the tour, including the presence of his entourage, so that he would never come face to face with real challenge. This is not to say that there was a complete absence of potential difficulty. The idea of the tour was not uniformly popular in Britain, and it was far from uniformly welcomed in India. The mediation by the press, however, ensured that the progress of the Prince was presented as that of a narrative of explicit affirmation of the imperial authority, as a variation on the classic travel narrative. The Princes English racial location was never to be doubted from the beginning, unlike in many travelogues, and any potential inner fragility on the part of the Prince was to be erased and masked by the affirmation of masculinity. Another twist had to do with the status of the Prince. For Inderpal Grewal the underlying difference between a traveller and a tourist has to do with the apparent social class which the traveller has and the tourist lacks. 44 In this sense the Prince was the ultimate traveller. However, while the tourist is seen as being led into pre-determined routes and the traveller is seen as an adventurous leader, the Prince was a combination of the two, since he was the leader, but his tour was carefully mapped out, staged and led by others. 45 The most popular events were spectacular ones most suited for visual consumption. The Graphic described a procession at Baroda as a gorgeous display of Oriental magnificence featuring sixteen decorated and attired elephants, their faces and trunks painted in fantastic fashion. The animal destined to carry the Prince, and his host the little Guicowar, was of extraordinary size [ . . . .] Coils of gold surrounded his painted legs, while the driver . . . was attired in a costume befitting so much gorgeousness. 46 An image (Figure 3) of a dance in Calcutta was typical in that it featured the Prince as the central spectator for whom the entertainment was provided. That the European woman seated next to him looks at him absorbed in 182 H HAZEL HAHN D o w n l o a d e d
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watching the spectacle underlines this point. On the centre-stage was not the entertainment but the Prince. While showcasing yet another element of Indian culture, the image affirmed the colonial power dynamic. The image of the indigenous entertaining the colonizers simultaneously invited the reader to identify with the imperial spectator and created a distance between the reader and that spectator through an emphasis on royalty. The entertaining, glittering and exotic fantasy-like aspects that the tour highlighted can also be gleaned in descriptions of magnificent mansions of rajahs and other Indian notables where the Prince was received and entertained. The colonial power dynamic was also on display during one of the grandest of festivals that took place during the tour, a Grand Chapter of the Star of India at Calcutta, where the Prince invested Indian notables with the order of knighthood. A typical image depicted the Prince surrounded by Indian princes, showcasing him as the central authority but also a friendly and courteous visitor. 47 Another image showed Indian notables introducing one another while awaiting the Prince, thus portraying the Prince as an intermediary connecting Indian rulers and strengthening the cohesion of the Hindoostan Empire. 48 The spectacle of the Prince of Wales investing Indian princes was an exemplary ceremony that emphasized the attachment that the British government sought to create for Indian rulers towards the Empire, Figure 3: The Graphic, 26 January 1876, p 97, Dance of Nautch Girls before the Prince of Wales at the Native Entertainment, Calcutta. 183 INDIAN PRINCES, DANCING GIRLS AND TIGERS D o w n l o a d e d
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and one that underlined the distinctiveness of Indian princes as an elite group. Such occasions, as David Cannadine argues, emphasized the pomp and ceremony of the Empire and were part of the reproduction of the social hierarchy of Britain in the colonies. 49 The celebration of the Princes tour, in this respect, fits into the pattern of ritual making and bestowing of honours that reinforced imperial connections and class hierarchy. 50 The ceremony also allowed the British to feast on more exotic costumes and general splendour. An illustration (Figure 4) of the Maharajah of Jodhpore showed him and two children in splendid costumes, and another illustration (Figure 4) featured the Begum of Bhopal with a veiled face. Indian Figure 4: The Illustrated London News, 5 February 1876, p 137. Sketches at the Grand Chapter of the Star of India at Calcutta: (top) The Maharajah of Jodhpore; (bottom) The Begum of Bhopal and the Maharajah of Puttiala. 184 H HAZEL HAHN D o w n l o a d e d
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aristocrats and notables were frequently in the news during the tour for two reasons, first because they were the men*and some women*whom the Prince saw at ceremonies, receptions and so on, and second, because their presence formed exotic spectacles of highly decorative effect. Although the illustrations produced during the tour primarily featured exotic spectacles, at the same time the images also operated at documentary, aesthetic and narrative levels, as did Orientalist paintings. 51 It is difficult to say from the coverage of the illustrated press whether the Prince might have felt more affinity with the Indian princes than with English officers, something that Cannadine argues often characterized the dynamic among British royalty and aristocrats, indigenous rulers and British subordinates. However the Prince did deplore to Victoria the rude and rough manner in which English officers treated Indian princes, arguing that not only rulers but also Natives of all classes would be more attached to us and to our rule,*if they are treated with kindness, and with firmness at the same time, but not with brutality and contempt; while some of the English in India complained that too much attention was being given to blacks. 52 Some journalists also expressed condescending views of Indians in their travelogues. George Wheeler, special correspondent of The Central News, described Indian chiefs and their whole tag-rag and bob-tail paraphernalia as looking so like a company of poor strolling players. He mocked the Rajah of Chota Oodey Pore for looking like a poor, haggard, wretched-looking old man. 53 Recalling that the term modern civilisation merely refers to the civilisation of the western families of the Aryan race, Wheeler described thousands of ignorant, abject men, who, under the pretext of being holy, parade the streets naked [ . . .] their whole appearance that of the wildest and dirtiest savages. 54 He argued that high salaries are but a slight recompense for the sufferings Englishmen and women must undergo due to the heat, diseases and other dangers, thus characterizing English life in India as full not of privileges but rather of suffering endured far from the homeland as loyal subjects of the crown, carrying on their duty of the civilizing mission despite obstacles, including the populace being unwilling to learn English or change their ways. 55 Likewise J Drew Gay, Special Correspondent of The Daily Telegraph, frequently referred to the savages of India and Ceylon. 56 Such characterization denigrated the elite and poor Indians alike as lacking modern civilization, clearly distinguishing between the branches of the Aryan race, and contrasted with those of the illustrated press which represented the Indian elite as dignified, respectful and decorative. However, these two different ways of portraying Indians share in common the conviction that India lacked modern civilization. The tendency of the press coverage to aestheticize was, along with the tendency to debase, one of the characteristics that David Spurr identifies as the rhetoric of Empire. 57 The implication being that having stalled in the development of civilization the colonized would only be able to mimic, as Homi Bhabha argues, through cultural interpreters. 58 The very absence of such cultural interpreters*anglicized Indians such as teachers, bureaucrats and soldiers*in the texts and images of 185 INDIAN PRINCES, DANCING GIRLS AND TIGERS D o w n l o a d e d
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the tour of the Prince, reinforces the perceived difference between the colonizers and the colonized. One of the rare reports giving some voice to Indians was published in The Graphic. An Indian notable indignant at the description of India as barbaric in The Times was quoted as bidding the English to compare the absolute indifference of parents for children and children for parents among our State-supported paupers with the sense of a family duty which makes each poor Hindoo household support its own relations [. . . .] We laugh at native finery, and forget how strange an English ladys chignon appears to the Hindoo, or how cruel to the animal-protecting Brahmin the slaughter of a hundred birds to adorn a headdress. We say they worship stocks of wood and stone; no more, they answer, than Catholics worship images. This somewhat parrot-like recital [ . . .] is capable, perhaps, of refutation on some points, and slightly irrelevant upon others, yet there is something in it not unworthy of our thought [. . . .] Were we, for instance, but half as temperate and frugal as the former, the vice of pauperism would be hardly known. This article implies that an Indian perspective is the most appropriate for addressing pauperism in England, yet otherwise confirms faith in coloniza- tion, and British superiority. The article contends that our fulfillment of that higher mission alone justifies our being there at all, highlighting the civilizing mission of the Empire as the sole justification for colonization. 59 The coverage of the tour reinforced the image of the British as modernizers and reformers, and tended to represent Indian and Cingalese cultures as static rather than dynamic, by emphasizing traditional entertainment and historical sites. In doing this the media coverage reinforced the binary representation of the colonizer and the colonized as essentially different, reinforcing what Said critiqued as the Wests forgetting of the shared past with the East through the construction of the Orient. 60 At the same time, India and Ceylon were re-cast as relatively safe and welcoming travel destinations with, especially in the case of India, a very rich variety of attractions. As Charles Forsdick points out, exoticism, used to describe a range of representational and relational practices that allow a member of one culture to observe, interact with and otherwise process phenomena from a different culture, should not be assumed necessarily to be an ultimately destructive manoeuvre. 61 Although the representations of Indian and Cingalese cultures were reductive at times, the sheer quantity of detailed and vivid descriptions also resonated with the expanding cultures of travel such as guidebooks, other publications, colonial exhibitions and panoramas that disseminated information, whether enligh- tening or negative. 62 By this period India and Ceylon were no longer simply the mysterious Orient. Although they remained inaccessible to the majority of people other than through service in the Empire or through emigration, the vast expansion of organized middle-class tourism through Europe in the nineteenth century meant that there was an increasing interest in travel beyond Europe and North America in this period, and visiting a distant place like India was at least a feasible possibility for the middle class. The 1851 Great Exhibition in 186 H HAZEL HAHN D o w n l o a d e d
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London disseminated a large quantity of images of many parts of the world, and publications on destinations around the world steadily increased. Thomas Cook, owner of the Thomas Cook & Son travel agency which dominated organized travel, first took travellers on an eight-month tour around the world between September 1872 and May 1873, including to locations in India and Ceylon. Cooks letters during the tour were published in The London Times, thus receiving wide publicity. 63 Cooks stay in India was very brief, and he spent three days in Ceylon, where he described cinnamon groves and neighbouring gardens and the jungle emitting odours of delicious fragrance. Jules Vernes best-selling Around the World in Eighty Days was published in French and English in 1873, coinciding with Cooks world tour. Subsequently Cooks guided tour around the world was repeated each year, as well as independent tours. The first edition of Murrays Handbook to Madras and Bombay Presidencies had been published in 1859. Handbooks for Bengal (1882) and Punjab and the North West Frontier Provinces (1883) would be followed by the first Handbook for all of India, as well as Pakistan, Burma, and Ceylon, in 1892. 64 The tour of the Prince as well as Cooks tour must have provoked much curiosity in these colonies. While it is difficult to gauge the extent to which the Princes tour impacted tourism to India and Ceylon, the widespread coverage generated by the tour should be seen in the context of a steady increase in travel beyond familiar destinations, as well as the accompanying cultures of travel. It is the very fantasy-like aspects of the Princes tour, central to the coverage of the illustrated press, that was probably the most effective at provoking interest. At the same time, although the Prince was far from an explorer, he was also portrayed as an adventurous traveller. Advertisements for tourism since the Princes Royal Tour have publicized travel by and large as a means of getting away from mundane daily routines by highlighting the attractions of distant, exotic places and cultures. Being served, entertained and pampered, and to a lesser extent engaging in adventure travel, are major themes of the iconography of modern tourism advertising. Less prominently, contemporary travel is advertised as a means to observe, learn and interact with other cultures. The representation of the Princes tour, which drew upon each of these tropes (travel as adventure, as ritualized consumption, as education), was apt for eliciting such fantasies, made explicit in the context of colonization. Jill Steward points out that the role of the press as a promoter of tourism has been neglected, whereas, Arguably, it was the coverage of foreign travel in the press that helped to make the activity seem normal and routine and a taken-for-granted-feature of middle-class life. 65 I would add that such coverage of travel was significantly complemented by the coverage of travel as something extraordinary of the type that the Princes tour exemplified. Both were needed for the effect of creating a new imaginary of travel. The context of colonialism meant that tourism was to be an activity of western consumption highlighted through exotic entertainment; a dynamic that still persists today to a significant extent. 187 INDIAN PRINCES, DANCING GIRLS AND TIGERS D o w n l o a d e d
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Conclusion: the spectacle for whom spectacles are staged Throughout the tour the image of the Prince that circulated through the domestic British media was one that the British government and the press regarded to be highly appropriate for his mission. The press was invested in keeping up an image of the Prince as the highest authority figure of the Empire ever to visit India and Ceylon. He was seen as a courteous and curious emissary full of good will for learning about the future distant subjects, although he never interacted with common Indians*except on fleeting ceremonial occasions*and showed absolutely no curiosity about the Indian press which expressed a range of views about the tour and contested the seamless, positive view of the British press. Although the tour spread a favourable image of the Prince in India, beyond presaging the way for the Royal Titles Bill, it seems unlikely that the tour had a deep resonating effect on relations between the colonizers and the colonized. 66 In the English press the Prince remained a figure seen at a respectful distance, as enjoying the tour and possessing military valour. The press coverage was about the Princes public life rather than his private life, about him as an emblem and an ambassador, and not about his personality. The press was not interested in the Princes innermost thoughts, since what was at stake was his image as an embodiment of the Empire. Nonetheless, in spite of the absence of the subjects direct voice, the travelogue fitted the conventional travel narrative of Europeans who are challenged and enriched by experience. The tour linked celebrity and colonialism, or more precisely imperial celebrity, colonialism and tourism, in a significant new way, in that the Prince was the central figure of the royal and imperial spectacle for whom countless spectacles were staged. The Prince was simultaneously the celebrity to watch and the celebrity tourist. Both his enjoyment and the vicarious public enjoyment of his travels, which highlighted the imperial dynamic, were crucial for the success of the tour for both the Prince and the colonies. The tour also re-forged the cultural imaginary of India and Ceylon as potential destinations, especially for India which, when it had previously captured the public imagination, was a site of a violent rebellion that nearly ended English rule. The large quantity of texts and images, including descriptions of cities akin to guidebook descriptions, formed a travelogue- like survey, adding to the expanding culture of travel. While this survey cannot be reduced to a monolithic expression of colonial domination and exoticism, it is significant that the colonies were repeatedly represented as sources of entertainment for the Prince, highlighting a fantasy-like combina- tion of royal spectacle and colonial spectacle. The fantasy-like representation reinforced the cultural imaginary of India that had become a part of popular culture in the metropole through a variety of visual and textual productions including in the field of consumption. The tour occasioned a unique opportunity for the press to present an in-depth view of the colonies, and the survey of the subcontinent provided a unique media representation. However, the emphasis on spectacles meant that the survey was permea- ted with what Said called regular characteristics of Indian and Cingalese 188 H HAZEL HAHN D o w n l o a d e d
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cultures. 67 The journey of the Prince was seen as reflecting the modernization of travel, and his progress as implicitly symbolizing the dynamism of Britain contrasted with the colonies. There was a significant difference between India and Ceylon in how the dynamic of celebrity and colonialism played out, India normally being in the news much more frequently than Ceylon. Images of festive Ceylon produced during the tour would prove to be some of the last in the press in this period, as Ceylon would quickly become, in the press, the land of tea plantations represented through tea advertisements. Tea, like soap and cocoa, was branded and packaged for the first time during the 1880s. 68 Press coverage of the cultural aspects of small colonies such as Ceylon was especially dependent on special events like the tour. The press coverage gave the impression that the Empire was popular, but it was not in-depth enough to convey whether the Indian population was genuinely welcoming towards the Prince, since the coverage was much more of a travelogue, or tour-as-news, accompanied by historical narratives devoid of any analysis of political and social issues. Bernard Porter argues that the British Empire, usually seen as a vast system of control in the world, immensely powerful, founded on British strength, fuelled by acquisitiveness, both for commercial profits and for territory, riding roughshod over foreign societies and cultures, or a means of spreading modernity and civilization into the dark places of the earth, was in reality neither but only something that was held together through luck, bluff and repression. 69 In this respect the tour of India and Ceylon by the Prince of Wales may be seen as showing little substantial evidence of immense imperial power, only plenty of expensive dazzling shows. Yet nevertheless it was precisely such dazzling shows emphasizing ritual, ceremony, hierarchy and entertainment that helped give the long-lasting impression of immense imperial power, an impression that continues to resonate in the tourism industry today which recycles relics and images from the colonial era and creates an atmosphere of colonial nostalgia. That the Prince was first of all emblematic of a style of colonial tourism, and secondly that he was a spectacle who in turn consumed the exotic spectacle of India and Ceylon in a way that ritualizes and, through the media representation, popularizes such consumption, has much relevance to modern notions of tourism and depictions of travel in India and Sri Lanka. Notes 1 I would like to thank Robert Clarke, Nalini Iyer and Tom Taylor for their suggestions on this article. 2 The idea had been rst suggested after the 1857 Rebellion. According to E F Benson, the Princes immense success with rulers and natives alike had suggested to [the Queen] that this was a suitable opportunity, or she may have had the idea before he started: E F Benson, King Edward VII. An Appreciation, London: Longmans Green and Co, 1934, p 111. 3 For a recent sustained discussion of the tour see Chandrika Kaul, Monarchical Display and the Politics of Empire: Princes of Wales and India 18701920s, Twentieth Century British History 17(4), 2006, pp 464488. 189 INDIAN PRINCES, DANCING GIRLS AND TIGERS D o w n l o a d e d
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4 The Illustrated London News, founded by Herbert Ingram in 1842 with sixteen pages and thirty-two woodcuts, was the rst illustrated news magazine. Its circulation reached 66,000 in the rst year, then doubled in 1848, and rose again in 1851 during the Great Exhibition. Mason Jackson, The Pictorial Press: Its Origin and Progress, 1885, pp. 56, cited in Aled Jones, Powers of the Press: Newspapers, Power and the Public in Nineteenth-Century England, Aldershot: Scholar Press, 1996, p 62. 5 Andrew S Thompson, Imperial Britain: The Empire in British Policies c.18801932, Harlow: Longman, 2000, p 62. 6 Robert Kubicek, British Expansion, Empire, and Technological Change, in Andrew Porter (ed), The Oxford History of the British Empire: Vol 3, The Nineteenth Century, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999, pp 246269, p 251. 7 John M MacKenzie, The Press and the Dominant Ideology of Empire, in Simon J Potter (ed), Newspapers and Empire in Ireland and Britain: Reporting the British Empire, c.18571921, Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2004, pp 2338, p 30; Clare Pettitt, Dr. Livingstone, I Presume?: Missionaries, Journalists, Explorers, and Empire, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2007, pp 15, 19. 8 Bernard Porter, The Absent-Minded Imperialists: Empire, Society, and Culture in Britain, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004, pp 164, 174. 9 Bernard Porter, Empire and Superempire: Britain, America and the World, New Haven: Yale University Press, 2006, p 26. When the two leading mass-circulation newspapers, the Daily Mail and the Daily Express, would be established in 1896 and 1900 respectively, it would be the spectacle of Empire that would appeal most strongly to readers: Thompson, Imperial Britain, pp 6263. See also Donald Read, The Power of News. The History of Reuters, 18491989, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992, chs 34. 10 John M MacKenzie, Heroic Mythos of Empire, in John M MacKenzie (ed), Popular Imperialism and the Military 18501950, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1992, pp 109138, pp 113114. 11 Pettitt, Dr. Livingstone, I Presume?, p 59. 12 The Observer, cited in Chandrika Kaul, Reporting the Raj: The British Press and India, c.18801922, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2003, p 31. 13 The Graphic, extra number, The Grand Tour of His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales through India, 1 May 1876. 14 On nineteenth-century European tourism see James Buzzard, The Beaten Track: European Tourism, Literature, and the Ways to Culture, 18001918, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993. 15 See Linda Colley, Britons: Forging a Nation 17071837, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992. 16 Virginia Cowles, Gay Monarch: The Life and Pleasures of Edward VII, New York: Harper & Brothers, 1956, p 145. 17 Philip Magnus, King Edward the Seventh, New York: Penguin Books, 1979, p 173. 18 Magnus, King Edward the Seventh, p 173. 19 J H F, English Affairs, The New York Times [online archive], 14 October 1875, http://query.nyti mes.com/mem/archive-free/pdf ?_r1&res9500E2DB133BEF34BC4C52DFB667838E669FDEn pag (accessed 11 March 2009). 20 John Plunkett, Queen Victoria: First Media Monarch, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003, p 55; Ian Walter Radforth, Royal Spectacle: The 1860 Visit of the Prince of Wales to Canada and the United States, Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2004, p 14. Royal Spectacle focuses on an analysis of diplomatic relations and how Canadians and Americans saw the event. 21 Plunkett, Queen Victoria, p 55. 22 Julia Margaret Cameron, a celebrity photographer, took pictures of all three. Victoria Olsen, From Life: Julia Margaret Cameron and Victorian Photography, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007. 23 Chris Rojek. Celebrity, London: Reaktion, 2001, pp 1720. 24 Kaul, Monarchical Display and the Politics of Empire, pp 466467. 25 The Graphic, extra number. The Grand Tour of His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales through India, 1 May 1876, p 3. 26 Jill Steward, How and Where to Go: The Role of Travel Journalism in Britain and the Evolution of Foreign Tourism, 18401914, in John K Walton (ed), Histories of Tourism: Representation, Identity and Conict, Clevedon: Channel View Publications, 2005, pp 3954, p 40. 27 The Princes own thoughts about the tour were later published in the press and also in James Macaulay (ed), Speeches and Addresses of H. R. H. the Prince of Wales: 18631888, London: J Murray, 1889. 28 ILN, 13 November 1875, The Princes Voyage to India, p 490. 29 ILN, 13 November 1875, The Princes Voyage to India, p 490. 30 ILN, 13 November 1875, The Princes Voyage to India, p 490. 190 H HAZEL HAHN D o w n l o a d e d
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31 David MacDougall, Photo Hierarchicus: Signs and Mirrors in Indian Photography, Visual Anthro- pology 5(2), 1992, pp 103129. On this collection see also Sara Suleri, The Rhetoric of English India, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992, p 104. 32 ILN, 13 November 1875, The Princes Voyage to India, p 490. 33 ILN, Special Supplement, 20 November 1875, p 514. 34 ILN, 11 December 1875, p 586. 35 ILN, Special Supplement, 20 November 1875, p 516. 36 ILN, 11 December 1875, p 586. 37 The Graphic, 15 January 1876, p 51. 38 ILN, 11 December 1875, p 586. 39 Magnus, King Edward the Seventh, p 180; ILN, 12 February 1876, p 145; The Graphic, 19 February 1876, p 189. 40 The Graphic, The Prince of Wales Hunting in the Terai. One of the Suite at Close Quarters, 1 April 1876, p 313. 41 Saloni Mathur, India by Design: Colonial History and Cultural Display, Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007, p 207. 42 Edward Said, Orientalism: Western Conceptons of the Orient, New York: Vintage, 1979, p 42. 43 John Phillips, Lagging Behind: Bhabha, Post-colonial Theory and the Future, in Steve Clark (ed), Travel Writing and Empire: Postcolonial Theory in Transit, London: Zed Books, 1999, pp 6380, p 64. On the travellers subjectivity see also Laura E Ciolkowski, Travelers Tales: Empire, Victorian Travel, and the Spectacle of English Womanhood, Victorian Literature and Culture 26(2), 1998, pp 337366. 44 Inderpal Grewal, Home and Harem: Nation, Gender, Empire, and the Cultures of Travel, Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1996, p 96. 45 On the tourist and the traveller see also Kristi Siegel and Toni B Wulff, Travel as Spectacle: The Illusion of Knowledge and Sight, in Kristi Siegel (ed), Issues in Travel Writing: Empire, Spectacle, and Displacement, New York: Peter Lang, 2002, pp 109122, p 115. 46 The Graphic, extra number, The Grand Tour of His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales through India, 1 May 1876, p 17. 47 The Graphic, 8 January 1876, p 34. 48 ILN, 22 January 1876, p 89. 49 David Cannadine, Ornamentalism: How the British Saw Their Empire, London: Penguin, 2001. 50 On the invention of traditions and rituals see also Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger (eds), The Invention of Tradition, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992. 51 Stephen Deuchar and Amy Meyers, Foreword, in Nicholas Tromans (ed), The Lure of the East: British Orientalist Painting, New Haven: Yale University Press, 2008, pp 67, p 6. 52 Prince to Victoria, Royal Archives VIC/Z/468/98, 14 November 1875, cited in Kaul, Monarchical Display and the Politics of Empire, pp 468469. Also cited in H E Wortham, Edward VII. Man and King, New York: Little, Brown and Co, 1931, p 132. 53 George Wheeler, The Visit of the Prince of Wales. Chronicle of His Royal Highnesss Journeyings in India, Ceylon, Spain, and Portugal, London: Chapman and Hall, 1876, p 42. 54 Wheeler, The Visit of the Prince of Wales, p 353. 55 Wheeler, The Visit of the Prince of Wales, p 357. 56 J Drew Gay, Special Correspondent of The Daily Telegraph, The Prince of Wales in India From Pall Mall to the Punjaub, New York: RWorthington, 1877. William Howard Russell, who accompanied the Prince, published The Prince of Wales Tour: A Diary in India; with Some Account of the Visits of His Royal Highness to the Courts of Greece, Egypt, Spain, and Portugal, London: Sampson Low, Marston, Searle & Rivington, 1877. 57 David Spurr, The Rhetoric of Empire: Colonial Discourse in Journalism, Travel Writing, and Imperial Administration, Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1993. 58 Homi K Bhaba, The Location of Culture, London: Routledge, 2004. 59 The Graphic, 1 January 1876, p 2. 60 Said, Orientalism. 61 Charles Forsdick, Travel in Twentieth-Century French and Francophone Cultures, Oxford: Oxford University, 2005, p x. 62 Forsdick, Travel in Twentieth-Century French and Francophone Cultures, p xii. 63 The London Times, 23 January 1873; Cooks Excursionist and Home and Foreign Tourist Advertiser, American edition, June 1872June 1873. On Cook see Jill Hamilton, Thomas Cook, the Holiday-Maker, Stroud: Sutton, 2005. 191 INDIAN PRINCES, DANCING GIRLS AND TIGERS D o w n l o a d e d
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64 A Handbook for India; Being an Account of the Three Presidencies, and of the Overland Route, London: J Murray, 1859; Handbook of the Bengal Presidency. With an account of Calcutta City, London: J Murray, 1882; Handbook of the Punjab, Western Rajputana, Kashmir, and Upper Sindh, London: J Murray, 1883; A Handbook for Travellers in India, Burma, and Ceylon, London: J Murray, 1892; AHandbook for Travellers in India, Pakistan, Burma and Ceylon, London: J Murray, 1892. 65 Steward, How and Where to Go, p 40. 66 Kaul also argues that the royal tour was effective only as far as the colonized were already receptive to British colonial strategies. Kaul, Monarchical Display and the Politics of Empire. 67 Said, Orientalism, p 64. 68 Anandi Ramamurthy, Imperial Persuaders: Images of Africa and Asia in British Advertising, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2003, p 93. 69 Porter, Empire and Superempire, pp 3742. 192 H HAZEL HAHN D o w n l o a d e d