Many Factors Research Report

CCCN | The Cambodia Climate Change Network
House #06, Street 570, Sangkat Boengkak

Khan Tuolkork, Phnom Penh 12251, Cambodia
Tel: +855 23 88 20 35
Fax: +855 23 88 20 36
E-mail: secretariat@cccn.org.kh

CCCN 2014

The opinion expressed in this report are those
of relevant and engaged stakeholders and do
not necessarily represent those of CCCN.
Questions, comments and media inquiries are
welcome and should be addressed to secretariat
through secretariat@cccn.org.kh.

CCCN grants permission to all not-for-profit
organizations to use this report, in whole or in
part, with proper citation and notification of
CCCN.

i

Preparation of this document

This report was prepared in response to the needs of NGOs members of the
Network for their organizational strategic planning development for their future
activities and also for their advocacy work. The selection of the topic was passed
through several stages of consultation with members and Board of Directors of the
Network. The report focuses on several aspects of community priorities in the
context of climate change in Cambodia, climate risks and climate early warning
information sharing in Cambodia. The research looks at the priorities of
communities and the types of information required for particular areas.

The research reveals and provides deep understanding on the priorities of
communities needs and the types of information required for particular areas in
order to well response to the impacts of climate change. It discusses about the
changes in weather pattern, environmental factors, land and water management,
socio-economic factors, government, civil society and community action, needs of
information and early warning issues. This report also provides quotes messages of
grassroots stating the fact of relevant issues in their particular areas or
communities.

Under the financial support from JCCI (Joint Climate Change Initiatives) and
Southern Voices Programme on Climate Change through DanChurch Aid in
Cambodia, the Network launched this research in October 2013 through a series
of consecutive consultations with members, partners, key stakeholders and
communities.
iii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This research study was commissioned by
the Cambodian Climate Change Network,
known as CCCN. The organization
wishes to thank to Maffii Margherita and
Thavory Huot for their contribution and
efforts conducting the research and
producing this report. We thank Mr.
Boonny TEP, the Chairman of Board of
Directors, and Board members, Ms.
Angela LIM, Mr. Graeme J. Brown, Mr.
Akhteruzzaman SANO, Mr. Nguon
Teang PA, Mr. Sakhan SOK, Mr.
Sygoun KHAM for their inputs and
recommendations on the report.

We thanks also to our members,
particularly NAPA in Kampong Speu,
Save Cambodias Wildlife in Kampot,
WOMEN in Prey Veng, HelpAge
International in Battambang and My
Village International in Mondulkiri, for
having eased the field work, by
providing contacts, arranging meetings
and facilitated our travels. Thanks also
to the Local Authorities in all the
research sites, for their inputs and the
valuable information they have shared
with us. But most of all, thanks to the
communities who agreed to discuss and
analyse their hardships, their actions and
their hopes for a fair and sustainable
development. This research has been
possible because of their openness and
contributions. We are particularly
grateful to David Ford and GP Polloni
for their valuable editing, suggestions,
comments as well as their support
throughout the process.

We thanks all our members, partners
and donors for their inputs and supports
technically and financially for this
research work.
v

ACRONYMS

ADB
CBO
CCC
CCCN
CCD
DRR
EWS
FA
GEF
IFRC
IPCC
LA
MAFF
MoE
MoWRAM
NAPA
NCCAP
NCCC
NCDR
NCDM
NGO
NRM
REDD
RGC
SNAP-DRR
UNDP
UNEP
UNFCCC

Asian Development Bank
Community Based Organisations
Climate Change Committee
Cambodia Climate Change Network
Climate Change Department
Disaster Risk Reduction
Early Warning Systems
Forest Administration
Global Environmental Facility
International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies
International Panel on Climate Change
Local Authorities
Ministry of Agriculture, Forests, and Fisheries
Ministry of Environment
Ministry of Water Resources and Meteorology
National Adaptation Program of Action to Climate Change
National Climate Change Action
National Climate Change Committee
National Committee for Disaster Risk
National Committee for Disaster Management
Non-Governmental Organization
Natural Resource Management
Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Degradation
Royal Government of Cambodia
Strategic National Action Plan Disaster Risk Reduction
United Nations Development Program
United Nations Environment Program
United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change

vii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Preparation of this document ............................................................................................. i
Acknowledgments .............................................................................................................. iii
Acronyms ............................................................................................................................. v
Executive Summary .......................................................................................................... ix

Introduction .................................................................................................... 1
Research Objectives and Questions ................................................................................. 2
Background ........................................................................................................................... 2
Research questions .............................................................................................................. 4
Methodology ........................................................................................................................ 6
Literature review .................................................................................................................. 6
Field research ....................................................................................................................... 6
Site selection ......................................................................................................................... 9
Data collection and analysis ............................................................................................. 10
Results validation ............................................................................................................... 10
Limitations .......................................................................................................................... 10
Climate change and early warning frameworks ............................................ 13
Cambodia and Climate Change ....................................................................................... 14
Coordination and Stakeholders ....................................................................................... 16
Coordination, technical and funding support ............................................................... 17
Assessment of vulnerability and adaptation capacity of Cambodia communities .. 20
Early warning systems ...................................................................................................... 25
Communities priorities and early warning system issues ............................. 33
Prey Veng ............................................................................................................................ 34
Characteristics of the target areas ................................................................................... 34
Changes in weather patterns ............................................................................................ 35
Environmental factors ...................................................................................................... 35
Land and water management ........................................................................................... 36
Socio-economic factors .................................................................................................... 37
Governance, civil society and community action ......................................................... 38
Early warning needs and information ............................................................................ 40
Battambang ......................................................................................................................... 43
Environmental factors ...................................................................................................... 44
Socio economic changes ................................................................................................... 46
Early warning system and information .......................................................................... 49
Kompong Speu .................................................................................................................. 52
viii

Environmental factors ....................................................................................................... 53
Socio economic factors ..................................................................................................... 55
Early warning system and information ........................................................................... 57
Kampot ................................................................................................................................ 59
Characteristics of the target areas .................................................................................... 59
Changes in weather patterns ............................................................................................. 59
Early warning systems and information ......................................................................... 65
Mondulkiri ........................................................................................................................... 68
Characteristics of the target areas .................................................................................... 68
Change in weather patterns .............................................................................................. 69
Socio economic changes ................................................................................................... 72
Early warning systems and information ......................................................................... 75
Conclusion and recommendations ............................................................... 77
References ..................................................................................................... 86
Glossary ......................................................................................................... 88
x

Cambodia is considered highly vulnerable to climate change and shifts in weather
patterns induced by global warming. The reasons for this are rooted in a number
of geographical, ecological, economic and social factors that combine to increase
risks and weaken communities adaptive capacities. The analysis of vulnerability to
climate change has been mostly concentrated on geophysical and environmental
factors, and their impact and interactions with human activities, in particular
agriculture. Much less attention has been given to the interaction between
ecological, economic and social factors, and how they contribute to make
communities more vulnerable and reduce their adaptive strength.

CCCN, a gathering of 32 local and international organizations, is taking an active
role in bringing forward the interests of the poorest and most vulnerable people,
so that their needs are taken into consideration when and where climate change
policies are shaped. CCCN members believe that climate change and local
environmental change are, like other issues, fundamentally socio-political issues
with technical aspects. The societal factors that influence the impact that climate
change might have on Cambodia necessitate a shift in the focus from a primarily
technical approach, to a societal one. This change of paradigm is also
methodological: vulnerability, and particularly its contextual and societal
dimension, has to be evaluated by listening and collecting the voices and concerns
of the most vulnerable, who are the people in the best position to have a holistic
view of their hardships.

This research represents an initial step towards understanding the major problems
identified by communities as priorities to be addressed in order to become less
vulnerable to climate related risks as well as other kinds of event. The research has
two goals: to research and document the priorities expressed by the communities
and identify better ways to support grassroots civil society building and
networking.

These aims have been developed into two different but related components:

1. A review of the critical issues faced by communities with regard to climate
change; how relevant is global climate change compared to local
environmental, economic and social changes; how communities cope or
adapt to changes and what kinds of information, support and input they
receive in order to address their vulnerabilities.

2. Provide an insight into practices, needs and gaps between climate risk and
early warning information sharing, with particular focus on community
practices, hardships and opportunities, as well as the stakeholders involved

The research provides also an introductory review of climate change in Cambodia
and a review of the vulnerability analyses that constitute the ground for adaptive
policies. The review has particularly investigated the availability of data about
xi

vulnerability not only through geographical, agro and environmental aspects, but in
a more comphensive way. The review relies on the work of scholars and analysts
who have researched models for climate change vulnerability assessments and have
elaborated a contextualised vulnerability framework. Their approach sees climate
change, not isolated, but intertwined with environmental, geographical, economic,
social and political factors. The contextualised vulnerability approach shifts the
focus from technical responses toward more comprehensive and societal, adaptive
strategies, that communities and the most vulnerable must contribute to shape.

The primary data of the study were collected through qualitative methods based on
group discussions with communities in five Cambodian provinces: Prey Veng,
Battambang, Kampong Speu, Kampot and Mondulkiri. The discussions were
conducted in 13 villages located in 8 different communes in these provinces. The
research sites were selected in order to provide diverse perspectives on sensitivity
to climate related changes. The participants were women and men, mostly simple
villagers, or members and representatives of community organisations such as
forestry, fishery, water management, old peoples committees, savings groups or
other community based structures. In addition, information was supplemented by
conducting discussion meetings with local authorities in each of the visited
communes. The discussions with the communities were conducted on a loose and
non-binding guiding frame that started from weather changes and hardships
related to it, letting participants free to express other priorities and concerns. The
discussions with local authorities were more structured around issues related to
climate change, specific vulnerabilities and adaptive responses. The results of the
discussions were analyzed and key themes highlighted and reported. All
participants were informed prior to engaging in the discussions about the purpose
and methodology of the research in order to get their consent to report their
contributions in this report.

In all the communities villagers have observed important changes in climate and
weather patterns. Increased frequency and severity of floods are perceived by
communities located in Aek Phnom district in Battambang and in Ba Phnom and
Peam Ro districts in Prey Veng. Water from rivers and lakes rise more quickly and
last longer, there are increasing material losses and risks for people's safety.
Droughts, whose intensity has increased according to the observers, follow floods
and add hardship to hardship. In Kong Pisey district, Kampong Speu province,
lack of rain is a recurrent problem and the district is experiencing very severe
droughts. In Kampot the pace of monsoon winds and rains has changed,
becoming more unpredictable; this influences seawater intrusion and makes fishing
more dangerous. In Mondulkiri rains are more concentrated and intense, and are
followed by longer droughts. In all provinces communities witnessed an increase in
temperature.

The communities associate these changes in climate and weather patterns with the
significant changes in their ecosystems, which have occurred during recent years.
xii

Global factors are not ignored, but are considered only one side of problem faced
by the communities; the other side is represented by local factors, due to human
disruptive interventions on the ecosystems that have contributed to alter local
climate, enhancing the local impact of global changes. Deforestation is considered
by all communities to be the main culprit, having impacted heavily on all their
ecosystems. The term forest in this context refers to different ecosystems: primary
forests in Mondulkiri; mangroves and sea grass in Kampot; wetland vegetation
around the Tonle Sap in Battambang. In Prey Veng and Kampong Speu it refers to
the cutting of all kind of trees, including sugar palms and bamboo, and changes in
land use to extended rice fields.

The alteration of the ecosystems - biodiversity reduction, deforestation, erosion,
over fishing, chemical agents, etc. is not only a co-factor in climate change. It is
threatening the livelihood of small-holder producers, the majority of Cambodian
farmers, whose farming system relies on diversified, low input, integrated
agricultural practices. Even in the less diversified areas, such as Prey Veng and
Kampong Speu, where rice production is almost the only agricultural output,
natural resources remain crucial to provide important food components, traditional
medicines, materials for houses and household tools.

Another resource, of which scarcity is impacting vulnerability severely, is land. In
the plain provinces of Prey Veng, Battambang and Kampong Speu, agricultural
land is becoming scarce. Rice producers cultivate very small plots of land, and lack
of land does not allow them to reduce risks by traditional means i.e. by diversifying
rice varieties.

Land and land tenure security constitute important problems in Kampot and
especially in Mondulkiri, where extensive forests are still available. The value of
these resources is high and attracts businesses and companies, while local
communities are particularly at risk of losing their rights to access and control
these areas. The commercial value of these resources provokes a lack of
transparency in their management; communities denounce corrupt practices and
non-respect of the rule of law; very often they are left alone in their demand for
better environment protection practices, and are not supported by local authorities.

The management of water resources represents another problem for communities.
In Kampong Speu, where water is scarce, only some of the communities have
access to it; in Prey Veng, where high yield dry season rice production needs
irrigation, this is not provided fairly. Design and management of irrigation
infrastructure does not always reflect the interests of the entire community and is
another cause of inequality and hardship for the ones excluded, usually the
poorest, weakest and least powerful.

xiii

In the case of Kampot, seawaters are a matter of concern too. Overfishing has
reduced fish catch in the area, and according to the communities, illegal fishing
practices by big commercial boats are severely impacting the ecosystem.

The shift toward commercial farming, requiring intensive inputs but more
vulnerable to climate and market fluctuation, is very pronounced in rice producing
areas and is not being accompanied by measures and policies aimed at supporting
smallholders and favoring a fairer distribution of wealth. In particular the costs of
fertilizer, seeds, pesticides, harvesting machines and labour, are not being
compensated for by rice sale prices-in some of the villages 500 Riels per kg.
According to farmers, the increasing cost of rice production and land scarcity,
mean that they cannot even recover their costs. The economic sustainability of
many smallholders farms is at risk and can only be assured through recurrent
external financial inputs, which can be obtained by borrowing from banks or
moneylenders and remittances from those who have migrated. It is common for
farmers to be in debt with more than one lending institution, as they rely on
borrowing to pay for agricultural inputs and open new credits to pay back the
interest on the previous loan which leads to a cycle of indebtedness. Remittances
are often utilized to pay back interest and support daily life expenditures. Only
wealthy families can use the remittances for productive investments. These rich
agricultural producers are also actively involved in machines, inputs and especially
money lending, under very exploitative deals. Not surprisingly inequalities are
increasing.

Another alarming trend is the massive out migration of young women and men.
Villages are quite empty, inhabited by old women and men and their grandchildren.
This impact is very strongly on the life of women: many find themselves compelled
to provide full time productive work and child care at an age where their life
workload should not be so demanding.

Community priorities are often not fully recognized by local decision makers.
Local development plans tend to be based on top down decision-making
processes. Communities are seldom involved in prioritizing interventions. In
general, priority is given to infrastructure, such as irrigation projects or roads, but
communities are rarely involved in their impact analysis or design. The
decentralization process has not yet been translated into bottom up democratic
practices that might ensure community participation in decision-making that holds
decision makers accountable.

This disconnect between community and local government priorities is particularly
obvious in areas where important resources are at stake, such as land, forests and
sea fisheries. In Kampot, community members and representatives were
deliberately excluded from decisions and consultation. In Mondulkiri, decisions
and administrative practices concerning land tenure and sales were not transparent.

xiv

The role of NGOs appears to be in supporting community-based structures,
although the adoption of training as a magic formula doesnt seem to recognise the
instinctive knowledge, capacity and initiative of the communities themselves. There
is also a tendency, by NGOs, to focus on technical interventions only, even when
the contextual analysis of vulnerability shows the relevance of socio economic and
political factors.

In some cases communities have tried their best, with or without support, to
organise themselves and defend their rights to access, control and protect key
resources. In others they appear disempowered, hopeless and fatalistic. These
differences should be investigated more in order to understand what empowers
communities and what, in contrast, prevents them from becoming actively
involved in the assertion of their rights.

The research findings concerning early warning and weather information have
started theoretically, to situate these concepts on a more solid ground. It is now
internationally recognised that the early warning needs to be conceptualised as a
system. This term underlines the need to integrate weather monitoring,
dissemination of information and warning messages, risk knowledge and response
capacity, into an integrated process, which should be based on a vulnerability
assessment. Communities are the starting point for the process and should be
involved in the design of each of these components.

In the research locations in this study such an early warning system is not
operational. Many obstacles are still present: primarily the fact that there is a
cascade of authorities having a mandate to launch and disseminate early warnings,
and a disconnect with communities and their responses. Community vulnerability
and risks are not sufficiently understood and constraints to their responses not
targeted. Local authorities are not always able to deliver early warning information
to the communities, as often they do not receive the right information in time;
communities are not sufficiently involved in designing early warning based on their
needs. As for other initiatives linked to climate change, there is a risk that narrow
interpretations of early warnings, limit their scope to technical aspects, such as
communication systems, without taking into consideration the receivers in the
community. It also may create the risk of delivering early warning information not
accompanied by response interventions, which may result in little impact on
reducing peoples risks or increasing their adaptive capacity.

It is important to highlight that gender represents an important factor in the
making of vulnerability and in shaping communities priorities. The environmental,
economic and social changes that communities have to deal with have a gendered
impact: in all the community meetings women were the majority of participants,
and counted among the poorest farmers. Gender inequality add to other
vulnerabilities, limiting their access to and control of tangible resources such as
land, agricultural tools, machineries or transport, as well as non-tangible resources
xv

such networks and social linkages, education, or participation in decision making
and political instances. This is further aggravated by the chronic lack of time due to
womens workload, which sums production work in agriculture and reproduction
and care work within the household. All these factors render rural women
particularly vulnerable and their livelihood as well as the one of their dependants at
risks. Nevertheless, despite these disadvantages, the majority of the women
participating in this research were extremely vocal and articulated in their analysis,
very concerned by the environmental, economic and social changes impacting their
communities, and many of them actively engaged in community initiatives and
activities aimed at protecting communities rights to a sustainable and fair
livelihood.

Recommendations

1. In many cases the impact of global climate change is often insignificant in
magnitude compared to the impact of other more-local factors, especially
those related to the massive local land use changes currently occurring in
Cambodia as well as other deeper socio-political issues. The response to
climate change cannot be limited to technical aspects but should reflect
community priorities.

2. Most of the priorities highlighted by this study necessitate socio economic
and political measures; to correct inequalities, the deficit in participation and
accountability, and rights and rule of law enforcement.

3. Communities must be involved in more discussions and analyses about their
hardships, priorities and constraints, in order to develop agendas and
proposals for changes and build their advocacy strategies to achieve these
goals.

4. There is a lack of local and micro level data, concerning issues such as land
tenure and concentration, landlessness and land rental; rice farmers
production and costs/benefits analysis; financial services and indebtedness;
out migration, amount and use of remittances and its impact on migrants as
well as the receivers, both women and men; infrastructure development and
usage patterns, etc. These data are needed to substantiate and support
communities in their advocacy. Methods for quantitative research
community led at the local level should be piloted and extended.

5. Communities are knowledgeable, have capacity and are experts about their
own environment and problems; there is the need to acknowledge these
capacities while structuring development interventions, in order to avoid
disempowering approaches.
xvi

6. Differences in community self-organisation and advocacy capacity should
be better understood, to avoid disempowering approaches and identify best
practices.

7. The opportunities provided by decentralization should be utilised by
communities to participate in and influence decisions, and hold decision
makers accountable. Research and programmes should be tailored to
provide the data and support that communities need in this process.

8. There should be a critical analysis of changes in agriculture and their impact
on inequality. Especially, NGOs should engage in this process and review
uncritical pro-market strategies that rely on poor, mainstream,
oversimplified theoretical approaches.

9. NGOs must assume a proactive role in informing and orienting the Donor
community, in order to re-centre climate change intervention away from
mere technical recipes that do not respond to the environmental, economic
and social priorities of communities.

10. It is essential for communities to work with other groups or organisations at
national and regional level to learn from their experience.

11. National policies, investments and the impacts of climate change
interventions by donors, government or other entities, should all be
monitored and reviewed, and the results made available to communities and
networks.

Communities priorities and early warning in Cambodia

Climate change according to scientists and experts is happening; the temperature
of our planet is increasing, and this is having an impact on weather patterns and
events. The causes of global climate change are primarily changes in concentrations
of greenhouse gases globally many coming from the burning of fossil fuels.

Different regions of the world do not have the same degree of sensitivity; some
areas of the world are considered more vulnerable to changes attributable to global
warming than others. Southeast Asia is one of the regions considered at high risk.
Many scientists believe that of the factors most responsible for this higher
sensitivity are related to geographical aspects (conformation of the coastline,
monsoons, swamplands and plains, river deltas, etc.). Others account for this
increased vulnerability as being due to the dramatic changes in land cover and
ecology occurring in the region, that are creating local environmental changes with
huge consequences for local people perhaps more so than any initial impacts of
global climate change.

It is also recognized that local changes contribute to the global atmospheric change
and that the global atmospheric change could be adding to the local environmental
changes. These local changes are not natural events; while global changes are
influencing weather, temperature and climate, local changes are mostly the result of
economic social and political choices. Those determine; if and how resources such
as land, water, forests, sea, rivers and streams are protected or instead depleted;
who benefits from these resources, a large majority or some restricted social
groups; whether development policies rely on a sustainable and inclusive vision of
available resources and their use, or not.

The Cambodian Climate Change Network, a collection of more than 33 local and
international organizations, is taking an active role in bringing forward at national
and international levels, the interests of the most vulnerable and poor people, so
that their needs are taken into consideration when and where climate change
policies are shaped.

Cambodia is considered to be highly vulnerable to climate change, for a number of
geographical, ecological, economic and social reasons. Climate change is therefore
a tangible reality. Nevertheless, if global climate change is and will continue to
impact on peoples lives, it is important to locate it within the local context of
other issues that are contributing to make Cambodians more vulnerable.

The acknowledgement of the societal factors that strongly influence the impact
that climate change would have on Cambodia obliges a shift in the focus from a
primarily technical approach, to a societal one. CCCN members believe that

climate change and local environmental change are, like other issues, fundamentally
socio-political issues with technical aspects.

For this reason CCCN has initiated research aimed at providing better and more
articulated insights into the priorities of marginalized Cambodians, in terms of
ecological, economic and social factors in their communities that are threatening
their livelihoods and making them vulnerable to global climate change. This is seen
as a first step towards enhancing the awareness and understanding by communities
and their representative entities (peoples groups, CBOs, NGOs,), of global climate
change in relation to those broader issues. It is also a step toward the development
of an articulate vision, by communities and their representative groups, of what
represents climate change for Cambodians, and how it is possible to advocate for
policies in this domain that could protect the rights and livelihoods of all
Cambodians.

This research represents an initial phase, far from being exhaustive, that should
help in understanding major themes and problems highlighted by communities,
with the hope that these results will inspire other researchers and contribute to
making communities less vulnerable to climate change and other kinds of stress,
and more capable of addressing and redressing them.
Background
Cambodian Climate Change Network sees global climate change as a global
priority - but one sometimes imposed without full consideration of other local
priorities and issues. Climate change is often interpreted also as a primarily
technical issue whereas CCCN members believe that climate change and local
environmental change are, like other issues, a fundamentally socio-political issue
with technical aspects.
Hardship and disasters coming from
local environmental change (land
use change, water use change, etc)
Hardship and
disasters coming
from political/
power factors or
changes
Hardship and disasters coming from
economic system changes
(economic development)
Hardship and disasters coming
from global climate change
(increased greenhouse gases)
Cambodian
power and
political situation
Local
community

Figure 1 CCCN conceptual frame for integrated
community vulnerability scheme
Communities, networks of communities, peoples groups and NGOs (particularly those
in rural areas or of marginalized groups) will have developed and articulated opinions
with regard to climate change in Cambodia. These groups will have used their
combined voice to influence Cambodian policies and those of donors such that
livelihoods and rights are better protected.
CCCN Strategic Plan 2013-2017
So, whilst global climate change is and will continue impacting on peoples lives, it
is important to embed it within the context of other issues affecting them. For this
reason, it is essential to understand the local situation, and listen to the priorities
expressed by local communities and their networks. CCCN is concerned that the
imposition of outside priorities may inhibit genuine and effective grassroots civil
society development. The CCCN 2013-2017 strategic plan places emphasis on
grassroots civil society and network building. As civil society develops, a greater
policy-influencing role will be developed, wherein civil society means a focus on
peoples groups and community networks, essential for the effectiveness and
sustainability of climate change and other actions.

Research questions
CCCN has launched this research to attempt to reveal the local situation of rural
communities and their priorities, in relationship to climate change, identified as
one of the factors affecting communities in rural areas. There are also other factors
that may have impacted peoples agricultural production and livelihood and can act
independently or in addition to direct climate change factors. This will differentiate
climate change from a strictly technical perspective to embed it within the context
of other issues affecting peoples lives.

The two initial goals of the research are:

Research and document the priorities of Cambodian communities.
This is in order to put global climate change in context with the general
situation faced by communities.
Do research in a way that supports grassroots civil society building and
local NGO networking.

The research consists of two separate sections, which it is hoped will provide
answers to the following questions:


Table 1 Research questions.

Section 1 What are the critical issues that communities face with
regard to climate change? How much of a priority is given
to global climate change?
How relevant is global climate change compared to local
environmental change?
What natural disasters have occurred in the past and how
have people coped with them?
What are the roots causes of natural disasters that
communities are experiencing?
What information is required and needed by the
community in order to help people to adapt and to
mitigate risks of climate change and other similar
changes?

Section 2

What are the gaps in current practices between climate risks and
climate early warning information sharing in Cambodia?
What are the existing findings or current status of climate risks
and early warning information sharing in Cambodia or in the
region? Examples or lessons learnt of cases in other countries in
Asia shall have to be provided
What mechanisms are workable at local and community level in
terms of climate change information, weather forecast and early
warning?
What functional strategies were receivable and understandable
by local and community people that shared information
What are the roles of each stakeholder in the process of climate
change and early warning information sharing and
communication?

METHODOLOGY

The central research aim is to provide insight into community priorities related to
climate change, and relativise climate change concerns in relation toother hardships
faced by villagers and farmers, as well as to understand community needs in terms
of early warning. These responses are to be framed within the existing data
concerning Cambodia's vulnerability to climate change, adaptation capacity, and
early warning and weather related information. Thus, there is a need to gather both
primary and secondary data.

The research has been divided into two parts: a literature review and primary data
collection.
Literature review
The literature review was based on published studies, reports and articles, available
from the web, and constitutessection one of the report.This preliminary phase of
the research helped toestablish a comprehensive perspective on climate change in
Cambodia, and to clarify the theoretical ground on which the entire study rests. In
particular the analysis focussed on vulnerability to environmental, socio-economic,
political issues that contribute to increasing sensitivity to climate related events.

The review has also included an analysis of documents and studies related to early
warning concepts and practices. A major focus, in line with the research's overall
objectives, has been given to studies and theoretical approaches that put
community needs and capacities at the center of the early warning cascade of
events. This approach, now endorsed by the major international agencies active in
this field, focuses on early warning systems, and stresses the need to overcome mere
technical interventions or the simple focus on information networks, in order to
develop bottom up, integrated and effective systems. Local as well as regional and
global experiences in implementing early warning systems have been reported and
analised based on documents available on the web.

All the documents accessed through the web, were available at the specified
websites during the months of October-November 2013.
Field research
The primary data collection constitutes section two of the report, andderives from
field work conducted in five different Cambodian provinces (Kampot, Prey Veng,
Battambang, Kompong Speu and Mondulkiri) during four weeks in the months of
October and November 2013.


Figure 2 Map of Cambodia with research sites
The research was conducted through qualitative methods. Data was collected
during a series of group discussions and individual interviews conducted in 13
villages located in eight different communes, in five provinces. The participants
were villagers, women and men, representatives of community organizations such
as forestry, fisheries or water committees, or other groups. In addition,
information was supplemented by conducting discussion meetings with local
authorities in each of the visited communes; participants were commune chiefs,
commune councilors and village chiefs. Details about the meeting locations, the
discussion calendar and the attendance are provided in the annexes.

The research activities consisted of facilitated community discussions on the 2
main research questions:

How is climate change situated among other community priorities
and vulnerabilities?
How do communities get information and inputs about early
warning and what are their information needs?

Theme 1 was approached through the entry point of perceived changes in climate
and weather patterns, and then deconstructed by analyzing other changes, in
particular local environmental changes, changes that occurred in access/control of
the key agricultural resources, land and water, as well as agricultural inputs
(technologies, capital, services, etc.) and other social and economic dynamics and
pressures, such as migration. The theme of governance was explored by discussing
people's participation and representation in decision-making structures and finding
out how accountable they were. This guiding frame constituted a theoretical and
flexible tool that could accommodate participants priorities and allow unforeseen
factors to be freely expressed. The process can be described as a snowball
approach, where concerns, interests and priorities expressed by communities stand
as guiding themes developed in subsequent sub themes and analyses.

Weather/climate

Environment and
natural resources
Land, water,
agricultural
techniques
Socioeconomic
dynamics and
pressures
Governance
Community action
Other factors

Figure 3 Community discussion process and priorities identification

The second discussion theme, related to early warning and community needs in
terms of information, was approached with the same methodology, based on needs
expressed by the communities in relation with theme 1. In the communities where
weather related changes involved long onset events such as droughts, the resulting
discussion was less articulated and developed.

In each commune the meeting with local authorities focused on both issues of the
research: climate change impact, community vulnerabilities, needs in terms of
information and early warning.
Environment
and NR
management
Weather
Early
warning
Governance
community
actiont
Socio
economic
changes
Land water
agriculture

CCCN partners in each of the target areas organized the community and local
authority meetings. Attendance varied from 10-12 to over 20 participants for
community meetings and from 4 to 10 participants during local authority meetings.
The discussions took place in community owned locations, such as sala bon, or in
pagodas, or when these were not available, in individual households. The meetings
with local authorities took place in commune halls. Meetings lasted a maximum of
2.5 hours, as most of the villagers were busy with seasonal work. Discussions with
commune authorities lasted 1 to 1.5 hours.
Site selection
The provinces of Battambang, Kampot, Kompong Speu, Prey Veng and
Mondulkiri, were selected as target areas, based on the following criteria. This was
discussed and validated during the CCCN Workshop in Siem Reap, 8-9 October
2013:

I. Different sensitivity to climate change
II. Eco and agricultural diversity (uplands, coastal areas, wetlands,
rain fed and irrigated paddy fields)
III. Availability of CCCN Partners

Table 2 Research sites location.

Province District Commune Villages CCCN
Partners
Battambang Aek Phum Prek Lun

Bak Angrae
Sdey Lew
Help Age
International
Samroeun
Knong
Samroeun Snao
Kompong
Speu
Kong Pisey Chong Ruk

Chon Ruk
Prey Roung
NAPA
Snam Krapeuw Tropeang Storng
Kampot Tek Chhu Prek Tnaut Prek Rain
Prek Tnaut
Save
Cambodias
Wildlife
Prey Veng Ba Phnom Theay

Kompong
Slaeng
WOMEN
Prek Kandien Prey Ankun
Mondulkiri OReang Dak Dam Pu Chorb
Pu Leas
Pu Treang
My Village
Data collection and analysis
All participants were informed prior to engaging in the discussions about the
purpose and methodology of the research in order to get their consent to report
data and comments in this report. The results of interviews and discussions were
transcribed and analysed in order to identify the main themes and key issues, and
are reported in part or integrally as direct speech in the report. The results are
reported by finding the middle ground between the research guiding frame and
factors and the priorities expressed by each community and the key factors
discussed. Therefore some discrepancies appear in the report subdivision of field
results, which reflect research sites specificities. It has been judged appropriate to
avoid mentioning the names of participants: direct quotes only identify gender, age,
occupation and location. When more articulated testimonies were collected,
interviewees' names are reported.
Results validation
In order to verify the field-work findings two workshops were organized with
communities, local authorities and NGO representatives, and results submitted to
the audiences for discussion, validation and recommendations. The workshop
sites, Kampong Chang and Kratie, were selected in order to reach communities
from provinces that were not involved in the research (Kampong Chhnang, Pursat
and other parts of Kampong Speu for the first workshop, Kratie, Kampong Cham,
Stung Treng, Ratanakiri for the second one).
Limitations
A few main aspects need to be underlined: 1) time and logistics; 2) connected to
the first, broad research objectives; 3) limitations due to qualitative methods of
research. Concerning the first two limitations, the research aims and scope; getting
an overview of community priorities in 4-5 different geographical zones, imposed
significant time and logistical constraints. A very tight schedule and scarce
availability of transport, limited the length of each field visit.

Related to this, the research aim to investigate and discuss two important and
articulated issues, such as community priorities and hardships plus early warning,
proved to be overambitious. It was very difficult to hold a substantive and
participatory discussion on both themes, which have a common ground but are
separate issues. The communities dealt with the problem in the most logical way,
tracing the continuity lines between the two themes when these were of relevance
for them; when this was not the case, discussion and information on early warning
resulted in a quite limited conversation.

The third limitation is in relation to qualitative methods of research. Such methods
allow people to expressing concerns that may not be caught by quantitative
methods of analysis. Nevertheless the themes that emerge during the discussions

should be interpreted as trends that contribute substantially to draw a view of
issues at stake, but do not allow speculation about measurable quantities.

Cambodia and Climate Change
Cambodia ratified the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change,
UNFCC, in 1995. This paved the way for a number of initiatives aimed at
developing national policies and mechanisms to target climate change impact and
vulnerability as well as reduce Cambodia's contribution to global warming and
develop a green and sustainable development approach.

As a result of UNFCC ratification and accession to Kyoto Protocol, Cambodia has
obligations to collect information and data concerning the national response to
climate change and report periodically to the Conference of Parties of the
UNFCCC. The Ministry of Environment implements the process of preparing the
national communication. The Initial National Communication to the UNFCC was
submitted by Cambodia in 2002. The Second National Communication is in
preparation, with the support of UNDP, who assists Cambodia in this
task.
1
Cambodia, as well as all other developing countries, is entitled to full
financing for the completion of the National Communications, for which there is
no fixed submission deadline
2
.

Among the outputs resulting from Cambodia's adhesion to UNFCC, is the
formulation of the National Adaptation Programme of Action to Climate Change,
NAPA, which appeared in 2006. NAPA, according to the decisions of UNFCC 7
th

Conference of Parties, should be based on a participatory process involving those
most vulnerable to climate impacts, in particular, rural populations. It should focus
on an analysis of the main climate hazards and coping mechanisms at the
grassroots level, as well as programmes and institutional arrangements addressing
climate related hazards and changes. It is also aimed at improving agricultural
productivity and reducing vulnerability while prioritizing adaptive activities
3
.

To provide a baseline for the process of NAPA formulation, a Vulnerability and
Adaptation to Climate Hazards and Climate Change Study was conducted in 2005,
under the supervision of the Ministry of Environment. The assessment identified
floods, drought, salt water intrusion and increase in vector borne diseases as the
key phenomena enhanced and intensified by climate change
4
. It also provided a
map of Cambodian provinces more vulnerable to the main threats such as flood
and drought.

1
A draft report of the SNC project is discussed in the UNDP Cambodia Human Development Report, Future of
Rural Livelihood in the face of Climate Change, Phnom Penh, 2011, page 9. However the SNC does not seem
to have been made public until now.
2
For a comprehensive overview of the National Communications submission to UNFCCC, consult the website:
http://unfccc.int/national_reports/non-annex_i_natcom/items/2979.php, last visited November 2013
3
See Robert W. Solar, Cambodia and Climate Change, A review of climate change responses in Cambodia, Joint
Climate Change Initiative, Phnom Penh 2010
4
Vulnerability And Adaptation To Climate Hazards And To Climate Change: A Survey Of Rural Cambodian
Households, NAPA Team, March Phnom Penh, 2005

Figure 4 Level of vulnerability to floods by province
(Vulnerability and Adaptation study, 2005)

Figure 5 Level of vulnerability to drought by province
(Vulnerability and Adaptation study, 2005)

Concerning adaptation, the report underlines the difficulties that farmers
encounter in implementing adaptation strategies, and their lack of preparedness. It
also reveals that forecasts for extreme weather conditions are not available yet and
that after extreme weather events 45% of the interviewees did not receive post
event assistance, while 55% of the people interviewed received only some
assistance.
Local people have a high understanding of climatic hazards and of their
causes. Villagers are clearly aware of changes in hydrological patterns resulting
from the construction of dams, dikes and roads and from deforestation, which
may increase the frequency and intensity of floods, and the sedimentation of
water storage structures. Traditional resignation to climate change and to
climate extremes should not be equated to preparedness and adaptation.

Ministry of Environment Vulnerability and Adaptation Study, 2005, page 31


Cambodias NAPA identified 39 project activities, pertaining to 3 main categories:
capacity building/training; awareness raising/education; and infrastructure
development. They constitute "no regrets" options, projects already justified by current
climate conditions and providing a host of social and economic benefits for local people. Under
changing climate conditions, which could include higher frequencies of climate hazards, the selected
priority activities would be even more attractive
5
. The projects targeted different
vulnerability factors and areas.

The mainstreaming of environmental and climate change mitigation and adaptation
focus on national plans and policies has since then gained momentum: the
National Strategic Development Plan NSDP 2006-2010 incorporates a strong
focus on green growth and adaptation to climate change; a Strategic National
Action Plan for Disaster Risk Reduction, SNAP-DRR 2008-2013, was launched in
2009; sector plans have been made by the Ministries of Agriculture and
Meteorology and Water Resources; a roadmap for REDD financial support has
been prepared by the Ministry of Environment and Ministry of Agriculture,
Forestry and Fishery in 2009; a National Green Growth Roadmap was developed
in 2010; climate change concerns have been mainstreamed in the National
Strategic Development Plan Update NSPD 2009-2013 and in the Plan for
Decentralisation and Deconcentration NCDD 2011-2013.
Coordination and Stakeholders
Climate change adaptation activity in Cambodia is coordinated through a number
of primary institutional actors: the National Climate Change Committee, NCCC;
the National Committee for Disaster Management, NCDM; the Climate Change
Department and the Designated National Authority for the Clean Development
Mechanism. The key ministries involved are the Ministry of Environment
6
, the
Ministry of Agriculture, Forests, and Fisheries, the Ministry of Water Resources
and Meteorology, the Ministry of Health, the Ministry of Planning, and more
recently other Ministries (Interior, Womens Affairs, Rural Development) were
added as key line institutions.

Two national initiatives, the Cambodia Climate Change Alliance, CCCA, and the
Pilot Programme for Climate Resilience, PPCR, play an important role in
strengthening the capacity of the National Climate Change Committee to address
climate change and enable line ministries, local government institutions and civil
society organisations to implement priority climate change actions. The CCCA acts
also as a trust fund entity, supporting projects and initiatives targeting climate
change, adaptation and mitigation. Both are funded by international donors

5
Ministry of Environment, Cambodia,, National Adaptation Programme of Action to Climate Change NAPA,
Phnom Penh, 2006, page 8.
6
The Ministry of Environment of Cambodia is also managing the Cambodian web portal on climate change:
http://www.camclimate.org.kh last visited November 2013.

(CCCA by Swedish and Danish cooperation, EU, UNDP and the PPRC by the
ADB). The organisational frame for the National Climate Change Committee is
shown below.

Figure 6 National Climate Change Committee's organogram
(Solar Robert, 2010)

In contrast, outside of central government, climate change has not yet been
integrated into the development planning process at the commune level
7
. In terms
of legislation, there are no new specific legal instruments ruling climate change,
mitigation and adaptation initiatives in Cambodia, besides the laws pertinent to the
environment and management of natural resources already ratified
8
.
Coordination, technical and funding support
The main international reference bodies for climate change are the International
Panel on Climate Change IPCC, established by the United Nations Environmental
Programme UNEP, and the World Meteorological Organisation, WMO. The
IPCC is an intergovernmental body with a scientific capacity that gathers resources
and prepares comprehensive Assessment Reports about climate change, its causes,
potential impacts and response strategies.

The United Nations Environment Programme UNEP, is the United Nations entity
for the environment, providing leadership, guidance and technical support, and

7
Assessment of the second term of Decentralization in Cambodia, 2007-2012-Commune council performance and
citizens participation, Comfrel, 2013, page 24.
8
A list of legislative instruments ruling environment and natural resources in Cambodia is available on Open
Development website at: http://www.opendevelopmentcambodia.net/laws-regulations/ last visited November
2013
advocating for the environment within the UN system and globally. These entities
stand as references and provide technical support.

More relevant is the role of the Global Environment Facility, GEF, which is a
multi-national and multi-stakeholder entity providing grants for projects related to
environmental issues. The GEF is the main funding mechanism for the
Convention on Biological Diversity and the UNFCCC as well as other
environment related conventions. It provides funds to Cambodia for the
preparation of the national communications and other initiatives, in cooperation
with UNDP. Danish International Development Assistance, the Swedish
International Development Cooperation Agency, and the European Union, EU, all
play important roles in Cambodia, in terms of funding and technical support. The
International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies IFRC play an
important role in Disaster Preparedness and Disaster Risk Reduction, as well as the
United Nations Office for Disasters Risk Reduction, UNRISD.

Figure 7 ASEAN Institutional Framework
on Environment, countries and sectors

The Asian Development Bank, which identifies transition to low-carbon growth
paths and adaptation to the unavoidable impacts of climate change as priorities,
has developed financing and incentive opportunities for developing countries in
the Asia Pacific through a series of resources, such as the Clean Energy Financing
Partnership Facility, the Climate Change Fund, and the Global Environment
Facility GEF, funds to which ADB has direct access. ADB manages Climate
Investment Funds in cooperation with the World Bank and other regional

institutions, as well as other funds concerning water investments, poverty and
environment, and private sector. ADB funds involve grants but also loans; the
bank is lending and granting funds to a number of climate related projects in
Cambodia, mostly in the agricultural sector
9
.

The Association of South East Asia Nations ASEAN is increasingly active in
environmental issues and climate change: a declaration was issued during the Bali
UN Climate Change Conference and a joint statement at the 2009 Copenhagen
UN Climate Change Conference. The Road Map for an ASEAN Community
2009-2015 situates climate change agenda in the context of sustainable
development through regular meetings of ASEAN Ministers of Environment. This
translated into the inclusion of environment in the ASEAN community building
blueprints; the adoption of an institutional framework for the environment; the
endorsement of a consultative platform, the ASEAN Climate Change Initiative,
ACCI; and other shared initiatives concerning environment protection, mitigation
and adaptation
10
.

The structure of climate change intervention that results from this re-organisation
and mainstreaming is characterised by an important disposal of funds: PPCR initial
budget of US$105 million, has reached US$ 240 million in 2013, in grants and
soft loans by ADB and WB; NAPA follow up received US$ 3 million in 2011;
CCCA has been funded up to US$ 9 million; the National REDD Road Map
funded by WB, FAO, UNDP and UNEP gets US$ 9 million; a vulnerability
assessment and adaptation in coastal zones of Cambodia has been funded by
UNEP up to US$ 1.6 million; added to these are other funds made available by
USAID, EU, JICA, GIZ, among others
11
.

Nevertheless, there are reasons for concern related to some of the initiatives
launched under the umbrella of climate change adaptation. For example, large
agricultural projects promoting accelerated shifts toward commercial farming,
which impact on biodiversity and peoples livelihoods, does not seem to accord
with the need to sustain biodiversity and smallholder agriculture. The same applies
to large infrastructures, for example irrigation projects, which may not meet the
objective of ensuring equal access to water resources, especially by the most poor
and vulnerable
12
.

9
For a comprehensive view of ADB Climate Change initiatives, funds and projects, consult ADB web site at:
http://www.adb.org/themes/climate-change/main ; there is possible to accede to the projects currently funded
in Cambodia.
10
For a comprehensive overview of ASEAN Climate Change initiatives, declarations, strategies and projects
consult the organisation web site at: http://environment.asean.org/last visited November 2013
11
For a more detailed analysis of climate change financing mechanisms, view: Branka Buric, Patricia Gorin,
Overview of Climate Change Financing Mechanisms in Cambodia, Lao PDR, Thailand, And Vietnam, FAO
Climate Change and Environment Officer, Investment Centre (TCID) July 2011. A study on climate change
financing in Cambodia has been launched by the NGO Forum, but not yet released.
12
Loss in biodiversity due to large rice farming especially around to Tonle Sap lake has been reported extensively,
see C.E. Packman et al., Rapid Loss of Cambodias grassland, Conservation Biology, Volume 27, Issue 2, pages

A number of local and international NGOs have gathered to coordinate activities,
advocacy and research, and are playing an important role in the climate change
arena in Cambodia and internationally. The Cambodia Climate Change Network,
which has launched this research, gathers 32 local and international partners and
promotes advocacy, research and knowledge sharing, as well as training, education
and communication activities. The NGO Forum of Cambodia, with 109 members,
is the main advocacy and campaign network of NGOs in Cambodia, and now has
a Climate Change Policy monitoring sub group.

At the community level, a structure of Community Based Organisations active in
the different sectors of forestry, fishery, water resource management and other
sectors has been formed and is now regulated by laws. Their representativeness,
advocacy power and effectiveness still need consolidation within the national
climate change dynamic.
Assessment of vulnerability and adaptation capacity of
Cambodia communities
The definition of vulnerability, agreed by international organisations and entities
active in the global warming and climate change sector, is that vulnerability is a
function of exposure, sensitivity and adaptive capacities (see Glossary). Exposure is
an indication of recurrence, intensity and impact of climate hazards, such as floods,
droughts, storms, sea level rise, in normal times as well as the result of global
changes in climate. Two other terms, sensitivity and adaptation capacity, are more
complex and involve the appraisal of geophysical, environmental, social, economic,
cultural and political spheres and systems. The assessment of vulnerability is a
function of the spheres and systems taken into consideration, their ranking and the
methodologies adopted to assess them.

The interpretation given to vulnerability that derives from different approaches
and priorities is not neutral and has very important implications for the assessment
of community vulnerability
13
. On one side there are methodologies where
vulnerability is the end point of a linear process, where climate is taken as the
main stressor and vulnerability is an outcome. These methodologies are normally
adopted by climate impact assessment studies and are based on large-scale climate
data and top-down approaches. They constitute the majority of attempts to
measure vulnerability. On the other side are studies where vulnerability is the
starting point for an analysis that is built on concerns, knowledge and hardships
expressed by communities, according to a bottom up process, and where climate

245247, April 2013. For an analysis of the irrigation sector in Cambodia, see Learning from Irrigation Projects
in Cambodia, Benefits and Challenges, NFO Forum of Cambodia, Phnom Penh, 2011.
13
This discourse has been initiated by OBrien Karen, Eriksen Siri, et al. 2007, in their studyWhy different
interpretations of vulnerability matter in climate change discourse, Climate Policy 7:1, 73-88.

change stands as one of the stressors affecting community vulnerability, and is
therefore contextualized among other factors.

Figure 8 Different vulnerability assessment
(Adapted from O'Brien 2007)

A multilevel, contextualized assessment
of vulnerability involves its relationship
to climatic, environmental, socio-
economic, political and institutional
factors, and has a strong focus on
livelihoods. In Cambodia vulnerability
has been analyzed more within the
linear frame centered on climate
variability and its impacts on physical
and technical aspects, and mainly on
agricultural outputs, for which adaptive
measures have tended to be limited
and essentially technical. Recent studies
however have adopted a contextualized
approach, based on an appraisal of
existing vulnerabilities and their relevance
for an assessment of vulnerability related
to climate change
14
.

14
For a comprehensive review of vulnerability and adaptation studies see the Synthesis Report on Vulnerability
and Adaptation Assessment for Key Sectors Including Strategic and Operational Recommendations Funded by:
ADB and World Bank, Ministry of Environment, January 2013.
Despite progress achieved in assessing
and projecting impacts of climate change,
vulnerability and adaptation studies for
Cambodia provide an insufficient
understanding of existing vulnerabilities
and responses required for adaptation.
This is particularly the case at sub-
national levels (provincial, district,
commune, and village levels).

Vulnerability and Adaptation Assessment for
Key Sectors, Ministry of Environment, January
2013

Vulnerability and adaptation in Cambodia are not only the result of geophysical
peculiarities, but also to a number of intertwined factors that increase vulnerability
to other crises and shocks. Important changes in land use and ecosystems have had
important consequences for the access and control of resources by the population.
Of particular concern is the rate of deforestation. According to the Cambodian
Forestry Administration statistics, deforestation has reached 0.5% per year and the
total forest cover declined from 59 to 57% between 2006 and 2010. This
categorizes Cambodia as a high forest cover, high deforestation country
15
. The
National Forest Administration, FA, recognises the threats to forest protection,
and underlines the key role of governance and the frustration of local communities
facing the task of protecting forest resources without appropriate and sound
support from authorities.

Closely intertwined with deforestation is
the situation of land tenure and
landlessness. According to a Human
Development Paper published by
UNDP, involuntary landlessness is the
main cause of poverty in Cambodia
16
.
Economic land concessions granted to
foreign and national companies, as well
as distress sales, are the main reasons for
land dispossession. Landlessness and
land scarcity of agricultural properties
smaller than half hectare impair rural
livelihoods and together with defores-
tation, deprive agricultural producers of
the most important adaptive strategy
they have; diversification and agricultural
production integration.

Cambodian farmers derive their livelihood from integrated systems where different
kinds of forests, rivers, swamps and lakes have crucial roles in supporting

15
Forestry Administration Cambodia, Cambodia Forestry Outlook Study, Asia-Pacific Forestry Sector Outlook
Study, Food And Agriculture Organization Of The United Nations Regional Office For Asia And The Pacific,
Bangkok 2010.
16
UNDP Cambodia Discussion Paper 5; Land and Human Development in Cambodia, 2007.
The ecological landscape of Cambodia has changed dramatically in the last 30
years, possibly influencing changes in more localised weather patterns

UNDP Cambodia HD 2011 Future of Rural Livelihood in the face of Climate change, page xii.

Natural resources are the foundation of
rural welfare. The degradation of water
supplies, soil erosion, and loss of access
to NTFPs have direct and immediate
welfare impacts. Recent history highlights
numerous cases in the LMB [Lower
Mekong Basin] where the transition to
commercialization has represented a
worsening or the onset of environmental
problems which are affecting the poor
disproportionally.

Mekong Adaptation and Resilience Synthesis
Report, USAID, 2013


livelihoods and food security. Environmental degradation and resources scarcity
have direct causal links with poverty and destitution
17
.

Such changes may result in additional effects on climate and weather at the local
level, increasing its impact and consequences.

Another cause of eco disturbance with important repercussions on vulnerability
and adaptation is the development of a hydropower energy strategy that relies on a
series of dams and reservoirs, with important ecological, economic and social
impacts
18
.

Economic and social dynamics are increasing the vulnerability of Cambodian
communities and reducing their adaptive strategies. This is reflected by the latest
data concerning poverty: 45.9 percent of the population lives in multi-dimensional
poverty while an additional 21.4 percent of Cambodians are vulnerable to multiple
deprivations
19
. Inequality of access is also determined by wealth, power, and social
and political representation. The national human development index adjusted for
inequality shows that this has a major impact in peoples poverty. Among the
forms of inequality that have important impacts on vulnerability, gender based
discrimination stands as a key factor, which contributes to vulnerability and low
adaptation capacity
20
.

In terms of political representation and participation in decision-making, the voice
of local communities and their prerogative to use their rights to influence decision
makers, are not strong enough to counteract these trends and demand for
accountability and new policies.

17
Mekong Adaptation and Resilience to Climate Change, Synthesis Report Draft, USAID, 2013, page 22
18
See the NGO Forum environment sub group on hydropower for reports and documents on hydropower plants
and dams in Cambodia, at: http://www.ngoforum.org.kh/eng/enpublications.php?docs=hcrpdoc
19
UNDP Cambodia Human Development; The Rise of the South, Analysis on Cambodia, 2013 page 6.
20
Synthesis Report on Vulnerability and Adaptation Assessment for Key Sectors Including Strategic and
Operational Recommendations Funded by: ADB and World Bank, Ministry of Environment, January 2013,
page 6.
At this stage of democracy in Cambodia, local communities are encouraged to
use their rights in managing natural resources but they still have minimal voice
and usually have lost their demands to powerful and rich people while
defending their rights from natural resource management. Therefore, in order
to reach 60% forests cover [Cambodia MDG for the environment], bringing
local community participation into highly active participation is essential.

Forestry Administration, Cambodia Forestry Outlook Study, 2006, page 5.

Despite the lack of studies informed by the contextualised approach to
vulnerability, a number of studies have provided insight and information on other
factors at work in climate change. A study conducted in 2009 by DanChurch Aid
21

on public perceptions of climate change in Cambodia, targeting four provinces,
Kampong Chhnang, Kampong Speu, Prey Veng and Battambang, showed that the
perceptions of the communities concerning climate change were intertwined with a
number of other factors, primarily changes in local ecosystems, in agricultural
techniques and in resources availability. What farmers seemed to perceive clearly
was an important reduction of their agricultural productivity and incomes,
significant decrease in yields, soil fertility losses, intensification of pests and insect
attacks, decrease of fish stocks, and augmented incidence of animal and human
diseases. People interpreted these factors as the results of environmental changes,
and primarily deforestation. The study showed also that farmers had attempted
different adaptive strategies with different degrees of failure or success.

A mapping study conducted in Mondulkiri in 2009 to identify key issues for
disaster preparedness and response, takes into account a range of socio economic
aspects, including governance and power structures
22
. Mechanisms of control,
power and dispossession are crucial variables in people's vulnerability and adaptive
capacities. Deforestation, mentioned by communities as the key cause of flash
floods, drought, pests and diseases, is due to human interventions, and is made
possible by the deficit in rights and power suffered by indigenous communities
facing massive logging and land grabs.

Villages in the province of Prey Veng were the target of a study concerning
adaptation of agricultural practices to climate change
23
. Even if it did not fully
consider aspects other than agricultural practices, it provides interesting insight
into farmers constraints and adaptation strategies

The already cited assessment of vulnerability and adaptation capacity conducted by
the Cambodian Ministry of Environment in 2013 presents an initial
multidimensional and contextualised assessment of vulnerability in 4 Cambodian
provinces: Battambang, Prey Veng, Kompong Thom and Stung Treng
24
. Together
with a comprehensive and critical review of the available studies on this subject,
the synthesis report provides an important indication for a contextual and
multidimensional analysis of vulnerability. Below are the adaptation priorities
suggested by the report
25
.

21
Public Perceptions of Climate Change in Cambodia, DanChurch Aid/Christian Aid DCA/CA, Phnom
Penh,2009
22
Try Thuon, Mapping Vulnerability to Natural Hazards in Mondulkiri, Final Report, IOM, Phnom Penh, 2009
23
Betsema Gemma, Changing Practices: Adapting to Climate Change? A study of adaptation strategies to climate
change by small-farmers in Cambodias province of Prey Veng, Master Thesis, University of Amsterdam,
School of Social Science, International development studies, 2011.
24
Cited in note 20; see Appendix 7 for the details of the vulnerability assessment in the target provinces.
25
Ibid. page 43.

Table 3 Adaptation needs and priorities for the agricultural sector.

Description of needs and priorities
1. Resolving long-standing issues of land access in order to provide farmers with
secure access to viable plots to make long-term commitments and investments to
increase productivity, flood security and income generation needs.
2. Effective land-use planning in areas of high conflict, controversy and/or
ineffective land management, or of high ecological importance, such as the
coastal zone, the Tonle Sap region, and the northeast.

3. Rehabilitation of irrigation infrastructure and its management and distribution;
and meeting irrigation needs of farmers through smaller-scale systems that
respond to local needs and circumstances.
4. Adoption of high-yielding SRI approaches that utilize efficient water
management.
5. Promote engagement in multi-purpose farming (integrated farming systems) to
cultivate a range of crops within the same plots. This approach prevents soil
degradation and restores ecological conditions in the area, and provides a
diversified set of agricultural outputs.
6. Research, develop and breed new rice varieties that are tolerant to local agro-
ecological zones, climate conditions, and floods and droughts.
7. Improved weather forecasting systems to encourage adaptive coping strategies.
8. Promotion of crop insurance to give farmers more confidence to make decisions
on planting and reduce risk aversion.
9. Provide agricultural extension services and technical advice to farmers to
improve and intensify agricultural production (e.g., Farmer Business Advisors
and enterprise Centers).
10. Promote appropriate usage of chemical (fertilizer and pesticides) and mechanized
(machinery and equipment) farming and agricultural inputs.

Early warning systems
Early warning (EW) is a global political and legal imperative and obligation
inscribed, in the 1992 Rio Declaration on Environment and Development, the
1994 Yokohama Strategy and the 2005 Hyogo Framework for Action. To be
effective, early warning systems for natural [and anthropogenic] hazards need to
have not only a sound scientific and technical basis, but also a strong focus on the
people exposed to risk, and with a systems approach that incorporates all of the
relevant factors in that risk, whether arising from the natural hazards or social
vulnerabilities, and from short-term or long-term processes.
26

26
Reid Basher, Global early warning systems for natural hazards: systematic and people-centred, The Royal
Society, Phil. Trans. R. Soc., vol. 364 no. 1845, 2167-2182, 2006, abstract
The concept of Early Warning Systems, endorsed by UNRISD, bridges technological
and scientific inputs that are needed for effective forecast and information, with
the social and political context where this information is needed in order to build
an adequate response. It represents an evolution compared to more reductionist
technical perspectives limited to technologies for monitoring and broadcasting
events and information, without considering the socio-economic and cultural
dimensions that shape risk, vulnerability, and response capacity.

To be effective and complete, an early warning system should rely on four
elements, which are intertwined and interact with each other: 1) risk knowledge, 2)
monitoring and warning service, 3) dissemination and communication, 4) response
capability.

Figure 9 The four systematic elements
of people-centered early warning systems
(Bacher R., 2006)

Most early warning systems are
centred on weather forecasts and
communication technologies, but less
frequently on integration of the
different components.

Perhaps the most striking evidence of the relevance of these interconnections has
been hurricane Katrina, which affected the Southern Coast of the US and the city
The second element, the monitoring
and warning service, is the most well
recognized part of the early warning
system, but experience has shown
that technically high-quality
predictions by themselves are
insufficient to achieve the desired
reduction in losses and impacts.

Basher Reid, 2006


of New Orleans in 2004. Despite having been forecast and announced in time, the
hurricane induced severe human and material losses, especially among the most
vulnerable citizens, due to lack of means but also poor governance structures. It
revealed deep deficiencies in response capacity because no adapted responses were
planned and enacted in time to reduce them
27
.

The evolution of early warning systems (Figure 10) can be seen also as a series of
steps, based on the development of scientific knowledge and technological means,
as well as the increasing understanding of the components and structures involved.
The third step in the diagram, called end to end, stresses the need to connect
those who develop the message with those who receive it. However, end-to-end
EW is not enough, because it does not foresee a reverse flow of information and
does not involve adapted responses strategies based on vulnerability and risks.

27
ibid.

Figure 10 Early warning evolution
(adapted from Basher R., 2006)

Pre-science EW
Warnings, if any, may be
based on unrelated factors
such as meteor occurrence,
cloud shapes, plant
flowering or fruiting
performance, etc., but also
may be based on
indigenous observations of
relevant factors such as the
state of the oceans or
visibility of the stars
Ad hoc science based EW
These are systems such as
are often established on
the initiative of scientists or
community groups
concerned with particular
hazards, such as near-Earth
space objects, a nearby
volcano or a flood-prone
river

End to end EW
The best known and most
developed are those of
national meteorological
services, for weather-
related hazards. Typically
these systems operate
under a country-wide
mandate and involve the
organized, linear and
largely uni-directional
delivery by experts of
warning products to users

Integrated EW Systems
The linkages and
interactions among all
the elements necessary
to effective early
warning and response,
the role of the human
elements of the system
and the management of
risks rather than just
warning of hazards

An early warning systems approach highlights also the need to deal with multi-
hazards, beyond the range of geophysical, short term climate hazards, and includes
long-term risk factors arising from natural but also social, economic and political
issues.

Table 4 Illustration of factors of relevance to early warning systems and their time
frames in seconds (S), minutes (M), days (D), weeks (W), months (M), years (Y)
and decades (D) (Modified from Basher, 2006).

Factor
Timeframe
S M D W M Y D
seismicity, tsunami X X X
weather, oceans, floods X X X X
soils, reservoirs, snow pack, El Nino X X X
conflicts, migration X X X X
crop production, prices, reserves, food aid X X X
environmental management, state X X X
industry, urban, infrastructure design X X X
land use planning, climate change X X

Table 5 IFRCC Guiding principles.

Principle Description
Guiding principle-1 Integrate within DRR: EWS is not a stand-alone
Guiding principle-2 Aim for synergy across levels: community, national and
regional/global
Guiding principle-3 Insist on multi-hazard EWS
Guiding principle-4 Systematically include vulnerability
Guiding principle-5 Design EWS components with multiple functions
Guiding principle-6 Accommodate multiple timescales
Guiding principle-7 Embrace multiple knowledge systems
Guiding principle-8 Account for evolving risk and rising uncertainty
Guiding principle-9 EWS without borders: target the full vulnerability and
hazard-scape
Guiding principle-10 Demand appropriate technology
Guiding principle-11 Require redundancy in indicators and communication
channels
Guiding principle-12 Target and reach disadvantaged and vulnerable groups
Guiding principle-13 Build partnership and individual engagement

The South East Asia International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent has
published a set of Guidelines for Early Warning Systems based on the people-
centred approach to early warning promoted by the Hyogo Framework for
Action
28
. The guidelines are focused on community participation in the assessment
of risk and appraisal of vulnerabilities and capacities, see Table 5. The EWS
process suggested by IFRC stresses the fact that communities can develop their
capacities to reduce risks at the local level only if they know the hazards and risks
and can build on this knowledge to identify and target vulnerabilities. The process
focuses also on the key role of authorities in risk knowledge, monitoring,
dissemination and communication of warnings, and in building response
capabilities; on this matter authorities must consider small level local events, as well
as broader and large scale ones, and be at the service of vulnerable and
marginalised communities and groups.

Early warning in Cambodia is a component of the national structure for disaster
management, the National Committee for Disasters Management, NCDM. The
Ministry of Water Resource and Meteorology, through the Department of
Hydrology and River Work, and the Department of Meteorology, is responsible
for establishing, maintaining and disseminating weather and flood forecasts as well
as early warning systems
29
. A Strategic National Action Plan for Disaster Risk
Reduction in Cambodia 2008-2013, SNAP-DRR, was launched in March 2009.
Early warning is one of the key priorities identified by the plan, and the plan
acknowledges that early warning systems are not yet working well
30
. The Mekong
River Commission is developing flood and drought vulnerability indices for the
Lower Mekong basin and produces flood maps for flood-prone provinces as well
as flood forecasting and early warning for the river flood plains. These
interventions are complemented by community-based EWS projects of the
Cambodian Red Cross and vulnerability assessments by NGOs (Oxfam, Care and
Action Aid among others). A Regional Integrated Multi-Hazard Early Warning
System (RIMES) is active in the Region, but information concerning Cambodia is
not yet reliable due to lack of meteorological data entry points. UNDP is
supporting the strengthening of early warning systems based on the assessment
that, early warning information, as well as recovery and response capacities are
quite poor at the community level due to; unreliable weather monitoring structures,
limited risk mapping, lack of standard operating procedures to pass information to
communities and lack of dissemination of warning messages at the community
level. The decentralisation process has led to the creation of Provincial Disaster
Preparedness Committees, but at the lowest echelons of districts and communes
there is a lack of structure and capacity to bridge efficiently the higher decision
making structures with the communities on these matters.

28
International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent, Early Warning Early Action: A regional Guideline to
effective Engagement, South East Asia and Pacific Office, Bangkok, 2010
29
It is beyond the aim of this report to provide a detailed description of the national disaster management
structure, for which we refer readers to the NCDM web site: http://www.ncdm.gov.kh/ ; for an assessment on
current frameworks see the WB Disaster Risk Management preparatory note that describes in detail the
organisational structures, the actors and framework, available on the web at:
www.drrgateway.net/sites/.../cambodia_disaster_risk_frameworks.pdf
30
UNDP Cambodia: Strengthening Climate Information and Early Warning Systems to Support Climate Resilient
Development and Adaptation Project, www.GEF.org March 2013

Currently, a project has been submitted to the Global Environment Fund GEF, by
Cambodia Ministry of Ministry of Water Resources and Meteorology with the
support of UNDP, aimed at strengthening climate information and early warning
systems in Cambodia. The project is articulated through 3 components: transfer of
monitoring technologies; model weather forecast data; disseminate information. It
has a budget of 16 M USD but there is no specific focus on the community level
of the Early Warning System.

Prey Veng
Characteristics of the target areas
The fieldwork was conducted in 2 villages in Theay commune, Ba Phnom district,
and in one village Prey Kandieng commune, Peam Ro district; both districts are
located in the southern part of the province. The areas are prone to severe
flooding during the rainy season; Peam Ro mainly from the Mekong River, Ba
Phnom and particularly Theay commune, from the two lakes, Boeung Pring and
Boeung Khsach Sa.
31
The areas experience recurrent and severe droughts during
the dry season.

The abundance of water, as well as water management infrastructures, allow in
some areas, the cultivation of dry season rice, of which Prey Veng province is a
major producer. The majority of farmers cultivate rainy season rice, and dry season
rice cultivation provides a significant addition to their yield, but it depends on
irrigation. This creates important disparities between households having access to
irrigation or receding waters during the dry season, and households that do not
have access and control over water resources. Land is scarce in Prey Veng, as in
other plain provinces, and recurrent flooding and droughts are important natural
features of the province, where chronic poverty is prevalent, employment in
primary sector involves more than 90% of the population and rice is the main
product
32
. The villages are characterised by a high level of outmigration, which is
the main coping strategy adopted by communities to deal with hardships.

Table 6 Prey Veng research sites, data from 2008 Census.

Commune Population Villages Population
Theay
20 villages
2,473 families
10,752 persons;
primary occupation in
agriculture 94.2%; rice
farming 90.9%
Kampong
Slaeng
955 persons
Prey Kandieng
6 villages

2,376 families
10,516 persons,
agriculture 99.2%; rice
farming 99.2%
Prey Angkhon 1476 persons

31
The road to Theay commune stands for a small portion between the two lakes; in case of flood the road is
submerged a very strong stream; impossible for motor bikers and even cars to travel. Big private trucks
transport motorbikes and passengers for 3000 Riels. Recently a car with passengers got overturned by the
stream and all passengers except one lost their lives; every year there are accidents of such kind in that part of
the road.
32
According to World Food Program 2007 10% of households are landless and 3% own less than 1 hectare; data
from Prey Veng Provincial Data Book, 2009

Changes in weather patterns
It is difficult to establish whether
global climate change is having a direct
impact on weather related events;
during recent years severe flooding has
become more frequent in the area,
which was hit by severe floods in 2009,
2011 and 2013, while drought remains
a constant threat. According to the
villagers, floods are causing high losses;
in 2013 rainy season nearly 30% of
villagers suffered significant losses. The
pace of flooding has changed,
according to the farmers, with water
rising very abruptly and receding too
slowly. Villagers have observed an
increase in human and animal diseases,
as well as rice diseases and pests
including an invasion of mice. Storms
with strong winds have become more
frequent and have impacted rice
cultivation too: Two days before the
research team visit, a strong storm
destroyed four paddy fields in
Kampong Slaeng.

Environmental factors
Prey Veng is among the provinces in
Cambodia where changes in land use
and agricultural practices have
impacted heavily on biodiversity. The
forest for which the province is named
(in Khmer language prey is forest, veng is
long) disappeared long ago. Soils in
Prey Veng are classified as poor and
wide use of chemical fertilizers has
created a cycle of soil hardening and
infertility; a phenomenon aggravated by recurrent droughts. Irrigation through use
of underground pumped water to cultivate dry season rice has also contributed to
the deterioration of the ecosystem, reducing the availability of subterranean water
and increasing soil salinization and hardening.

No forest left here, very little shadow,
so drought is more serious. During the
rainy seasons the trees can reduce the
water stream and protect from strong
winds, but now they are gone

Woman farmer, Kampong Sleang

Everything has changed, now it is
too hot, too rainy or too dry. My
chickens died 4 times this year, and
even people are falling sick more
frequently, especially with eye
problems [conjunctivitis].


I have planted rice two times this
year and I have lost it two times, now
I do not have rice seeds to replant.


The ecological unbalance is perceived by local authorities as very important and
with the support of local NGOs they have allocated 8 hectares to a re-forestation
project, which should contribute to reverse the losses in biodiversity. The latter is
of great relevance for peoples livelihood; rice field fish, as well as small animals
like frogs, are an important source of food. The loss in animal biodiversity is also
associated with increased insect attacks and pests.

Land and water management
Land scarcity and landlessness are
critical issues for communities. A
significant number of families lack
agricultural land or own land in areas
that is heavily flooded every year. This
has created a disastrous sequence; of
poor harvests, indebtedness, migration,
and poverty. The social and economic
stability of many family farms is
insecure and in danger.

Many households have very little land available. From discussions it appears that
the poorest own only small pieces of land in areas where cultivation is difficult or
risky. In fact communities appeared divided into different zones; upper parts not
usually flooded and where dry season rice can be cultivated and lower parts,
heavily flooded and where rice cultivation is permanently risky.

According to villagers in Theay commune, a reservoir and a water gate, which
dates from the French colony, allows Peam Ro district to grow dry season rice, but
leaves their villages underwater.

Compared to before land shortage is a
problem. Land was distributed evenly in
1982, but now has been divided within
families, or sold. Many poor families
here do not own land anymore; they rely
on fishing or palm sugar or fuel wood
cutting.

Man farmer and Village Chief,
Kampong Slaeng

People in upper parts want water because they can grow dry season rice; people in
lower parts dont want water, because their rainy season rice gets destroyed by flood.

Woman Farmer in Prey Angkun


Local authorities in Peam Ro claim
instead that rice cultivation in the
lower part of the reservoir is not
allowed, although they are aware that
villagers are forced by land scarcity to
cultivate this land. The villagers
complain that this is now the only land
available for many of them.

Socio-economic factors

Farmers in both of the villages
Kompong Sleang and Prey Ankun, most
of them women and men aged 50 or
over, who participated in the discussion,
complained about the increasing costs
associated with rice production. New rice
varieties that have shorter maturation
cycles (2.5, 3 to 4 months) have been
introduced, especially the Vietnamese
short-term Nam Kom Vong. But they
demand more fertilisers and do not grow
very high, forcing farmers to mechanise
harvesting. According to the comm-
unities, the sale price for short-term rice
varieties is too low, at only 600 Riels
per kg. This, added to the risks of
flooding and droughts, makes rice
farming for many farmers unprofitable
They keep water in this part of the dam to allow people in Peam Ro to cultivate two
harvests per year. Before the dam rehabilitation it was possible to open the gate and
let the water flow, but now the water gate is higher than before. The new gate keeps
the water inland, to allow rice cultivation in the other part. Two years ago 40 villagers
and the village chief, when the rice in our part was ripe, went to water gate and
opened it to save the harvest. But now there is a key, which is in the hand of the
provincial authorities and can only be opened by someone responsible. At least 50
hectares in this village are flooded by the reservoir, preventing us from cultivating dry
season rice.

Woman farmer and former member of village development committee, Kampong
Slaeng

Some have land in the upper part and
are not in danger. The others cultivate in
the lower part and they lose everything
in case of floods. And floods now come
very often.

Woman farmer, Kampong Slaeng

Everyone here is good at farming, we
could make two harvests per year, but
now we have to buy fertilisers, rent the
harvesting machine, and we have high
losses. Many of us would have given up
rice cultivation, if it wasnt that we are
farmers, we have a strong feeling for our
land. Moreover, we are afraid that
authorities will take back our land if we
let it idle. So we do not give up farming
even if we cannot make a life out of it
anymore. Moreover, we are scared to
leave the land idle because the
government could take it back.


and even subsistence is not guaranteed. The feelings expressed on this subject were
alarming, and testimony to the deep crisis that is investing small-holder rice
producers, most of them women.

The participants rely on loans from microcredit institutions to cope with this crisis:
most of them are in debt with one, two or even more different financial
institutions.

The other coping strategy, adopted
massively by villagers, is migration.

This situation of crisis is well reflected
by the age of participants, mostly
women over 50-60, who attended the
meeting with their grandchildren,
whom they have to care for while the
daughters and sons are away working
in factories, construction or
plantations. The workload that these
stressful social adjustments is imposing
on middle aged and elderly women is
particularly heavy, and is not supported
by any measure, service or welfare
scheme.

Governance, civil society and community action
From the separate discussions held with local authorities and communities some
discrepancies appeared concerning the priorities targeted by decision makers in
commune development plans. The degree of participation of communities in
decision making at the local level doesnt seem to be effective. As a consequence,
the accountability of local authorities is not an accepted or advocated principle.
The large majority of community participants in the research discussions had never
participated in village development meetings, and had never discussed with local
We spend a lot for gasoline, and fertilizer, and with low prices we cannot pay back.
If flood destroys the harvest we must borrow from a second lender and if we cannot
pay we borrow from another, to pay for food and family expenditures. Only few
families here are in debt with one bank, most of us have debts with 2 or 3 of them.
Land is kept as collateral and land titles are in the bank offices now.
Woman farmer, Prey Ankun

Every family has members who have
migrated; it is the only way to generate
income. Children are assets, and also
grandmothers, because they stay at the village
and take care of grandchildren. Men go to
Thailand, others move for seasonal work in
rubber and cassava plantations in Kompong
Cham, Ratanakiri, and Mondulkiri. There are
ring-leaders who arrange migration to
Thailand, not legal because it would cost too
much to get a passport. The problem with
this is that if in Thailand there are difficulties,
like for example floods, they stop working.
Others marry new wives and do not come
back. Girls go to work in factories in Phnom
Penh.



authorities issues related to weather, environment, land, agricultural
commercialization, debts or migration.

On the other hand, local authorities
admitted that development plans were
not focused on the priorities expressed
by communities.

Not only the authorities but also the
NGO intervening in the area seemed
to be not fully connected with the
communities. This was reflected by
their interventions that were mainly
technical, targeting the environmental
constraints, for example a biodiversity
reserve of 8 hectares where trees were
re-planted in Prek Kandien commune.
The current hardships and problems
expressed by the communities did not
seem to have been integrated into the
development plans by intervening
NGOs. Perhaps more significantly,
NGO interventions were mentioned
exclusively by local authorities, but
Here all the young are gone; the village is very quiet now. Women, men, all have
migrated. A wife is in Phnom Penh working in a factory to send money to her
husband who is raising pigs. Other families have 3 or 4 children who have migrated.
We, grandmothers, are here with the grandchildren, looking after them day and night
and farming as well. It is very hard, but it is our duty, we can do nothing about it."


Here we migrate to Phnom Penh in order to survive; men and women, even
pregnant women and women with children; every family here has members who
have migrated to generate income, we could not manage without. We do farming but
we rely on factories in Phnom Penh, or even maid work. People come to pick young
girls for doing housework in town. But this is not a good strategy, because girls
migrating to do housework have little salary, cannot send home cash, it is just one less
person to nourish in the household.


We do not know about commune
development plans. The village chief
communicates with the commune
council, and then we hear from him. But
we never attended meetings.


We do not know about development
plans here, but for us the priority is the
economic situation: we buy expensive
and we sell cheap; there is no way to do
business; there are no jobs for people,
especially the younger generation; we
must borrow money and we cannot pay
it back.

never come out during the discussions with the communities, who appeared to
have not been involved in the planning and design of development interventions.
One way or another, the communities have expressed their disappointment with
political action and development policies by voting massively for the opposition
during the last national elections.

Early warning needs and information
The discussion on this section of the research was influenced by the context: the
area has suffered severe flooding recently, the access roads were not practicable,
and villagers were facing post disaster difficulties and hardships.

According to LA early warning systems are in place, information is forwarded by
telephone or walkie-talkie, and reaches representatives of communities. There is a
provincial network for disaster prevention and response and a commission to
manage disaster events. At the commune level there are specific groups in charge
of rescue and safety as well as health and hygiene. They report to the disaster
commission at district level. Local authorities inform NGOs and partners in order
to get them involved in managing hardships and emergencies. There is a system in
place for disaster preparedness, which concerns information spread and the
provision of safe drinking water, supported by NGOs through distribution of
water filters. Other NGOs have provided training and information on health and
hygiene. The authorities admit that early warning and response activities need to be
improved and resourced although the whole 5 year budget has been already been
allocated for different projects (dam and road rehabilitation) and there is no more
available.

Nevertheless, from the discussion with the communities it does not appear that
early warning and weather forecast information reaches all the villagers, neither are
they aware of contingency plans to deal with and respond to emergencies.
According to the villagers, this is due to a lack of reliable and in time information
made available to local authorities, as well as to the difficulties in transferring
information from authorities to the whole community. People rely only on TV and
radio news, which are not detailed enough and does not provide specific
information about local weather.

Plans were made last year; they concerned road rehabilitation, dam rehabilitation
and electricity. We did not discuss about managing water resources [the reservoir
gate] or debts or these issues.

Commune councilor, Theay commune


The communities appeared distrustful
and fatalistic concerning disasters
caused by weather, and tend to
consider them as recurrent and
unavoidable facts, for which public
remedies are not available. This is
reinforced by the fact that in case of
flooding there are no mechanisms in
place to support the poorest members
of the community and provide them
with basic emergency services.

The same happens along the road that
links the commune to the provincial
town: private trucks are there and ask
for 3000 riels to transport motorbikes
and persons along the flooded tract.

During the community discussions many
farmers, mostly middle-aged women,
demand for rice seeds. In October their
rice fields were destroyed by flood for
the second time in the same season, and
they did not have seeds left to replant.
The villages use to have rice banks, but
at the time of the research these
structures were empty and not
functioning.

The village chief in Kampong Sleang has sent a report about the damages and the
families in need: nearly 30% of the rice harvest was destroyed and 30% of families
lacked support. Normally, according to him, after the flood authorities have plans
to distribute seeds, but this year they were late and no seeds had arrived yet. From
the discussions in Prey Veng it appears that villagers were never called to attend
meetings with LA concerning early information needs or response and
preparedness.

To reach the market in the upper part of
the village we must walk carrying children
or stuff with the water reaching our waist,
or we have to pay the boat 500 riels to go
and 500 riels to come back; if you have a
bicycle the price increases to 1000 riels.
As soon as the flood arrives, the man
with the boat is there to get our money.
We have to reach the market every day,
how we can pay such a price?

Woman in Kampong Slaeng

Now we sold our seeds; we need to pay
back the debts, so we do not have seeds
left to replant. The companies are selling
rice seeds to farmers and they buy our
rice, and we must sell as much as we can
to repay the cost of fertilisers, machines
and pesticides. So people migrate;
children will become housemaids, girls
will go to work in the factories, pregnant
women help in construction work in
Phnom Penh, men go to plant rubber of
cassava in Ratanakiri or Mondulkiri, or in
Thailand; my health is not good
otherwise I would have left the village to
wash dishes for restaurants in Phnom
Penh.

Woman in Kampong Slaeng

Summary

Changes in weather patterns are stressing an environment already
characterized by unpredictable weather and disasters
Access to natural resources, especially land and water, has decreased or is
unjust
The shift toward commercial rice production does not meet the needs of
smallholders: social and economic stability of small farmer enterprises are at
risk
Community coping strategies are dictated by distress; massive migration and
indebtedness become adaptation strategies
There is a deficit in community representation and their voice in shaping
development is not recognized; communities are not supported and not
active

Battambang
The district of Aek Phnom is located along the Sangkae River, West of
Battambang town. The commune of Preaek Lun is, near the Tonle Sap Lake side
of the district, whereas the other research site, the commune of Samroeun Knong
is nearer to Battambang town. The area is classified as wetland, due to its proximity
to the Tonle Sap and the river. Long term floating rice is grown during the rainy
season whilst only a few farmers grow dry season rice. Another important source
of livelihood is fishing and vegetable growing, especially in the commune near the
town. Floods are frequent, as are droughts; they cause significant damage to farms,
destroying rice and other vegetables and creating considerable safety and health
concerns for the population. The ecosystem of the Tonle Sap flooded plain and
forest is very important for the area's biodiversity; clearing land of trees and bushes
has important consequences for local fisheries and livelihoods in general. Land is
scarce; 24% of households in the province own less than 1 hectare and 15 % of the
households are landless.

In October this year the area was affected by very severe floods, and also by the
opening of the Banan dam, which caused an abrupt and unannounced increase of
water level that caught people unprepared and caused significant agricultural losses.

Table 7 Battambang research sites, data from 2008 Census.

Commune Population Village Population
Preaek Lun
7 villages
1,966 families
9,383 persons, of which
agriculture 87.2%, rice
farming 74%, vegetable
farming 9.3%, fishery 3%
Bak Angrae 1215
persons
Sdei Lew 1532
persons
Samroeun
Knong
5 villages
2,655 families
farming 57.3%
Samroeun Knong 2925
persons

The fieldwork in Battambang Aek Phnom district was carried out during the
aftermath of a severe flood which affected most of the villages situated along the
Sankae river. The water was still high and the rice fields inundated; the road to
reach Prek Lun commune collapsed during the flood and the area was accessible
only by boat. The communities were under stress after the danger endured during
the emergency phase and were worried about the material losses and the hardships
ahead.

According to the farmers, severe
droughts, like in recent years, had
impacted their floating rice growth;
plants were weak and thin and could
not survive floods, especially if the
water rose quickly, with strong winds
and waves coming from the lake.
During the 2013 rainy season
according to the communities at least
50% of rice was lost.

The communities identify other things
that intensify the devastating impact of
extreme weather events. In particular,
change in land use and clearing of
Here we have had 2 serious flooding, in 2011 and now in 2013, and
droughts are more intense than before. This year since the beginning
of July our rice was flooded. We suffer very important harvest losses.
We think that deforestation has changed the climate, not only
flooding, also drought, temperature increase and new diseases;
especially we see eyes diseases, with swollen and red eyes, malaria and
dengue because there is plenty of water for mosquitoes to survive.
Wind is stronger than before, not regular, and a few months ago we
had a kind of little hurricane that destroyed 2 houses here. Before we
used to plant floating rice but now the flood is too quick and floating
rice that normally could grow with the water level cannot follow the
speed, becomes very weak and does not give product.

Woman farmer, Baek Angrae village
The flooded forest has been cut to
make rice fields and vegetable gardens
because people wanted more land.
Especially the ones with a lot of land
already wanted more, but now we all
suffer; people who cut the trees and
even those who never cut them. The
landlords cut, but the poor who never
cut suffer most. The landlords have a lot
of land here. Now we try to grow trees
to counteract deforestation and prevent
damage from strong wind and waves.

Woman farmer, Sdey Lew village

inundated forest, are recognized as factors that aggravate the impact of weather
changes.

According to the communities the
vegetation in the swamps nearby has
changed, namely the proliferation of
thorny bushes that do not allow fish
reproduction. The bushes appeared 7
or 8 years ago and, according to the
villagers, cannot be stopped. Their
impact on fish is very destructive.
Another important ecological
imbalance is represented by the
explosion in the population of mice,
possibly related to changes in wildlife,
diminution of mice predators as well
as changes in weather patterns.
Farmers have tried all possible means,
including electrical wires around rice
fields, but invasions are massive and
they could not get rid of them.

Land is scarce in both target
communes; the majority of the families
possess around 0.3 hectares for rice
cultivation, and losses due to drought
and flooding are very high. This is
associated with the increased costs of
producing rice.

New short-term maturation rice varieties have been introduced to overcome the
risks tied to traditional floating rice production, which is not adapted to weather
fluctuations. However, the change has not brought significant benefits and new
problems have appeared. According to farmers, a new rice disease (red disease) has
appeared which was never seen before; the new varieties are fast growing but seeds
are less resistant and cannot be kept for a long time; in 3 months only 50% of
seeds germinated, which did not happen with the traditional varieties. Apparently
seed companies are very active in advertising new varieties, especially rice from
Vietnam, but the selling price is very low and according to farmers and does not
cover the production costs.

Now we have a lot of mice that destroy
the rice fields. They have increased
because of drought: drought has
become more severe in the recent years
and mice find safe shelter into the
broken soil. They reproduce very
quickly, 2 or 3 times a month. It was
terrible; we could see the rice moving
without wind, because of mice in the
fields, and the baby mice climbing the
rice straws to eat the seeds!

Woman farmer, Bak Angrae village

This generation has no land and
producing rice demands lot of inputs:
seeds and fertilizers, pesticides and
machines. I need to borrow money to
cultivate rice, but when the flood
destroys the harvest we can only migrate
to Thailand.

Woman farmer, Sdey Lew village


Recurrent floods have reduced the availability of rice seeds, which is also the
reason why many farmers now grow short-term Vietnamese varieties, a new
phenomenon in the last few years.

Socio economic changes
The crisis and hardships faced by farmers is well reflected in the distress strategies
they adopt to ensure their livelihoods. This is evident in the massive migration of
the younger generation of men and women to work in Thailand or in Phnom Penh
factories; some villages are only populated by elders. This contributes to weaken
the community's capacities to deal with agricultural work. The remittance flows
tends to be utilized to cover debts and debt interest more than being invested in
productive activities.

Many families here are vulnerable, because of age, some are poor, or have very small
and scanty houses. But vulnerability is also due to socio-economic factors. Even if
there is no flood and we manage to get a good harvest, the price is very low, 600 Riels
kg. With these revenues we cannot pay back debts and interest, we cannot send
children to study, we cannot afford expenditures for improvements. Here we have
had in 2011 the flood, in 2012 drought and mice, and now in 2013 flood: we cannot
pay back what we borrowed. Thats why young people need to migrate. They send
money home because if we cannot pay back the debts then we have to sell land and
properties.

Woman farmer, Samroeun Snao village

The traditional varieties have a better selling price; with the short term ones we do not
have profit margins. The middlemen publicize the seeds and make individual contracts
with farmers, their buying price is low but we need money fast, to pay back fuel,
pesticides and fertilizers. So we sell at a low price, only wealthy families can keep rice
and sell it when the price increases. Poor families cannot, we do not dare to negotiate
the price, we are afraid that middlemen will not buy and then we do not know how to
pay back the money borrowed. We are also afraid that rice could germinate; in that case
we will lose everything. So then we have to buy rice for our house consumption at a
higher price.

Woman farmer, Bak Angrae village


Migration is seen as a very destructive coping strategy. Old women are in charge of
grandchildren, and agricultural work, which makes a very heavy work load.
Communities and authorities agree that migration is disrupting families, creating
discontent and making life hard and sad for both the migrants and the people left
behind.

Migration to Thailand is essentially illegal; the cost of legal expatriation documents
is too high and not affordable by the families, moreover jobs for illegal Cambodian
migrants are at the low end of the labor market, uneasy and not secure.

Other villagers, essentially women, take home work from textile factories based in
Thailand. The work is paid by piece, with low rates, and materials such as thread
are not provided. Many farmers borrow money to cultivate rice, a very risky
investment now that harvests are threatened by floods, droughts and low prices.
Community-based saving groups do not provide enough cash, so people rely on
banks or private moneylenders. They are the richest families, owing large plots of
land, lending harvesting machines and having the means to store postharvest rice
to get better prices.


Local authorities in the research sites
appeared divided; some commune
councilors and village chiefs seemed to
share community concerns, but
appeared overcome by the problems,
especially socio-economic changes.
The shift towards commercial rice
production, driven by commercial seed
enterprises and mills or rice storage
facilities, exerts a strong pressure on
Climate and weather changes are only the top of the issue, many other
problems lay beneath: no jobs, little land, bad marketing for our products,
price of fertilizers, and migration. We need to negotiate with the government
to get better prices. We have plans for agriculture, for improving techniques,
raising more animals, but if we cannot control the agricultural market,
especially for people affected by repeated floods, we ensure livelihood. It is
impossible to survive if we have to sell our products at low price. Migration
and borrowing money do not solve the problem.

Women and men farmers in Sdey Lew

For sure we do not like migration.
Living separate brings lot of problems,
families get broken, villages are empty
and old people are left taking care of
children and fields. We do not want to
migrate; we want jobs here, in Cambodia,
in our villages.

Village chief, Sdey Lew

farmers in the area. Along the road to Prek Luna a large new rice mill stands as
proof of these changes; a number of harvesting machines were visible along the
road too. Communities complain about these trends aggravating their already
precarious situation. Moreover, the coping strategies, borrowing money or
migration, are perceived as destructive and not able to solve the problems.

NGOs in the research site have taken the lead in disaster preparedness and have
launched projects that are considered by the communities valuable and useful. In
particular a community based three phase action: before disaster, during it and
after it. This is accompanied by safe drinking water provision during floods,
support and empowerment of elders and weaker members of the communities,
and post disaster recovery with seed distributions. The communities are also
engaged in collective actions to protect their environment and to access resources,
in particular fisheries, and more recently have developed elders committees to
support and advocate for old people.

Nevertheless, communities are disempowered, facing the new social and economic
hardships that are now impacting them, such as indebtedness, massive migration
and growing inequalities.

Community stories: a woman leader

I feel committed to find solutions and improve peoples life here. I feel uncomfortable and
really want to help; here we are poor, and now even poorer. Migration has changed the
villages, now there are only old people, looking after children day and night, farming and
taking care of everything. Thanks to the NGO there has been a request by the community
to include support for old people in development plans. A little budget has been set apart
and distributed to each old person. Im active within the old people's committee; I support
them, especially when they need health care. Since 1999 Ive been involved in community
activities here. We set up a committee against private fishing companies. A Company
arrived here years ago and informed the villagers that wherever there was water, and fish, it
belonged to the company. So we tried to get organized, because we couldnt fish anymore.
We were worried about possible violence, so we tried to engage mostly women. I did not
know about advocacy, or have any skills; I tried to do my best to involve more people. But
the Company became stronger too, and soldiers came here to protect the fishing lots. The
conflict got bigger, but fortunately the government understood, and in 2003-4 half of the
fishing lots were suspended, and in 2010 completely closed. It has been a very important
activity, conducted by the community. But now we are again in trouble, with floods,
droughts, mice, migration and debts. I want to organize advocacy again especially for
migration, it is very important because migration is breaking solidarity and villages become
weaker. And also we need to protect the bush and flooded forests, otherwise fish cannot
grow anymore. At district and commune levels they are not interested in what happens with
the communities, and they do not praise women. So I work here with people, and train
them to get more power and stand up for their rights. I try to be a role model, my husband
supports me, he looks after the children while I am encouraging community people and
women to learn and know more.


Early warning system and information
In Battambang the research was conducted in villages that were affected a few days
earlier by a severe flood and were still facing an emergency situation.

The communities and local authorities in Aek Phnom rely on TV and radio for
weather forecasts and receive very little information from upper authorities on
such events. Some community members communicate directly with other villages
located up stream to get information about the flooding. This year the flood
caught the community unprepared: the water flow arrived abruptly and very
quickly at night time; high water came from different sides, the river, the lake, the
upper ground, together with a lot of heavy rain. The communities think that this
was due to a combination of the factors mentioned before, but first of all because
of the opening of the dam in an upper district.

According to the commune authorities and the communities, measures for early
warning and response need to be strengthened. There is a need for more
coordination at commune level, between commune authorities, village chiefs, and
communities. The alert messages should be spread by loudspeakers or using the
drums from the pagoda, in order to reach all the villagers. In terms of
preparedness, boats need to be ready, as well as food, firewood, medicines, safe
areas for people and animals. Families without means and elders need to be taken
care of.

An important contribution to the early warning system at local level is due to the
activities launched by Help Age International. This was articulated at community,
district and provincial level, focusing on preparedness at community level and on
coordination and communication at district and provincial level. In four villages a
pilot project is in place, to provide health and hygiene information and tools. As a
People were not prepared; there was not enough time to prepare firewood, to gather
in safe places, to recover the rice already harvested, so now rice has already sprouted!
Here many people do not have boats, if water starts to rise what can we do? With
timely information we could prepare better: better information means more time to get
prepared and less losses. We need also assistance after flood, especially seeds, road
rehabilitation and support for the families at risk and more in need. Commune Councilor,
Prek Lun

Information should be clear, this year we hear from TV and radio, and other people,
but we did not expect such flooding. The flood came in one night, no time to prepare,
some people tried to harvest in water. Some people received early warning but thought
it was not serious. Woman farmer, Sdey Lew

Some people called from other villages to inform us about the water coming very
quickly and high, because of the dam in Banan. So some people received information,
but others didn't, or did not believe it. Community leader, Bak Angrae

result, villagers in Aek Phnom district are better prepared to deal with weather
hardships and disasters and have an articulated perspective of their needs in terms
of response.

That said, the information available at local level are still sketched and not timely
disseminated. The effort deployed in preparing communities to face hard weather
and flooding is not followed by adequate measures to support the response and
the post disaster recovery. All communities were in need of emergency aid, in
particular agricultural tools such as seeds, in order to restore their production, but
were not receiving answers by authorities or emergency and post disaster
structures. Sadly, some villages did their best the evaluate the damages and draw a
realistic inventory of the aid needed, but they did not have a referral entity to
which the request could be addressed and they have, at the time of the discussion,
little hope in a prompt response.

Summary

Weather and environmental factors impact communities livelihood and
security
Resource scarcity and a shift toward commercial agriculture, without
measures and policies aimed at supporting smallholders, are increasing
inequality and poverty
Coping strategies, such as borrowing money and migration are imposing
heavy costs on migrants and those left behind, especially old women forced
to take up productive and reproductive work
We need to prepare for flood in many ways: for people who do not have boats, make
banana tree boats and cover them with rain coats, prepare some food, firewood and
water, but this only if your house is safe, otherwise move to a safe hill or place. We
need also to care about poisonous animals and insects that climb to the houses,
especially cobra and scorpions, four people have died because of cobras in this village.
Toilets are flooded, so the water is dirty, we must pay attention to it. Woman farmer,
Bak Angrae

Now we know better how to deal with disasters, how to get prepared, but we still
need help. People here tried to harvest fields in high water. Now we need rice and
vegetable seeds, distributed by government or NGOs for free. Also the rehabilitation
of the road is necessary, because it collapsed; all the toilets are flooded, we need to fix
this because we have serious health concerns. We want the government to control the
market price of agricultural products, especially for people affected by flood. We think
that a leaflet with pictures and figures could explain better and increase awareness of
community and CC. And we need support for replanting trees here around, to reduce
wind, waves and reduce water flow. Community members, Sdey Lew


There is a general understanding that market issues are critical factors and
necessitate macro adjustments, but communities need support in order to
develop an agenda on such issues

Kompong Speu
Kompong Speu is among the Cambodian provinces with the lowest annual rainfall.
Droughts, severe and prolonged, are recurrent and the district of Kong Pisey,
located in the southern part of the province between national roads 4 and 3, is
among those most affected by rain scarcity. The massif of mount Oral on the west
and the Cardamon chain on the south, are natural obstacles to the monsoon rains.
Soils are sandy and among the poorest in Cambodia. Intense deforestation, which
started, during KR regime and continues today, has left the hills nearby without
trees. Sugar palms that bordered rice fields have been cut massively. As a result of
these natural obstacles and human interventions, the soil has become very dry and
has limited water retention. Rain fed rice production is the main community
occupation; weather constraints do not allow dry season rice production or
vegetables growing. Landlessness or very small plots of land contributes to
increase people's hardships; migration to Phnom Penh or other provinces and
work in garment factories located along national roads 4 and 3, have increased in
the recent years.

Table 8 Kampong Speu research sites, data from 2008 Census.
Chungruk
25 villages
2,486 families
13,125 persons,
primary occupation in agriculture
99.2%; rice farming 99.2%
TmoKda 498
Prey Rong 478 persons
Snam Krapeuw
24 villages
2,403 families
12,891 persons
primary occupation in agriculture
99.2%; rice farming 99.2%
Tropeang
Stong
754 persons


According to villagers and local
authorities changes in weather and
climate in the area are not only recent
events. Droughts in the area have
always been prolonged and rains
usually arrive very late, at the end of
the rainy season. Water shortages are
common, creating hardship for
agriculture and peoples lives.
In this commune, there has been
drought since ancient times; my father
used to say that drought could last until
Pchum Ben. The rain jumps from the
Cardamon mountains directly to Phnom
Penh and Takeo, without falling here.

Commune councilor, Chungruk


What villagers and authorities observe is an increase in temperature; they tend to
ascribe a number of health problems they are now facing to that change. Another
major change is the increasing strength of storms and winds and the risk due to
lightning; many farmers have been killed. Local authorities and communities
ascribe this fact to the disappearance of sugar palms, once planted to demarcate
rice fields.

The decline of sugar production is due to a number of factors: some rice field
owners did not want the palms on their land, thinking that palms had a negative
impact on rice seedlings. But perhaps more importantly, the lack of firewood
forced sugar producers to abandon the production; an important source of
revenue was lost, according to the communities. Both communities and
authorities, consider deforestation as a central contributing factor to the particular
weather patterns in the area.
It is extremely hot now; heat lasts the whole day and the evening. Diseases like
fever, diarrhea, dengue, and eye infections are increasing. Before we could treat them
with traditional medicine, now no more, diseases are getting more serious, especially
children's diseases; we have to rush to the hospital as soon as the child get fever.
Village chief, Tropeang Storn

Before, during every storm some sugar palms were burned to the roots by
lightening. Now there are no more palms and lightning strikes people. We advise
people to be careful, switch off phones during storms.
Commune councilor, Chungruk

Land scarcity plays an important role in endangering farmers livelihood. This is
mainly due to increased population pressure, fragmentation and land sales. But
access to water for irrigation is the key factor in an area traditionally affected by
severe droughts. Water availability determines land quality and is strategic for
farmers. The discussions with the communities focused on water management,
which is a major concern for villagers. For example in Prey Rok village, the
rehabilitation of a dam has changed the irrigation pattern, hindering their access to
water sources.

The dam dates from the KR time; different expert teams came to study the area
before the rehabilitation but did not discuss with the communities or conduct any
impact study. Apparently the people have tried to negotiate and raise the issue with
the authorities, without success. For the villagers cut off from water, life has
changed radically. The cultivation of vegetables and fruit is now limited to the
areas near the dam. Rainy season rice production does not guarantee surplus, not
even family consumption, and many families find themselves without any source
The dam stops the water flowing until here. Before we could grow vegetables and
water melons; there were trucks collecting our products to sell in Phnom Penh and
Kampong Speu. Now only families in the upper land can grow vegetables and also
dry season rice. But the majority here now can only rely in rainy season rice, which is
risky.

Woman farmer in Prey Roung

Once this area was covered by forest, bush and bamboo; even here, near
the commune house, there were wild animals, and further away, near the
hills, also tigers. The KR started to clear the forest to plant cassava; when
the people relocated here, they continued to cut trees to cultivate rice.
Without trees the soil couldn't keep the moisture. Rain flows very quickly
from the highlands but the soil cannot keep it. Now we do not have water,
we must build water ponds to keep water during the dry season and
cultivate vegetables. And in some villages people have to buy water from
trucks every day.

Male farmer, Prey Ruong


of income. A similar pattern appeared
from the discussion with the other
communities: new infrastructure or the
rehabilitation of old ones has created
important disparities in water access
and only a minority of villagers benefit
of them.

The communes of Chon Ruk and
Snam Krapeuw have plans to develop
community ponds and store water
during the rainy season, supported by
NGOs or donors. Some of the
structures have already been
completed. The structures are quite
large and beyond the investment
capacities of the communes, therefore
local authorities are looking for funds
to develop such structures. The
development of family ponds is not
considered a viable solution by the
authorities because of land scarcity and
fragmentation of household properties.

Socio economic factors
The shift towards commercial rice
production is very intense in the area
and local authorities are playing an
important role in facilitating these
changes.

There are several reasons for this shift,
according to local authorities, adapting
rice production to weather changes
and allowing farmers to grow more
than one harvest per year. At the same
time, NGOs and seed selling
companies seem to be playing an
important role in this shift. For some
commune councilors, companies
guarantee short term high yield rice
seeds and ensure good market prices
to farmers. But community people do
The dam is useful only for people
having land nearby. The water stored is
not enough for everybody, so the people
with water can grow rice and vegetables
and develop good businesses. But here
we cannot survive. Before the dam
water was distributed everywhere but
after the dam no more.

Woman farmer, Chon Ruk

In our development plan the priorities
are; changing rice varieties and
introducing short term maturation rice,
then rehabilitating big ponds and
hygiene and sanitation.

Commune councilor, Chon Ruk

The dealers want farmers to buy seeds.
The company purifies the original seeds
they collect and sell them back to us. If
you buy their seeds you enter their list
and they will buy from you, if you do
not get their seeds they will not buy.
Moreover we cannot keep the seeds for
a longtime, I dont know why, so we
have to buy seeds every year. My field is
not irrigated; I depend on rain, so I do
not see why I should change. They say
we can save money with direct seedling,
but we need a lot of fertilizers. The cost
of producing rice has increased very
much; I cannot afford to buy seeds.

Woman farmer in Chon Ruk

not share the same enthusiasm since only the farmers who have access to water
can buy the seeds, and afford the costs that come with it; fertilizer and harvest
machine rental. Furthermore the selling price is not as good as the company
claims. Lastly, water scarcity does not allow two harvests per year, except for a
small group of farmers having access to reliable water sources. For the others, even
a single harvest is risky.

Many farmers cultivating rainy season rice consider production costs too high; this
coupled with weather unpredictability, is pushing them toward a situation of
insecurity. Borrowing money from microcredit institutions, or migration are the
coping strategies that families are adopting to face such contingencies.
Communities in the communes of Chin Ruk and Snam Krapeuw are highly
indebted; very few families are not in debt.

As for other research sites, migration is the coping strategy. Young men migrate to
Phnom Penh, or Thailand; young women migrate to Phnom Penh or find jobs in
the factories along National road 4 or 3. Therefore most of the participants in the
research discussions were middle aged or old women and men and their
grandchildren. The younger generations were absents, working outside or in the
best cases, studying in town.

When we borrow money they take the land title, and they check if we have cows,
motorbikes, and collect all the information, such as how many people work in the
family. For example if we have children studying, they will not lend money to us; if
children are in the factories or husband working in construction, is OK. They need a
salary.

Woman farmer, Prey Ruong

We are all in debt here! Only the people with capital, who can do business,
are not in debt, and they are the ones who lend money. Every day we spend
money and we must break our head in two to find it. So we borrow from A,
then from B to give back to A, then from C and so on. Children are in the
factories, men work in construction, Im too old to work in the factory
otherwise I would be there too.

Woman farmer, Tropeang Storn


Nevertheless in a village in Prey Ruong
the majority of the community seems
to have made different choices.
Farmers continue to plant the
traditional rice varieties for which they
have found a niche market. The village
is engaged in the production of
traditional desserts (ansom, trieb,
nomkao), weddings cakes and cakes for
traditional festivities. The products are
prepared from locally available
ingredients, with little cost; an
agreement with a local market dealer allows them to sell the whole production
every day. This extra activity guarantees a small income besides rice cultivation.
The village looks different also because villagers have better protected their
environment: trees are still shading houses and sugar palms are still standing
around the borders of rice fields. According to villagers their strength comes from
good governance and cooperation.

A marked difference between local authorities and communities became obvious
during discussions held with both of them. Authorities were mainly focused on
development plans which encompassed new infrastructures for water management
and facilitation of commercial rice production. The hardships discussed with the
communities were not acknowledged by authorities, who tended to minimize some
of the problems, and focus strongly on the new infrastructures and agricultural
technologies as a panacea for ameliorating the living conditions of the people.

The role of NGOs, as perceived by some communities, seemed to be focused on
technical support for example for building water ponds, but not supporting
community advocacy and action in key issues such as access to resources. At the
community level important differences were evident. In some communities
cooperation was strong and common goods prized and respected, people were
capable of finding solutions. In other communities the social fabric appeared
looser, unstructured, and the communities were not capable of gathering, getting
organized or advocating for change.

Early warning system and information
Communities in Kampong Speu were confronting a drought, a long onset climate
event, for which early warning was not identified as a primary need.

When we see our children coming back
from Phnom Penh we start trembling.
The first thought is that they probably
face some problem and require money
to fix it. So we have to run to find where
to borrow other money.

Woman farmer, Tropeang Storn

The community's priorities were not directly linked to or depending on early
warning and weather information needs. In the area people's priorities were mainly
related to access to key resources and particularly water in Kampong Speu.
Villagers rely on TV and radio for weather information, which they judge
sufficiently articulated in relation to their needs. Their priorities are determined by
drought; water scarcity and unequal access to water resources. From the discussion
with the community it appears that a better distribution of this scarce resource
would be very important in dealing with the problem. Early warning is not
considered a key service enabling people to get access to resources and reduce their
vulnerability.

Summary

Weather patterns represent a constant and traditional constraint in an area
characterized by drought and low rain fall
Water is a key resource and uneven water management leads to inequalities
and hardships
Shift toward commercial rice production does not meet the needs and
constraints of smallholders and impairs the social and economic
reproduction of farmers enterprises
Community coping strategies are dictated by distress, massive migration and
indebtedness
The deficit in community representation and voice in shaping development
plans is not recognized; communities are not supported in their demands

Kampot
The commune of Prek Tnaut, located in the district of Teuk Chhu in Kampot
province is situated 30 km west of the provincial town, along road N3 to
Kompong Som. The communal area is a narrow stretch of land between the massif
of Phnom Bokor and the seashore of the Siam Gulf. The coast is characterised by
low sandy shores and mangroves, which present a natural barrier against the sea
and salt water intrusion, as well as an important ecosystem for fish, crustacean and
mollusc reproduction. The commune land for rice plantation amounts to 500
hectares and there is no other land available. Rice cultivation is rain fed and yields
are quite low. During recent years a number of villagers have shifted from rice
production to fishing, which has become for many villagers the main source of
income. The important advantage of fishing, apart from increasing prices, is the
easy access to markets since buyers come directly to villages and demand for
seafood. A significant number of villagers collect crabs and shrimps along the
shore with simple hand tools; others have access to small fishing boats, made of
one piece of wood, and can fish at sea. Only a minority of villagers possess fishing
boats with engines, for which investment and running costs are high (6000 $ for a
boat + fuel cost + manpower at least 3 persons). Illegal fishing is increasing,
especially by large scale fishing boats coming from neighbouring countries that are
allowed to fish in Cambodian waters. This constitutes an important threat to
villagers livelihood and the ecosystem. The Bokor massif, where villagers use to
collect firewood, wood for small boats and NTFP, is undergoing intense
exploitation by private business. The ecosystem of Preaek Tnaot is complex but
vulnerable and peoples livelihood depends critically on the availability of multiple
resources, land, sea, and forest.

Table 9 Kampot research sites, data from 2008 Census.

Commune Population Villages Population
Preaek Tnaot
4 villages
1,572 families
farming 38.7% fishery
42.4 %
Preaek Tnaot 1414 persons
Preaek Raeng 1609 persons

Villagers and local authorities agree on observations concerning weather;
something has changed in the seasonal weather calendar. Weather has become
unpredictable and extreme weather more frequent. Of particular relevance for their
livelihood activities is the wind behaviour. Normally strong winds arrived regularly
in November, during the winter
monsoon from the North East. Now
strong winds are less regular and blow
during the rainy season. As salty water
intrusion follows the wind patterns, it
becomes less predictable too, with
important consequences for rice
cultivation.

According to local people salty water
is now inflowing with more strength,
higher waves, supported by stronger
winds, and is eroding the seashore.
The strength of windstorms during the
rainy season is perceived to have
increased, and each year houses are
collapsing during such storms.

Rice cultivation is becoming more difficult not only because of salt water intrusion
but also due to strong winds and storms. People have changed rice varieties from
traditional floating rice to short term, and built wooden barriers in order to protect
the plants from wind damage. Another change observed by villagers is droughts. In
the dry season, water provision for agricultural and house-hold use has becomes
problematic.

Other community concerns that villagers associate with recent changes in weather
and environment are diseases. According to the communities, peoples health is
deteriorating; diseases are more serious and difficult to treat.

Rice production is becoming more risky. Floods, and drought, salt water and wind
can destroy the plantation. Before more agriculture, we were growing more rice; we
were busy with rice fields and, during the months with less work we used to fish.
Now it has changed, we rely less on rice and more on fishing, crabs or shrimps.
Today you see the rice beautiful green and high, tomorrow, thanks to wind or water,
all could be destroyed! We have little land now, and rice cultivation is more risky.

Male community committee member, Preaek Tnaot

Normally salty water used to inflow in
November, but now it can come in
October, or before, with wind storms
from the South West, while before
strong winds used to blow from the
North only

Commune councilor, Preaek Tnaot

In the past the seasons were clear, now
they have changed; before there were
streams with permanent water but now
they are dry from January: even wells
become dry.

Male farmer, Preaek Tnaot

We are seeing now many diseases, new ones never seen before, affecting
people but also animals. People think that they are due to chemical products
utilised in agriculture and also chemicals in frozen fish. Thats why here we do
not eat frozen fish. Woman fishery committee member, Preaek Tnaot


During recent years there have been relevant changes in natural resource
availability. The Bokor massif, which has traditionally provided villagers with wood
for houses, boats and NTFP, has undergone intense deforestation, which has
deprived the area of these resources. According to the villagers, the establishment
of the National Park in Bokor is limiting access by villagers but it is not an obstacle
to more intense and organised deforestation activities that is being further
facilitated by the new access road.

Communities report that deforestation has impacted the streams that flow down
from the Bokor massif. Their flow has been reduced and in the recent years they
have dried up during the dry season, a fact seldom seen before, according to the
villagers. The coast shore has undergone important changes too; increased erosion,
loss of cultivable land, and strong reduction of mangrove cover.

Threats to fish resources are also very important for the communities. According
to local fishermen the danger of over exploitation comes from big fishing boats,
using illegal and destructive fishing methods. Large boats come from
neighbouring countries, mainly Vietnam, and utilise large trawl nets. These
methods are illegal because of their destructive impact on fish resources. Another
natural resource now endangered is sea grass. It constitutes with the mangroves,
Before the forest was thick and wide; now most of it has been cut. The park
extends into 4 provinces, with only 50 rangers, not enough to monitor the whole
territory. Protection is very difficult. Villagers here cut wood for firewood, small
trees, because we do not have carts or other transport means. What we cut must be
carried on our shoulders. But there are other people that use motor saws and cut big
logs for business. Male farmer, Preaek Rang

In the last 4 to 5 years along the coastal areas we have seen an increase in erosion.
This is especially important for the land in the lower part of the village. Before the
land extended beyond the coconuts in the sea direction, but now there are no more
coconuts, so a lot of land has been lost already. Woman villager, Preaek Tnaot
Now we have less than half the fish we had before! We need to protect our
resources; fish should be enough for everybody. Rich people use more
equipment; can go far, while small fishermen cannot. The big boats from
Vietnam come and practically collect everything, reducing fish varieties.
Normally they could not come near the coastal area, but in fact nobody stop
them. They are illegal for our fishery committee, but not for the authorities.
We call these big boats sea cleaner, nothing is left after them.
Woman fishery committee member, Preaek Tnaot

the habitat of many sea species, and particularly the ones fishermen can capture
along the shore.

Commune land for rice plantation amounts to 500 hectares. There is no other land
available, and according to the villagers, this land is now not enough to feed all the
families living in the area. The intrusion of salty water and the winds, now
becoming destructive for rice plantation earlier in the season, reduce the chance of
getting a good harvest. Rice producers who have means can build barriers to
protect their rice, but this cost is not affordable by everybody.

Sea grass protection is very important for fishermen; the plants and the
mangroves are protecting and allowing fish to grow; if we destroy the plants,
we will have an empty sea, with no fish, shellfish or crabs. But now it is very
difficult to protect sea grass because there are dealers coming from Thailand
to buy it. The dealers encourage people to collect it; they set a price and poor
people go and fetch sea grass for them. Only a few people agree, and only
because there are dealers offering them 700 riels per kg of sea grass. It is not
an initiative of the people; it would be easy to stop it by forbidding the
dealers from doing this business; no dealers - no destruction.

Woman member of fishery committee, Preaek Tnaot
Before there were fewer families living here, but now the population has increased
and many people that do not have money to buy land in the upper part of the village,
have moved to the lower part, near the sea, where there is erosion, and salty water
comes in. Families that are richer can construct walls against salt water and
protections against the wind, or they plant mangroves. But the poorest cannot, they
settle there to fish. They do not consider about protection or cannot afford to build
protections. They think day to day, what they fish is their daily food.

Man farmer, Preaek Rain


There are also other problems concerning land titles and concessions in the forest
covered areas.

In 2012 the government launched an initiative to check land left idle by economic
land concessions, with the aim of returning unexploited resources to communities.
Regulation 01, as the initiative was known, was been carried out by university
students all over the country, who checked and measured concessions and estates.
According to the community forestry committee in Preaek Rain, the community
was not informed clearly about the process. Many people thought that all land left
idle would be seized by the government; some rushed to cut trees and work the
land, also in areas protected by the committee. Part of the work done by the
forestry committee in order to promote forest protection was endangered. After
the work done by the students-who anyway were very appreciated by the
community for their commitment- according to the villagers, something went
wrong with the new land entitlement. Rich people from Kampot town obtained
land titles and companies reappeared with their property claims.

We, as community, got the approval for a community land and we have 8
stamps in the map; we only could manage the process because we got
support from UNDP and FAO. Now there is this land there is a billboard,
placed by a company that says the land belongs to them. The company took
800 hectares based on an agreement with authorities but the community was
not informed. The people saw the pillars delimitating the land but thought it
was the new railway. Before the students came to check and measure the
land we asked to participate in the preparatory meetings, but local authorities
did not allow us. And then the people at the cadastral office intervened, and
created lot of problems; we think that they complicate things to get bribes.
Community people do not have money, so land titles went to rich people in
Kampot, including policemen and armed forces. But now, seeing that a
company is claiming land again, we feel really hopeless.

Forestry committee members in Preaek Rain


The priorities expressed by the communities in the area appear to diverge
substantially from what was expressed by the local authorities. Many concerns and
hardships voiced by the villagers during the discussions were not mentioned by the
authorities, who tended to depict the situation as one of relative wealth with a low
incidence of poverty. The authorities seemed to be less concerned about over
exploitation of natural resources than the communities, and did not support the
latter in their efforts to protect natural resources, such as forests and the sea on
which they depend for their livelihood. According to the commune chief the living
standards in the area were good, people were lucky and only a few people were
PROTECTING SEA RESOURCES

We have set up a fishery committee here that gathers 200 members, and we are active
in protecting the environment. We rely on fishing and we must protect our resources.
We try to preserve the ecosystem because we need to think about the next
generation; how they will make a life if the resources are damaged? We have set up a
crab bank to protect female crabs with eggs and make people understand that leaving
female crabs depositing their eggs today, they will have one thousand crabs
tomorrow. It is a difficult task. People need to understand and learn to act without
destroying resources. We need time and patience to convince them, and set a good
example. There are many issues that create problems and risks for peoples
livelihood: increasing wind strength and sea water intrusion, the increase of
population, but also destruction of natural resources and habitat. For example, the
destruction of sea grass: We are trying our best to stop the collection of sea grass
along the coast. It is a very dangerous activity, without sea grass fish will not
reproduce and grow. We must convince people, but on the other side there are
dealers, who come here from neighboring countries, to buy sea grass. They offer
rewards and the poorest people accept. Nobody collected sea grass before, only after
the dealers came. It would be easy to stop it, but nobody does it so we must train the
people and convince them.

And we also have a lot of illegal fishing boats coming near the coast. Sometimes with
30 people on board, sometimes 50, even more. Their nets are very big, and sweep the
sea floor. This catch is illegal and forbidden. After they fish there is nothing left
because they scrape to sea floor and collect everything.
Our committee meets with the fishery department, to set up plans to reduce illegal
fishing by giant boats. The fishery department wants to work on this issue; we know
that they have meetings in Vietnam every 3 or 6 months. But then nothing happens
right now, police and navy are not active, and we have no right to stop the illegal
boats.

poor. But this judgement was not shared by the communities. He was perhaps
describing his own situation, considering the big new cars that were parked at the
back of the commune hall on the day of the meeting.

Local authorities and community dialogue does not seem to be efficient; according
to the communities their problems go unnoticed or are not included in the
commune development plans. The local authorities have set as priorities,
protection from sea water intrusion along the coast and the introduction of new
short term rice varieties. On the community side, efforts should also be
concentrated in protecting natural resources from environmentally destructive
practices; illegal fishing and destructive business along the coast; deforestation and
change in land use. A strong demand has come from the communities to get the
law enforced.

NGOs in the area offer support and technical inputs to communities in small
enterprises (an ecotourism resort, support for a crab bank initiative, and training in
rattan handcraft). Some of these initiatives, however, do not take into full
consideration the difficulties that communities have in defending their rights and
protecting natural resources.

Early warning systems and information
In Kampot communities were not directly affected by bad weather and
emergencies at the time of the research, but they are very aware about the
relevance of weather information because of their activity at sea, and the increased
vulnerability of their environment. Therefore early warning and weather
information came into the discussions very naturally.
Here we would like to have good health, good opportunities, prevent
salty water to come in but increase biodiversity and protect the
resources, sea and forest. We need more respect for the law. There are
illegal practices that nobody can stop, even local authorities. We want
to see the young generation develop with more jobs, and more women
involved. Here we are poor and in debt, we need more solidarity and
support. Member of forestry committee, Preaek Rain

The fishery committee try to protect the coast from the big boats
fishing illegally; we try to stop and catch illegal fishermen, but local
authorities are not cooperating and the police is not honest. The
maritime authorities, the navy, cooperate but it is only to show off;
every time the committee asks to stop illegal fishing nothing happen!
This is very bad and dangerous for our resources. Member of fishery
committee, Preaek Tnaot


From the discussion with local
authorities early warning and weather
information are not considered a
priority for the area. The commune
chief was adamant: information is
broadcast by TV and there is no
need to inform people further.
Moreover the area is protected from
typhoons or other weather related
disasters, so this is not a matter of
concern for the authorities, even in
terms of preparedness. Communities
expressed a different opinion: for
them early warning and weather
information are considered very
important. The area is prone to
strong winds and storms, which are
very dangerous for people living
along the coast, particularly
fishermen. Each season the
community suffers loss of life. In
term of material losses, storms and
winds destroy rice fields, push salty
water deep inside the land, and
damage or even destroy villagers
houses. The communities rely on
weather forecasts from Vietnam and
Thailand, which are considered more
reliable particularly for the condition
of the sea.

Traditional signs, such as the sound
of the forest that used to announce
strong winds and lasted a few days,
allowed people to get prepared.
Deforestation has changed the
vegetation of the Bokor Mountain
and this sign has disappeared, leaving
people without this natural early
signal.

Another reason for concern is the reduction of the fish resource. This pushes
fishermen to go further and take more risks. Land scarcity and the increased cost
of land, especially in the upper part of the commune, where fields are not prone to
Every year some fishermen disappear at
sea. The conditions of the sea can change
very quickly and become dangerous. We
have very small boats and we are easily in
danger.
Fisherman, Prek Rain village

Traditionally we used to look at the
clouds; we observed them and knew that
we must come back. Now winds come
without warning. Our life depends on 30
l. plastic tanks that we keep on board or
lifejackets when we have one. Fishing is
more dangerous and more risky now.
Fishery committee member, Prek Tnaot village

When my boat sank I tried to swim, a
boat rescued me, it was very hard. I
stayed in the water for 24 h, a day and a
night, naked, waves were very strong, and
I survived thanks to a plastic ice box.

Fisherman, Prek Rain village

Farmers and members of fishery
committee would like to get more precise
and reliable information. Windy weather
is the best for fishing, but we need to
have better ideas about the risk. We
would like to have loudspeakers to
broadcast alerts along the national road,
where the people leave, in case of
extreme weather. Fishermen and their
families would like to have a nightlight on
the shore, to avoid getting lost at night,
and pillars that indicate where the water
is high.

Fishery committee members, Prek Rain village


sea water intrusion, oblige the poorest families to move near the sea, where salty
water can reach their land and the erosion is strong. Richer families can construct
walls or protection against the sea and the wind, but the poorer are more at risk
because they cannot afford to build these protections.

When local authorities organized a meeting to discuss the national disaster
protection plans communities were not invited, only village chiefs attended it. This
created a divide between authorities and villagers not only about early warning
needs, but also about response and preparedness.

The village chief who participated in the community meeting admitted that these
issues were never discussed during the commune council; he was hearing the
community proposals for the first time.

Summary

Changes in weather patterns, especially winds and intrusion of salty water,
are impacting people's livelihood and reducing land available for agriculture
Protection of vital natural resources, particularly from forest and sea
exploitation, are a major concern for communities
The effort made by communities to protect their resources does not receive
adequate support by local authorities
Communities are organized and conscious of the necessity to act in order to
safeguard resources for fair and sustainable development

Mondulkiri
Situated in the Northern east part of Cambodia, south of Ratanakiri, Mondulkiri is
the largest province of the country and the one with the lowest population density.
Covered by different kinds of forests and grasslands, the province has been until
recently mainly inhabited by indigenous people, ethnic Bunong, whose livelihood
was based on upland rice, as well as vegetables and fruit cultivation, NTFP
collection, fishing, hunting and animal breeding (buffaloes, cows, elephants, small
pigs and chicken). Upland rice cultivation in forest areas, known as shifting
cultivation, is an extensive practice where plots of forest are cleared, burned,
cultivated without laboring, and left idle for a sufficient lapse of time to allow
vegetal re-grow. This system, based on traditional customs and rules, has been
severely impacted by recent changes, primarily deforestation, land clearing for
agricultural purposes, changes in land tenure, and the rapid expansion of
commercial crops and plantations. The intense in-migration from Cambodian
lowlands, made possible by new roads and infrastructures, has driven these
changes.

OReang district is an upland (900 meters altitude) located in the south east part of
the province, with hills separated by valleys and streams. It is also a district severely
impacted by recent changes in land tenure. Economic land concessions have
alienated huge areas of land, so that no more is available to local indigenous
communities who once used to cultivate, collect and let animal grazing there.
Deforestation has also impacted the soil capacity to retain water, in an area already
exposed to droughts and strong winds, where soil evaporation is critical. The
decrease of forests has affected NTFP collection, and particularly resin, a product
traditionally collected and traded by indigenous people
33
.

The scarce population density of Mondulkiri and OReang can be related to
indigenous people's adaptation to a challenging environment. In recent years the
population has nearly doubled, due to in-migration from other provinces,
triggering rapid changes in agricultural practices, which have impacted on the
environment and need accurate evaluation.

33
Resin is an ingredient of lacquers, utilised in boats, carpentry and more recently in natural paint production; it is
also a high added value product, whose collection represents an eco-sustainable practice, and the loss of which
represents an important damage for indigenous peoples.

Table 10 Mondulkiri research sites, data from 2008 Census.

Dak dam
3 villages
332 families
1452 persons, of which
farming 91.7%
Pu Chorb 451 persons
Pu Leas 413 persons
Pu Antreang 588 persons

Change in weather patterns
As for other research sites community
members have the perception that
weather has changed. As well, they
associate what they observe with local
environmental changes, very evident in
the area. This is due to a traditionally
intimate and knowledgeable
relationship with the environment that
allows indigenous villagers to perceive
and identify changes unnoticed by less
attentive observers
34
.

According to communities and
authorities the weather started to
change from 2000-2003 and changes
became more evident after 2006. Rains
are more concentrated and more
intense in few months and stop earlier
in the season; temperatures have
increased with fewer cold days;
droughts are more intense and last
longer; wind strength has increased.
According to them, deforestation and
change in land use have contributed to
increasing the impact of such changes.

34
Among indigenous people from Ratanakiri, ethnic Braw, Ian Baird, has reviewed more than one hundred
different terms to classify forests, based on types of vegetation, water, sloop exposition etc., Baird Ian G., The
Ethno-ecology, Land-Use, and Livelihoods of the Brao-Kavet Indigenous Peoples in Kok Lak Commune,
Voen Say District, Ratanakiri Province, Northeast Cambodia, Geography Department The University of British
Columbia Vancouver, B.C., Canada, 2000.

Climate change is due to global
changes, like smoke from factories, cars,
garbage, and increased population, but
comes also from deforestation. Without
big trees it gets hotter, and the land gets
drier.

Woman farmer, Pu Leas

Now there is less wild grass; too much
forest has been cut, streams get dry and
wind dries the soil very quickly after the
rains. Buffaloes and cows get sick very
easily, many have died. Forest animals
now come to our fields to find food and
destroy them, especially monkeys and
wild pigs. We dont know how the next
generations will manage without the
forest, without the buffaloes and the
cows, and not enough water.

Woman farmer, Pu Chorb
The granting of a very broad land concession to a private company that is growing
pines trees has increased the negative pressure on local resources. The company
land covers most of OReang district and is creating conflicts and problems for the
villagers.

Apart from the large Chinese concession Wushisan, there are others companies,
from Vietnam, Korea and Malaysia, but also small ones owned by Khmer from the
lowlands or the US. They grow cassava and rubber. More recently there has been a
new wave of Vietnamese migrants renting land from Khmer owners to grow
pepper. The consequences of these changes, added to changes in rain patterns,
wind and temperatures, are crucial for indigenous people living in the area.

The pines have damaged the grass; pines leaves fall down and cover the soil so that
near the pines no grass can grow. And also they use chemicals in pines plantations
and we think that this is damaging our animals and ourselves. Cows and buffaloes
used to graze far from the village, but now it is impossible, if animals enter the
concession they are seized. So now we keep them near the village but it is not good
for their health.

Man farmer, Pu Chorb

The dense and big forest here around has been cut. When people buy land around
here they cut everything to make plantations. I can see the difference from before. I
used to go to the forest at dawn and usually there was fog. Now no more, the land is
drier and there is no dew. No forest means more heat and less humidity, so more
drought. Long droughts, no dew at night and very strong storms, so there is not
enough water. Rice production has decreased, because of irregular rain, and forest
cutting; Rice production has decreased a lot, from 100 baskets (30 k) per hectare to 5-
20 maximum. Male farmer, Pu Antreang

In the last 10 years we saw big changes; before harvests were enough and we did not
have these new diseases of animals. Buffaloes die now, before we could sell them in
case of emergency or distress, now if we need money we can only look for work in
plantations. Young cows and buffaloes are very sensitive and die very often. We try
our best to raise them but it is very difficult. We do not have medicines and there is
not enough grass. Before there was a lot of land for farming where animals used to
graze after harvest. Now there is only a little land and we think that there are
pesticides and chemicals used by planters. We must keep our animals near the village
and they suffer. All around here there is land owned by outsiders.


Of particular concern are the changes that these things have caused in agricultural
practices. Successful and sustainable shifting cultivation relies on a number of
factors: the choice of forest plot should not damage the most dense forests; trees
in the plot must not be uprooted but cut 1 m high to allow re-growth; burning
must destroy unwanted seeds and soften the ground; after 1 to 3 years the plot is
left idle for 10 to 15 years according to the area. Now practices are changing.

Recent changes in land tenure are at the
core of communitys distress and have
created a complex situation where
conflicting interests, bad governance
and community disempowerment have
merged together. The low population
density and the misunderstanding of, or
failure to recognise the value of
indigenous agricultural practices, have
created the common perception that
large extensions of land are free and
available. Land concessions, granted
without previous information,
consultation and consent by local
communities, as well as new in-
migration, have resulted in a massive
shift in land tenure; from collective
exploitation by the community towards
private ownership. This change has also
involved to some degree, indigenous
people themselves, who have been
lured and pressured to sell land plots to
newcomers. As a result, communities
are now divided between the small
group of families who have sold part of
their land, and those families who
Shifting cultivation is still practiced, but now we cannot keep the older fields idle for
many years, only a few years, because there is no land to rotate them and we are also
worried that if we leave land idle it will be seized by new-comers or companies. So
when we cut and burn only bush and small trees, the nutrients from ashes are not
enough and soils are less fertile. We never used fertilizers or chemicals in upland rice,
but we can see that the soil is less fertile than before. We cannot cut new fields and
the old ones are less fertile.
Woman farmer, Pu Antreang

Community people sell their own land,
thats why newcomers come and plant
cassava, rubber or pepper. We cannot
stop people from selling their own land;
it is their right to do this.

Village Chief Pu Chorb

Some people sold their land because
companies and dealers persuade them to
do it. They have different techniques:
they said that land left idle will be taken
by government or a company anyway,
so better to sell and at least make some
money out of it. More recently they have
used different arguments. They say: be
careful, you have so much land, dont
you known that the government will
come and ask for taxes on it? They will
make you pay a lot of money then.

Man farmer, Pu Chorb

didnt, but now suffer the consequences of shrinking land and in-migration of new
comers. This would not have been possible without the involvement of local
authorities in charge of signing and approving land sales. The discussions showed
very well the intricacy of the situation, the different interests at stake and the
disillusion and distrust now reigning among communities and between
communities and authorities.

Indigenous people have a right to collective land title, but the process to obtain it
is not easy and since the approval of the Land Law only a few communities have
been able to obtain a communal title
35
. The process becomes unmanageable as
soon as land plots are sold to new comers who hold individual land titles. In one
of the villages in the area the process of collective land registration is now on-
going, supported by an NGO, but most of the land has already been sold or taken
by companies; this voids the process in its aim and scope and does not ensure
community livelihood anymore.

Socio economic changes
Indigenous communities, under this
pressure, have gone through important
changes. If they appreciate some of
improvements that economic
development has brought to them,
such as provision of electricity and
water and access to modern
equipment, they are also conscious
that these innovations have a price.

35
For an exhaustive review of indigenous people and land title, Baird Ian, 2011, Indigenous Peoples and land:
Comparing communal land titling and its implications in Cambodia and Laos,Asia Pacific Viewpoint, Vol. 54, No.
3, December 2013, pp269281
We are not aware about land title, it is our birth place and we did not think that we
needed documents to certify our land. But some people try to persuade villagers to
sell, they talk about taxes, and say that the government will take the land back, and so
the village chief and commune chief advise to sell. The ones who bought land do
nothing on it; they wait and re-sell it at higher price.

Man elder, Pu Leas

Indigenous people have never cut
precious wood or big trees in the deep
forest, only the outsiders; now it is
difficult to go back, now there are roads,
and TV and motorbikes, but we also
have lost our heritage. There is no more
solidarity in the village, only competition
for money. Before we worked together,
to cut the fields, burn them and build
the fence around. Now we hire laborers
and we pay others to work. Now people
do not have enough land; they become
laborers in cassava or rubber plantations.
I miss land, forest and animals. Women
farmers, Pu Leas


Working as an agricultural labourer for private planters has become a strategy for
families when short of food. Women are hired on mass for stripping grass; the
work is organised by dealers who inform the villagers when they need labourers.
Men are hired for more demanding work, including cutting trees and clearing land.
Many young indigenous know little about the forest now; elders complain that the
young people get lost after the first stream.

Outside support, including from NGOs is not perceived as having important
impact or being adapted to the communities. Some NGOs have promoted new
rice varieties, but according to the villagers the new seeds are not adapted to
upland rice conditions and sometimes have not been appropriate. In one case new
seeds provided were for inundated rice fields, and villagers were advised to grow
them near streams.

According to the communities, local authorities have a key role in protecting, or
alienating, indigenous land. Good willed authorities can easily stop land sales,
inform villagers and make them aware of the land law and their rights. According
to communities this is not occurring. Other problems come from powerful people
and armed forces, especially the ones positioned near the border with Vietnam.
According to the communities these people do not follow the rules and do not
respond to any authority. NGOs are perceived as weak and not able to support
local people in claiming their rights and holding authorities accountable.
Traditional authorities have lost influence and people, especially the younger
generations, do not follow their advice anymore.

Even the community cemetery in the deep forest was sold;
somebody put a panel, for sale on it, and the company gets it and
bulldozers now razed all the land. Dealers come mostly from PP,
they are outsiders, but the ones who persuade villagers are insiders,
Khmer and also Bunong; they do it because of commissions and
bribes they receive for land sales. The NGO is supporting the
process of registering community land but most of the land is
already gone, taken by the Chinese company or privates.
Companies take land, and outsiders too, and intellectual and
educated people come here and persuade villagers to sell land. Here
40 families are outsiders, and people now are labourers in land of
companies and outsiders.

Here the problems come from outsiders; they cut and make new plantations,
because LA sit and do nothing. When we protested we were told that people have
rights to cut and shift, and after 5 years land belongs to them. What happens is that
outsiders come, they bought a small piece of land but they cut much more than the
initial plot; when they registered the land, the size was not the initial but much larger
and the authorities sign the title anyway.
Here outsiders have more rights than us! They do what they want. They are powerful
people, and LA gives them what they need, land titles. We know, we have proof, they
take bribes from outsiders. We call this signer yo loi. They sign to get money.
Armed forces started to clear land in 2003, they learned that land was valuable and
they came. And land titles were arranged by authorities, for example they got land 50
meter wide and 100 meter long, but in fact they cut more and the land becomes 300
meter long, reaches the stream. Then they register it with the new map, and they wait
and keep it idle. When the price increases they sell it according to the new map, and
commune chief and village chief sign it.

Community wants to have more rights and prevent land sales and grabbing by
companies, and establish collective land title. And we want police to intervene when
illegal logging happens, and set a forest house to guard forest. NGOs should help
local people to protect land and avoid land sales and grabbing, especially from
outsiders from lower Cambodia. How to prevent land sales? The most important
issue is the role of local authorities, they are the ones who can sign land sales and put
the stamp on it. They should educate and prevent people selling, not encourage them.
But commune chiefs want to sell; they are the ones encouraging, because selling
brings them advantages and bribes.


Early warning systems and information
As for Kompong Speu, communities in OReang district in Mondulkiri are affected
and impaired in their livelihood by slow onset changes in climate, and particularly
the rarefaction of rains and drought. While in other areas of Mondulkiri extreme
weather may be relevant, OReang is not at risk of flash floods as in other districts
in the province. For the communities, the loss of land and forest are the causes of
their vulnerability and result in a substantial reduction of their response capacities.
Without land available and with the degradation of the environment caused by
land concessions and plantations their marge of maneuver in case of weather
related hardships, such as shorten rainy seasons, is severely reduced. Communities
do not resent the lack of early warning information as a priority and a way to
reduce their current hardships and vulnerabilities.

An elder perspective

Outsiders come and clear land, and then they get land titles. Some are armed forces; they keep the land
for selling it later. Some are villagers, and people are angry with them. The elders use to say: if you sell
your land it means that you sell yourself. But people think only about money. So now land is only
around the village, fields are far and few. We have a difficult life, women, but also elders, little
products, diseases, and lots of work. We do not know what to do: you come here and we expect that you
have ideas about how to deal with it. The NGOs help us with land registration for collective land, but
most of the land is already gone. Now people who sell regret it a lot, they sold before, without considering
or knowing the consequences. IP who sold land are still poor, only very few become rich; they are the
cleverest. No one who sells land did it openly. Land sales are done secretly. Smart people do not share
information; they use to go into the forest, put up a sign and sell. The others know what happens only
after, when outsiders or companies come.

The dealers tease us, they say do not be crazy, think about motorbikes, and cars, and government taxes,
and land grabbing from companies. We do not know about many things from outside, so we thought
that dealers were sincere, we would never believe that they were cheating us. The poor are like women,
and the rich are like men trying to tease them. Here dealers come and also LA and State come, so we
believe that selling was a good strategy. LAs persuaded many people to sell after the Chinese company
came and got so much land. People feared losing their land, but in fact LAs think about their own
benefit, they took bribes from land sales. We know very well that they took money. It is difficult to
choose good LA, because we cannot vote for individuals, only for parties, so we have no choice. Now we
face difficulties for collective land registration, because people think that with the collective title they
cannot sell land. So now it is a very difficult task to get the community together and agree on land title,
also because the commune council is not happy with community land title registration.

Farmers from Pu Leas and Pu Chorb

Summary

Weather changes have impacted on a situation that is already vulnerable
because of environmental damage and abrupt shifts in land tenure.

Land, a key resource for indigenous communities practicing extensive
agriculture, is shrinking, disrupting agricultural practices and putting their
livelihood at risk.

External pressures exerted by private companies and newcomers are
complicit with authorities that are in charge of local governance and the rule
of law.

Communities are left with little ground for asserting their rights whilst
external support in advocacy does not seem able to support them in this
task.


This research provides important insights into the intertwined challenges faced by
local communities in order to secure their livelihood in a fast changing natural,
social and economic environment. In this context the impact of global climate
change appears to interact with and enhance a series of modifications that are
already reducing community's adaptive capacities.

In all the communities, villagers have observed important changes in climate and
weather patterns. Increased frequency and severity of floods are perceived by
communities located in Aek Phnom district in Battambang and in Ba Phnom and
Peam Ro districts in Prey Veng. Water from rivers and lakes rises more quickly and
lasts longer, increasing material losses and risks for people safety. The intensity of
droughts has increased, and according to observers, follows floods and adds
hardship to hardship. In Kong Pisey district, Kampong Speu province, lack of rain
is a recurrent problem and the district is experiencing very severe droughts. In
Kampot the pace of monsoon winds and rains has changed, becoming more
unpredictable; this influences seawater intrusion and makes fishing more
dangerous. In Mondulkiri rains are more concentrated and intense, and are
followed by longer droughts. In all provinces communities have witnessed an
increase in temperature.

The communities associate these observed changes in climate and weather patterns
with the significant alterations that have occurred in their ecosystems in recent
years. Global factors are not ignored, but are considered by the communities as
only one side of the problem; the other side is represented by local factors, due to
human disruptive interventions in the ecosystems that have contributed to alter
local climate and enhance the local impact of global changes. Deforestation is
considered by all communities as the main culprit, having impacted heavily on all
their ecosystems. The term cutting forest in this context refers to different
vegetation forms: primary forests in Mondulkiri; mangroves and sea grass in
Kampot; wetland trees and bush around the Tonle Sap in Battambang, secondary
forests, bamboos woods, or even planted trees. In Prey Veng and Kampong Speu
it refers to all kind of trees, including sugar palms, and the changes in land use to
make place to extended rice fields.

The alteration of the ecosystem - reduction of biodiversity, deforestation, erosion,
over fishing, chemical agents, etc. is not only a co-factor in climate change. It is
threatening the majority of Cambodian smallholder producers, whose livelihood
relies on diversified low-input and integrated agricultural systems. Even in the less
diversified areas, such as Prey Veng, where rice production is almost the only
agricultural output, natural resources remain crucial to provide important food
components, traditional medicines, materials for houses and tool construction.
Small animals, fish, NTFP, medicinal plants, material for equipment and tools and
for house construction, have become less available and pose important threats to
peoples nutrition and health, habitat and living standards.

In the plain provinces of Prey Veng, Battambang and Kampong Speu agricultural
land is becoming scarce: many families in the research areas survive with less than
half hectare; not enough to ensure their livelihood. The poorest families have lost
land also because of distress sales and debts. A process of land concentration,
which started a decade or more ago, is taking place and has increased inequalities
among rural communities.

Land and land tenure security constitute an important problem in communities
located in areas where population density is low and the commercial value of land
is high; this is the case of Mondulkiri and Kampot. In Mondulkiri a land rush is
on-going, with new comers arriving in mass and buying, or occupying, land that
was traditionally used by indigenous communities. The new comers practices are
not environmentally sustainable and are trigging crucial degradation of the
ecosystem. Communities in these areas are confronted with direct threats to their
right to possess or get access to land and natural resources that are vital for their
livelihood and their survival as ethnic groups.

In Kampot forest resources are disappearing and communities are struggling to
preserve their rights to land and forests.

Access and control over water resources is another cause of hardship in many
research sites. Water scarcity is an environmental constraint in Kampong Speu, but
is relevant in other areas too during the dry season. Management of water
resources for agriculture is often not inclusive, making water accessible only to part
of the community. Infrastructures for water management in some cases have not
been designed and shaped based on all users needs; as a result farmers or groups
of farmers are cut off from the irrigation schemes.

The shift toward commercial farming, requiring intensive inputs, but more
vulnerable to climate and market fluctuation, is very evident in rice producing
areas. Farmers are confronted with the increased cost of producing rice and low
sale price for their harvest. Very few services are available to smallholders and
private companies have entered the sector with aggressive marketing strategies.
The shift toward the commercialization of rice seeds by private companies is a
matter of concern. From the discussions it appears that marketing of new varieties
is done very intensively, in some case without paying attention to the real needs of
smallholders. It is not clear from these discussions, what advantage the majority of
rice farmers have gained from the establishment of rice mill enterprises. This shift
has not been accompanied by measures and policies aimed at supporting
smallholders and favoring a fairer distribution of wealth. Social inequalities have
increased; the transformation of a few wealthy farmers into agricultural business
entrepreneurs has occurred at the expense of the weakest ones, who make up the
majority.

The most evident demonstration of this process is that the sustainability of
smallholders farms is at risk and can only be supported through external money
inputs. These may be obtained by borrowing from banks or moneylenders, or
remittance flows from family members who have migrated for work. In Prey Veng,
Battambang and Kampong Speu the majority of the farmers who participated in
the discussions were in debt, often with more than one lending institution. The
interest rates applied by finance institutions, 2.5 to 3 % per month, are not
comparable with the negligible profit margins of smallholder rice producers.
Because the bank often holds their land title as a repayment guarantee, if they are
unable to repay the loan, small farmers risk losing their land and becoming
impoverished. In order to pay back interest and support daily life, migration is their
main option. Young people have migrated massively, men in search of better job
opportunities, women to alleviate the family hardship by sending remittances.
Often, their remittances are used, not for productive investment, but to support
daily livelihood. Old people and particularly women find themselves in charge of
heavy productive and child caring work, at an age where these workloads and
worries should be delegated to fitter family members.

This socio-economic insecurity and deterioration of living conditions is tangible. In
some villages in Prey Veng the majority of the houses are of zinc, as wood is too
expensive and other natural materials are less available. The houses are so hot
during the daytime that owners cannot live inside them. Village structure has
changed. Houses are packed together with little land between them; their yards are
often dusty and dirty, populated mostly by children and old people. In some
villages in Kampong Speu there was not a single tree left around the houses or
surroundings.

Community priorities are often not recognized and communities are not supported
in their demands, whilst local development plans tend to be based on top down
decision making processes. In general, priority is given to infrastructures such as
dams and roads, but communities are not involved in their impact analysis or
design. The potential local participation provided by the decentralization process
has not been yet exploited and translated into bottom up democratic practice to
hold decision makers accountable.

This disconnect between communities and local governance priorities and
concerns is particularly relevant in areas where important resources are at stake,
such as land, forests and sea fisheries. In Kampot, community members and
representatives were deliberately excluded from decisions and consultation. In
Mondulkiri decisions and administrative practices concerning land sales were not
transparent. When the value of the resources is high - wood, or sea fisheries - local
communities are particularly at risk of losing land rights and receive little support
by local authorities in their attempt to protect and preserve their rights.


The role of NGOs appears instrumental in supporting community-based
structures, such as community committees, savings groups or other projects.
Nevertheless, there are differences in practices and approaches: in some cases the
disconnect observed between communities and local authorities is similar to the
relationship between communities and NGOs. The latter are more oriented toward
technical interventions of very limited very limited and which economic
sustainability not fully analyzed. Very often NGOs interventions lack to
acknowledge that grassroots and communities based businesses cannot survive
without macroeconomic policies that regulate market forces. A common issue
shared by most of the NGOs intervening in the areas, is the choice to utilise
training as a magic formula for most of the communities problems, even when
these are not the result of lack of knowledge or capacities. This unidirectional
conception of development disregards communities knowledge, capacities and
initiative. In some cases communities have tried their best, with or without
support, to get organised and defend their rights to accede, make use, control and
protect key resources. In other cases they appear disempowered, hopeless and
fatalistic. These differences should be investigated more deeply to understand what
empowers communities and what, in contrast, prevents them from becoming more
active.

The research findings concerning early warning and weather information have
started theoretically, to situate these concepts on a more solid ground. It is now
internationally recognised that the early warning needs to be conceptualised as a
system. This term underlines the need to integrate weather monitoring,
dissemination of information and warning messages, risk knowledge and response
capacity, into an integrated process, which should be based on a vulnerability
assessment. Communities are the starting point for the process and should be
involved in the design of each of these components.

Concerning early warning systems and information, local communities in most of
the research areas do not received adequate, reliable and prompt information
concerning weather related events. Lack of access to weather forecast and early
warning concerns local authorities too, who do not receive the information from
upper authorities that enable them to alert the population. In some communities
weather information is available but there are no warning systems in place to
operationalize a response. In other cases, for example in Kampot, local authorities
and communities seems to have different priorities concerning the need for early
warning information; while communities consider this a very relevant and
lifesaving service, authorities do not rank it among their priorities.

Media, TV and radio, are the main source of information concerning extreme
weather in most of the communities; in some cases, for example Kompong Speu
and Mondulkiri, affected by long onset phenomena like drought or early rain
cessation, these information sources are judged sufficiently accurate and timed. In
communities such as Battambang and Prey Veng, at risk of severe flooding,
information, including key lifesaving messages, are not available or not
disseminated in time, and this constitute a risk for the people and their belongings
and production.

In the research locations in this study such an early warning system is not
operational. Many obstacles are still present: primarily the fact that there is a
cascade of authorities having a mandate to launch and disseminate early warnings,
and a disconnect with communities and their responses. Community vulnerability
and risks are not sufficiently understood and constraints to their responses not
targeted. Local authorities are not always able to deliver early warning information
to the communities, as often they do not receive the right information in time;
communities are not sufficiently involved in designing early warning based on their
needs.

Local communities have ideas and plans for reducing their vulnerability to weather
hazards and lessen the risks they are facing, but those are impaired by the lack of
effective dialogue between communities and authorities concerning vulnerabilities,
often disregarded or not fully taken into consideration. When local authorities and
communities work together on issues concerning risks and preparedness the
community is more active and better prepared. Contrarily, if communities are not
engaged in discussions and consultations about their response priorities, and are
exposed to repeated weather hardships, for which they do not receive support,
they develop fatalistic attitudes.

In the case of Battambang, where communities tried their best to get prepared,
they have to face an unexpected event, the abrupt flood caused by the opening of a
dam in a upstream district. The disaster overwhelmed communities preparedness
and capacity. Post disaster support is still inconsistent in relation to peoples
needs, which are mainly to restore are quickly as possible their agricultural
production and ensure their livelihood.

As for other initiatives linked to climate change, there is a risk that narrow
interpretations of early warnings, limit their scope to technical aspects, such as
communication systems, without taking into consideration the receivers in the
community. It also may create the risk of delivering early warning information not
accompanied by response interventions, which may result in little impact on
reducing peoples risks or increasing their adaptive capacity.

It is important to highlight that gender represents an important factor in the
making of vulnerability and in shaping communities priorities. The environmental,
economic and social changes that communities have to deal with have a gendered
impact: in all the community meetings women were the majority of participants,
and counted among the poorest farmers. Gender inequality add to other
vulnerabilities, limiting their access to and control of tangible resources such as
land, agricultural tools, machineries or transport, as well as non-tangible resources

such networks and social linkages, education, or participation in decision making
and political instances. This is further aggravated by the chronic lack of time due to
womens workload, which sums production work in agriculture and reproduction
and care work within the household. All these factors render rural women
particularly vulnerable and their livelihood as well as the one of their dependants at
risks. Nevertheless, despite these disadvantages, the majority of the women
participating in this research were extremely vocal and articulated in their analysis,
very concerned by the environmental, economic and social changes impacting their
communities, and many of them actively engaged in community initiatives and
activities aimed at protecting communities rights to a sustainable and fair
livelihood.

RECOMMENDATIONS

1. It is important to adopt a contextualised approach to change in climate and
weather patterns, and acknowledge that changes act in synergy with
environmental, economic, social and political changes. Community
vulnerability depends on all these factors.

2. Response to climate change cannot be limited to technical aspects but
should reflect community priorities

3. Most of the priorities highlighted by this study necessitate socio-economic
and political measures to correct inequalities, deficits in participation,
accountability, and rights, and rule of law enforcement.

4. Communities must be involved in more discussions and analyses about their
hardships, priorities and constraints, in order to develop agendas and
proposals for change and to build their advocacy strategies to achieve their
goals.

5. There is a lack of local and micro level data, concerning: land tenure, land
concentration, landlessness, land rental; rice production and costs/benefits
analysis; financial services and indebtedness; out migration, remittance flows
and use, impact on migrants and receivers; infrastructure development and
usage patterns; etc. These data are needed to substantiate and support
communities in their advocacy. Methods for quantitative research at local
level, led by communities should be piloted and extended.

6. The communities are knowledgeable, have capacity and are experts about
their own environment and problems; there is the need to acknowledge this
indigenous knowledge while structuring development interventions, in order
to avoid disempowering approaches.

7. Differences in community self-organisation and advocacy capacity should
be better understood, to avoid disempowering approaches and identify best
practices.

8. The opportunities provided by decentralization should be utilised by
communities to participate and influence decisions, and hold decision
makers accountable. Research and programmes should be tailored to
provide the data and support whatever communities need in this process.


9. There should be a critical analysis of changes in agriculture and its impact on
inequalities. Especially, NGOs should engage in this process and review
uncritical pro-market strategies that rely on poor, mainstream,
oversimplified theoretical approaches.

10. For the communities it is essential to work with other groups or
organisations at national and regional level to learn from their experiences.

11. National policies, investments and impacts of climate change interventions
by donors, government or other entities should be monitored and reviewed,
and results made available to communities and networks.


REFERENCES

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Disasters, Second Edition, NY, 2005.


GLOSSARY

The most important terms related to climate change have been listed and the
definitions provided are based on the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change,
IPCC, United Nations Environmental Program and other internationally
recognised sources.

Adaptation In human systems, the process of adjustment to actual or expected climate and
its effects, in order to moderate harm or exploit beneficial opportunities. In natural
systems, the process of adjustment to actual climate and its effects; human intervention
may facilitate adjustment to expected climate.

Adaptive capacity The combination of the strengths, attributes, and resources available to
an individual, community, society, or organization that can be used to prepare for and
undertake actions to reduce adverse impacts, moderate harm, or exploit beneficial
opportunities. This capacity depends largely on ones access to assets (natural, human,
social, physical and financial), and how well these assets are utilized. Those with higher
adaptive capacity are often able to recover or adapt to new conditions.

Anthropogenic Resulting from or produced by human beings.

Biodiversity The total diversity of all organisms and ecosystems at various spatial scales
(from genes to entire biomes).

Climate Climate in a narrow sense is usually defined as the average weather, or more
rigorously, as the statistical description in terms of the mean and variability of relevant
quantities over a period of time ranging from months to thousands or millions of years.
The classical period for averaging these variables is 30 years, as defined by the World
Meteorological Organization. The relevant quantities are most often surface variables such
as temperature, precipitation, and wind.

Climate change A change in the state of the climate that can be identified (e.g., by using
statistical tests) by changes in the mean and/or the variability of its properties and that
persists for an extended period, typically decades or longer. Climate change may be due to
natural internal processes or external forcing, or to persistent anthropogenic changes in the
composition of the atmosphere or in land use.

Climate extreme The occurrence of a value of a weather or climate variable, above or
below a threshold value near the upper (or lower) ends of the range of observed values of
the variable. For simplicity, both extreme weather events and extreme climate events are
referred to collectively as climate extremes.

Disaster Severe alterations in the normal functioning of a community or a society due to
hazardous physical events interacting with vulnerable social conditions, leading to
widespread adverse human, material, economic, or environmental effects that require

immediate emergency response to satisfy critical human needs and that may require
external support for recovery.

Disaster risk The likelihood over a specified time period of severe alterations in the
normal functioning of a community or a society due to hazardous physical events
interacting with vulnerable social conditions, leading to widespread adverse human,
material, economic, or environmental effects that require immediate emergency response to
satisfy critical human needs and that may require external support for recovery.

Drought A period of abnormally dry weather long enough to cause a serious hydrological
imbalance. Drought is a relative term; therefore any discussion in terms of precipitation
deficit must refer to the particular precipitation-related activity that is under discussion. For
example, shortage of precipitation during the growing season impinges on crop production
or ecosystem function in general (agricultural drought) and during the runoff and
percolation season primarily affects water supplies (hydrological drought).Storage changes
in soil moisture and groundwater are also affected by increases in actual evapotranspiration
in addition to reductions in precipitation. A period with an abnormal precipitation deficit is
defined as a meteorological drought.

Early warning system The provision of timely and effective information, through
identified institutions, that allows individuals exposed to a hazard to take action to avoid or
reduce their risk and prepare for effective response. Defined also as the set of capacities
needed to generate and disseminate timely and meaningful warning information to enable
individuals, communities, and organizations threatened by a hazard to prepare and to act
appropriately and in sufficient time to reduce the possibility of harm or loss.

Evapotranspiration The combined process of evaporation from the Earths surface and
transpiration from vegetation.

Exposure The degree of climate stress upon a particular unit analysis; it may be
represented as either long-term change in climate conditions, or by changes in climate
variability, including the magnitude and frequency of extreme events. There are two main
elements to consider in exposure.
Things that can be affected by climate change (populations, resources, property,
and so on)
The change in climate itself (sea level rise, precipitation and temperature changes,
etc.)

Flood The overflowing of the normal confines of a stream or other body of water, or the
accumulation of water over areas that are not normally submerged. Floods include river
(fluvial) floods, flash floods, urban floods, pluvial floods, sewer floods, coastal floods, and
glacial lake outburst floods.

Global warming an increase in the earth's atmospheric and oceanic temperatures widely
predicted to occur due to an increase in the greenhouse effect resulting especially from
pollution
Greenhouse effect Greenhouse gases effectively absorb thermal infrared radiation,
emitted by the Earths surface, by the atmosphere itself due to the same gases, and by
clouds. Atmospheric radiation is emitted to all sides, including downward to the Earths
surface. Thus, greenhouse gases trap heat within the surface-troposphere system. This is
called the greenhouse effect.

Greenhouse gas Those gaseous constituents of the atmosphere, both natural and
anthropogenic, which absorb and emit radiation at specific wavelengths within the
spectrum of thermal infrared radiation emitted by the Earths surface, by the atmosphere
itself, and by clouds.

This property causes the greenhouse effect. Water vapor (H2O), carbon dioxide (CO2),
nitrous oxide (N2O), methane (CH4), and ozone (O3) are the primary greenhouse gases in
the Earths atmosphere.

Hazard The potential occurrence of a natural or human-induced physical event that may
cause loss of life, injury, or other health impacts, as well as damage and loss to property,
infrastructure, livelihoods, service provision, and environmental resources.

Impacts Effects on natural and human systems. In this report, the term impacts is used
to refer to the effects on natural and human systems of physical events, of disasters, and of
climate change.

Land use and land use change Land use refers to the total of arrangements, activities,
and inputs undertaken in a certain land cover type (a set of human actions). The term land
use is also used in the sense of the social and economic purposes for which land is
managed (e.g., grazing, timber extraction, and conservation). Land use change refers to a
change in the use or management of land by humans, which may lead to a change in land
cover. Land cover and land use change may have an impact on the climate system locally or
globally.

Mitigation (of disaster risk and disaster) The lessening of the potential adverse
impacts of physical hazards (including those that are human-induced) through actions that
reduce hazard, exposure, and vulnerability.

Mitigation (of climate change) A human intervention to reduce the sources or enhance
the sinks of Greenhouse gases.

Resilience The ability of a system and its component parts to anticipate, absorb,
accommodate, or recover from the effects of a hazardous event in a timely and efficient
manner, including through ensuring the preservation, restoration, or improvement of its
essential basic structures and functions.

Risk A compound function of the natural hazard and the number of people, characterized
by their varying degrees of vulnerability to that specific hazard, who occupy the space and
time of exposure to the hazard event. There are three elements here: risk (disaster),
vulnerability, and hazard, whose relation is: Risk = f (Hazard x Vulnerability).
Salt Water Intrusion: Displacement of fresh or ground water by the advance of salt water
due to its greater density, usually in coastal and estuarine areas.


Sensitivity The degree to which a system will be affected by, or responsive to climate
stimuli (Smith et al., 2001). Sensitivity is basically the biophysical effect of climate change;
but sensitivity can be altered by socio-economic changes. For example, new crop varieties
could be either more or less sensitive to climate change.

Vulnerability This is the degree to which a system is susceptible to, or unable to cope
with, adverse effects of change, including climate variability and extremes. It is understood
as a function of exposure (the character, magnitude and rate of climate change and
variation to which a system is exposed), sensitivity (structural factors that either heighten or
lessen the impact of exposure, such as land tenure), and adaptive capacity. Vulnerability is
expressed as a function of exposure, sensitivity and adaptive capacity: Vulnerability = f
(Exposure Sensitivity Adaptive Capacity)

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