Zamorano Traitorous Physiognomy

Traitorous Physiognomy: Photography and
the Racialization of Bolivian Indians by the

Cr equi-Montfort Expedition (1903)
By
Gabriela Zamorano
El Colegio de Michoac an
R e s u m e n
En 1903, la Expedici on francesa Cr equi-Montfort visit o Bolivia y sus fronteras para
estudiar a la poblaci on local. La expedici on transport o c amaras, instrumentos fo-
togr acos y un sistema de fotografa prestado del m etodo Bertillon de identicaci on
criminal con el n de producir y recolectar retratos pintorescos y m etricos de los pueb-
los indgenas. Con base en este caso, este artculo explora las maneras en que la raza fue
normalizada en el emergente estado liberal boliviano. Especcamente, examina c omo
las ideas raciales se apoyaron en la fotografa y contribuyeron a validarla como una
herramienta cientca. Mediante el an alisis de cuatro grupos de im agenes, el artculo
explora el rol de la fotografa en la autenticaci on de la ciencia; los contextos polticos
en los que las ideas e im agenes raciales circularon en Europa y Latinoam erica; los
usos de la puesta en escena fotogr aca para apoyar el argumento del potencial de las
razas andinas para salir adelante; y el rol de los pies de foto, textos, composici on y
manipulaci on t ecnica para atribuir relevancia cientca a las im agenes. [Fotografa
cientca, raza, Bolivia]
A b s t r a c t
In 1903, the Cr equi-Montfort French Expedition visited Bolivia and its borders to study
the local population. The expedition transported cameras, photographic instruments,
and a photographic systemborrowed fromthe Bertilloncriminal identicationmethod
in order to produce and collect picturesque and metric portraits of indigenous peoples.
Based on this case, this article explores the ways in which race was normalized in the
emerging Bolivian liberal state. Specically, it examines how racial ideas relied upon
The Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Anthropology, Vol. 16, No. 2, pp. 425455. ISSN 1935-4932, online
ISSN 1935-4940.
C
2011 by the American Anthropological Association. All rights reserved. DOI: 10.1111/j.1935-
4940.2011.01165.x
Photography and the Racialization of Bolivian Indians 425
photography and contributed to validating it as a scientic tool. By analyzing four
groups of images, the article explores photographys role in authenticating science; the
political contexts in which racial ideas and images circulated in Europe and Latin Amer-
ica; the uses of staged photography to support the argument of Andean races potential
for accomplishment; and the role of captions, texts, composition, and technical ma-
nipulation in attributing scientic relevance to images. [Scientic photography, race,
Bolivia]
In April 1903, the steamship Amazone left the French port of Pauillac for South
America, transporting a team of French scientists known as the Cr equi-Montfort
Expedition. Preceded by the naturalist explorations of travelers such as Hum-
boldt, Darwin, and DOrbigny, South America had already witnessed a wave of
meteorological, medical, geological, anthropological, geographical, archaeologi-
cal, ethnological, linguistic, and economic research in the second half of the 19th
century.
1
Following the tradition of such expeditions, the Cr equi-Montfort team
spent six months in Bolivia and adjacent countries with the goal of studying men
from the highlands, their languages and environment in the present and in the
past from Titicaca in the North to the Jujuy region [in Argentina] in the South
(Cr equi-Montfort and De La Grange 1904:82).
2
Arthur Chervin, the intellectual leader of the Expedition, never set foot in Bo-
livia, but instead commissioned specialists in geology, mineralogy, anthropology,
philology, zoology, and physiology to carry out the work (Chervin 1908:iv). Their
task was to collect objects and data to be transported back to Europe. This included
gathering human physiological and physical information including anthropomet-
rical measurements and photographs (Cr equi-Montfort and De La Grange 1904).
By emphasizing the relevance of anthropological and archaeological data, Chervin
distinguished this project froma merely geographic exploration (1904:vi). In his
preface to Anthropologie Bolivienne, the Expeditions main publication, politician
L eon Burgeois summarized the ve key results of this anthropological focus. In
his view the research offered, rst, an overview of the life and mentality of the
studied peoples; second, it contributed to theories of the origins or ethnogeny of
Americas inhabitants; third, it introduced a method of craniometrical photogra-
phy; fourth, it analyzed the question of racial mixing or metissage; and fth, the
Expedition studied human life at high altitudes (Chervin 1908:4).
As was the case with most racial research by early 20th century European and
Latin American scientists, the Expeditions anthropological focus was concerned
with indigenous peoples mentality, origins, cranial characteristics, mixing, and
adaptation with the environment. The contentious notion of race at the time was
based both on biological and cultural parameters deployed as a way to legiti-
mate relations of domination in the context of nation-building processes (De la
426 J ournal of L ati n A meri can and C ari bbean A nthropology
Cadena 2000; Appelbaum et al. 2003). An analysis of the anthropological research
undertaken by the Cr equi-Montfort Expedition in Bolivia helps explain the ways
in which race was understood and normalized in an emerging liberal state. More
specically, this article centers on the ways in which scienceand especially pho-
tography as an emerging scientic toolcontributed to the crafting of such racial
ideas while building upon them.
The large amount of photographic equipment in the Expeditions inventory
provides a clue to the role that scientists of the time attributed to this technology.
The paraphernalia transported by the Expedition included, aside from meteo-
rological devices, sophisticated photographic equipment: a few light chambers;
eight photographic cameras . . . a panoramic chamber (Cr equi-Montfort and De
La Grange 1904:8384). Among this ostentatious display of technology, a metric
photographic instrument deserves particular attention. It was createdby Alphonse
Bertillon, director of the identication division of the Paris Police Department;
it enabled the capture of standard frontal and prole views that, together with
anthropometrical and statistical data, would later be incorporated into individual
identication cards.
In addition to producing frontal and prole portraits of 208 Quichua, Ay-
mara, and metis (mixed-race) people using the Bertillon system, Expedition mem-
bers photographed daily life scenes, geographic conditions, and archaeological
sites in Bolivia. The Expedition also hired local photographers and gathered pic-
turesque scenes from French professionals working there. In Europe, Chervin
used photography as a mathematically accurate method to measure the skulls
collected by the Expedition (Chervin 1908:xxxvi). Such research was undertaken
to study the effects of altitude on indigenous peoples organisms and to com-
pare, from an anthropological point of view, the Aymara and Quechua peoples
(Poutrin 1919:257). Hence, the Expedition saw photography as an instrument
to gather proofs that could add to ongoing racial debates in Europe and Latin
America.
The uses that the Expedition made of photography exemplify how 19th cen-
tury anthropologists valued this technology as visual evidence of racean elusive
concept partly understood as permanent, separable types of human beings with
innate qualities that were passed from one generation to the next (Wade 1997:8),
and partly associated with cultural and environmental features. This particular
use of photography relates to concerns recently addressed by scholars: that is, its
scientic use as a method of observation, recording, and classication, and as a
means of crafting scientic objectivity itself (Edwards 1992; Pauwels 2006; Braun
2007; Edwards et al. 2010); the anthropological uses of racial photography as one
more tool for disciplining knowledge, for scientically justifying domination in
racial terms (i.e., Edwards 1992; Poignant 1992; Carre no 2002); and for crafting
and disseminating racial ideas (Poole 1997).
Building on these studies, this article analyzes the relationship between racial
thinking, photography, and scientic practices in the images published by the
Cr equi-Montfort Expedition. It examines four cases that interrogate how ongoing
racial ideas relied upon photography and contributed to validating it as a sci-
entic tool. First, the Expeditions metric photographs (photographie metrique)
facilitated inferences about the kinds of practices needed to solve methodological
challenges to the study of non-European populations; they enhanced the impor-
tance of photography for authenticating science. Second, the metric images that
the Expedition produced of Aymara inmates in the La Paz Prison reveal its po-
litical and ideological context and its tight relationship with the circulation and
appropriation of racial ideas that fostered the belief that Andean peoples were
dangerous in relation to national development. Third, Expedition leaders used
photographs like those of the French consular agents servant, Pedro Sandibal, to
describe their method and to support the underlying argument of Andean races
potential for accomplishment through education. And fourth, the picturesque
images presented by the Expedition provide clues to understanding the role of
captions, texts, composition, and technical manipulation in attributing scientic
relevance to images that Chervin considered nonscientic. In this case, the Expe-
dition deployed picturesque portraits to argue for the superiority of the mestizo
race over the indigenous one, as well as its eventual control over political and
economic affairs.
Rendering Elusiveness Visible: Race, Photography and Science
The relationship between vision and modern science has stimulated a body of lit-
erature that interrogates how technologies affected visualization, knowledge, and
the constitution of the modern subject, especially during the late 19th century (i.e.,
Crary 1990; Brennan and Jay 1996; Benjamin 1999). Additionally, recent studies
converge in their attempts to explain what photography, in comparison with other
visual technologies, has contributed to extending vision through scientic prac-
tices. Such studies analyze aspects as diverse as the role of photographic imagery
in medical practices (Pauwels 2006; Edwards et al. 2010), the naturalization of
gender relationships using visual scientic devices (Haraway 1989), and the uses
of photographic portraiture in the institutionalization of criminal sciences (Sekula
1986), to name just a few. For example, two recently edited volumes on vision
and science explore how the reproducibility and transportability of photography
made it an effective pedagogical tool or mediator between specialized scientic
knowledge and broad publics (Pauwels 2006; Edwards et al. 2010). Other studies
focus on the scientic mobilization of photographys indexical link with reality to
materialize the idea of objectivity, as well as on this mediums undeniably articial
or ctional nature. Studies on science and visuality also note that photography
offers science the possibility of separating vision from the human eye in order to
amplify, expand, and make scientic ndings fromouter space, under the oceans,
exotic locations, underground, [and] inside the body visible and accessible to
wider publics (Edwards et al. 2010:6).
Racial science also beneted from photographys ability to expand European
vision during the late 19th century (Edwards 1992, 1998; Pinney 1992; Poole 1997;
Naranjo 2006). The inclusion of photographic cameras on overseas expeditions
permitted the transportation of accurate images of non-European populations to
facilitate subsequent scrutiny, measurement, comparison, and display. This pos-
sibility nourished ambitious projects like photographic compositions to identify
common physiognomies among social groups (Galton 2006) and world atlases to
visually classify the world population according to the abstract idea of racial types.
3
Deborah Poole (1997) states that the modern notion of race and racial typol-
ogy relies on a transformation of scientists and travelers methods for observing
and classifying nature during the late 18th and 19th centuries. In the 18th century,
naturalists such as Carolus Linneus and Georges Louis Leclerc Comte de Buffon
advanced the taxonomic categorization of plants and animals as well as the anal-
ysis of physical variation within species (MacGee and Warms 1996:6). Later on,
evolutionists such as Jean Lamarck and Erasmus Darwin discussed the impacts of
geographic andclimatic conditions onplants andanimals (7). Participating insuch
debates, Humboldt was one of the rst travelers who, as a result of his explorations
in South America in the rst decades of the 1800s, defended a visual methodology
based on just that notion of type or physiognomy (Poole 1997:68) as related
to a visual abstraction and a general impression that landscapes provoked in the
observer (74). Poole explains how the language of type became familiar among
other travelers, such as Alcide DOrbigny. Following the taxonomic classication
principles of his mentor Georges Cuvier, DOrbigny adapted Humboldts ideas of
type and physiognomy to classify South American peoples into races, nations,
branches, and tribes (79). Interestingly, DOrbignys racial classication cen-
tered more on groups moral, emotional, and cultural characteristics than their
physical traits (80).
Nineteenth century scientists Charles Darwin and Herbert Spencer built upon
naturalists debates to develop inuential evolutionist theories. These debates in-
formed early anthropological inquiry during the second half of the 19th century
in the work of Lewis Henry Morgan and Sir Edward Burnett Taylor, who pro-
posed comparative analysis to prove the evolution from primitive to complex
societies (8). Based on human evolutionist studies, anthropometry became one of
the most fashionable methods to observe, measure, and compare representatives of
different human races in order to classify them. Although there was never com-
mon agreement on how to identify racial variation, anthropologists developed
numerous methods to demonstrate its existence following a general notion of
racial type as a set of characteristics that repeated themselves on a great number
of subjects, which allow one to suppose a certain link, a given blood community
(Topinard 1881:457).
In their attempts to explain racial typologies, evolutionist scientists and trav-
elers developed photographic methodologies as part of anthropometric research
from the 1880s to the early 20th century.
4
Most of these methodologies, which
were laid out in detailed instructions about how to measure and photograph indi-
viduals, insisted on the scientic character of anthropometric portraits over their
artistic, picturesque, or emotional aspects. As Bertillon quoted: the less we are
aesthetically impressed by the image subject to our examination, the more we will
be interested on it from the scientic point of view (Naranjo 2006:103).
During the rst decades of the 20th century, and after heated debates over
how to make racial types visible, there was growing scientic disappointment
over the inaccessibility of pure types, and therefore a general agreement on the
fact that photography could not help make them evident (Jehel 2000:6263). The
Cr equi-Montfort Expedition was undertaken before theorists such as Franz Boas
in the United States and Bronislaw Malinowski in the United Kingdom started
to question social evolutionism and the comparative method. At the time of the
Expedition evolutionist thinking held sway; its reliance on racial classication,
and its deployment of photography as evidence had a profound impact on racial
imaginaries throughout the 20th century despite antievolutionary developments
within the discipline of anthropology. A major example of this was the appropria-
tion of anthropometrics and metric photography in Nazi eugenics projects. On a
smaller but still signicant scale, even nowthe idea of race associated with physical
typology permeates social imaginaries about indigenous peoples in Latin America
and beyond. This is due in large measure to the photographic images produced by
scientic projects such as the Cr equi-Montfort Expedition.
The Bertillon System and the Rigorous Construction of Type
In the introduction to Anthropologie Bolivienne, Chervin states his concern about
the lack of regularity in the photographic documentation of world populations:
There is no traveler or tourist who does not take with him one or several pho-
tographic cameras. All of them bring back panoramic shots and portraits that let
us witness a thousand travel adventures. Unfortunately, these photographs do not
offer any scientic value, especially from the anthropological point of view. They
were made, most often haphazardly, according to what was most convenient in
terms of operation, without method, without rule, without precision, in one word,
without any precaution that would allow them to be rendered comparable with
each other (1908:xix).
Chervin insisted that non-metric photography is like a geographic map in
whichthe scale is ignored (xxii). This pragmatic emphasis onmetrics andaccuracy
beyondaesthetics points tosome of the scientic andanthropological practices that
attributed value and meaning to metric portraiture as valid data about indigenous
populations.
By the time of the Expedition, disciplines suchas medicine, psychology, biology,
anthropology, and criminology had already experimented with the possibilities of
photographic accuracy to record the characteristics and variation of their subjects
of study. This is how, in response to his concern for controlling all imprecision,
Chervin proposed taking advantage of the criminal photography methods recently
developed by his colleague Alphonse Bertillon. Besides being the director of the
identicationdivisionof the Paris Police Department, Bertillon(1882) had studied
with physical anthropologist Paul Broca, and published a book on savage races.
While working at the Police Department from 1880, Bertillon developed a system
for identifying recidivist criminals. He believed that photography could capture
all of an individuals facial details in side and frontal bust portraits. The Bertillon
instrument included a photographic camera with a parallel viewer and a mecha-
nism to obtain standard anthropometrical pictures; a tripod; and a special posing
chair with a ruler, an adjustable base, a head support, and a glass stand (Chervin
1908:295; Fig. 1).
Figure 1 The Bertillon instrument (Chervin 1908:294, Fig. 126).
According to Chervin:
The special automatic instrument for metrical photography was introduced and
planned by M. Alphonse Bertillon in an attempt to standardize and regulate the
process of taking prole and frontal portraits in such an absolute way that it allows
one to easily obtain, through its use, two identical portraits of the same individual
at different moments. The adopted mechanism imposes uniformity and accuracy
through the material impossibility for the operator to produce anything other than
our type. (1908:293)
This statement shows Chervins concern for uniformity, accuracy, and control
over data as indispensable conditions for producing scientic knowledge, as well
as his belief that such accuracy was possible with the aid of photography. Such
conditions were partly due to what Roland Barthes (1981) called the indexical
quality of photography, namely, the technological possibility of maintaining a
link with the photographed object by accurately registering a trace of its real
presence.
5
Photography was considered a privileged form of indexicality because
it implied an embodied eyewitness and offered unique opportunities to access,
amplify, scrutinize, reorganize, and display to mass publics the objects visual
characteristics without requiring its simultaneous presence. This degree of visual
accuracy offered scientists the possibility of manipulating photographs as rational
data and recreating ideal laboratory conditions both in the eld and at the moment
of analysis (Fig. 2).
The Bertillon photographic instrument was invariably accompanied by a
portable anthropometrical measuring kit consisting of various rulers, calipers
Figure 2 Measures of metric portraits (Chervin 1908:316, Fig. 137).
Figure 3 Measuring kit (Chervin 1908, Fig. 1).
to measure skulls and other body parts, nail clippers, a table with samples of eye
shapes, a chromatic sampler to identify skin colors, and empty anthropometric
cards (Cr equi-Montfort and De La Grange 1904:108). Hence, while photography
was supposedto recordall possible facial information, additional instruments were
designed to provide details that escaped photography, such as calipers and rulers
to obtain sizes of body parts, and eye and skin color samplers to control color
variation that could not be captured in a black and white image (Fig. 3).
Additionally, cards were designedtocompile all physical andsocial information
that could not be captured in an image but that in the view of the authors helped
identify common patterns associated with the idea of race. As in the Bertillon
method, the cards designed by Chervin enabled capture of 15 anthropometric
measures to accompany the frontal and prole portraits, along with a narrative
description of details like skin, hair, and eyes. Other data on the card were the
subjects race, sex, age, name, profession, place and date of birth, civil status,
and visible diseases. The association of race with both biological characteristics
and demographic data shows how much race informed wider statistic systems in
which individual information about specic populations would allow for com-
parison and average results. At the same time, compiled information conrms the
contentiousness of dening what a racial type was and the relevance of histori-
cal, cultural, and social elements that authors considered germane to race, which
obviously varied according to emerging theories and hypotheses.
Bertillonpredictedthat eachsubjects informationcouldbe condensedonboth
sides of 14 centimeter 15 centimeter cards; up to 12 cards could be kept in a
drawer, and then 100,000 records could be led in a grid of le drawers (Sekula
1986:30). In other words, the Bertillon method was also an advanced exercise
in the rational bureaucratic organization of photographic documents (Sekula
1986:30). Chervin saw in metric photography the possibility of simplifying and
complementing anthropometric tasks in the eld. An Expedition report includes
the studys anthropometric conclusions in terms of Andeans small body size,
muscularity, absence of abundant body hair, eye characteristics, and hair color,
often in comparison with European bodies.
Aside from these general conclusions that result more from the Expeditions
anthropometric andcraniometrical studies thanfromits metric photography, it re-
mains unclear what kind of proofs Chervin sought from the Bertillon instrument.
Beyond any deduction resulting from photographic analysis, Chervin focuses on
the methodological and technical instructions that the Expedition teamhad to fol-
low. This focus suggests a tension that the scientists probably experienced in terms
of having to demonstrate their methods effectiveness over others. At the same
time, the photographs and identication cards potential for data manipulability
beyond their utility is close to what Walter Benjamin describes as the collectors
art:
What is decisive in collecting is that the object is detached from all its original
functions in order to enter into the closest conceivable relation to things of the
same kind. This relation is the diametric opposite of any utility, and falls into the
peculiar category of completeness . . . a grand attempt to overcome the wholly
irrational character of the objects mere presence at hand through its integration
into a new, expressly devised historical system: the collection (1999:204205).
Benjamin continues with a reection on the encyclopedic role of collected
objects, whichat the moment of being ownedacquire a reverential value. According
to Deborah Poole, this is the kind of value that native portraits in the 19th century
acquired, solely through the acts of ownership, collection, accumulation, and
Figure 4 Bertillon Card. Arthur Chervin (Chervin 1908:295, Fig. 127).
exchange (1997:141). The fascination with method beyond its utility can be also
appreciated in a game played by Bertillon and his friends. In order to demonstrate
his instruments functioning to his colleagues, Bertillon produced an identication
card of himself, with his side and frontal shots. He also made a card for Francis
Galton during his visit to the Paris Police Department.
6
Similarly, samples of
the metric portraits of Chervin and Julien Guillaume, the Expedition member in
charge of metric photography, illustrate the operating instructions inAnthropologie
Bolivienne (Chervin 1908:295296). Contrary to the kind of subject that this
instrument was intended to study, such as criminals or indigenous people, these
men pose wearing suits and ties. Their titles and family names are handwritten in
the lower left corner (Fig. 4).
These ctional images are used to illustrate the universality of the scientic
method, as if experimenting on themselves demonstrated their theorys efcacy
before applying it to real subjects. At the same time, these images function as cartes
de visite: exchangeable staged photos that associate subjects with their profession,
thereby certifying their status as technologically versed scientists.
The images reviewed here leak information about an issue that pervades the
history of modern scientic practice: the power relations in which it has been im-
mersed. In agreement with the scientic model of the time, it is plausible to suggest
that studied people were approached as objectsbodiesto be arranged in order
to make themobservable. This issue also relates to the disciplining of ethnographic
subjects, especially in relation to Chervins adoption of a criminological system
into anthropology. Indeed, Chervin and his team ended up amalgamating the
anthropological subject into the criminal one, as the following section details.
Traitorous Physiognomy: Race in the Emerging Bolivian State
Despite the logistical precautions that Chervin took to avoid visual noise in the
production of metric portraits, he and his team failed to prevent other eldwork
contingencies. Chervin complained that the nal number of 208 measured and
photographed subjects, was much lower than what I had anticipated because of
the very serious resistance of most indians who even refused money to allowbeing
photographed (1908:328). For this reason, a rst part of the work was created
with the support of the Pulacayo mine administration, where 103 individuals16
women includedwere photographed and measured (328).
Frustrated by his subjects resistance, Guillaume, the Expedition member in
charge of anthropometrical portraiture, was forced to contact the prisons direc-
tor [in La Paz] to gather the documents [measurements and photographs] (328).
Even inside the prison, out of 200 detainees, with the greatest difculties he could
only measure 105 subjects (328). As discussedbelow, Chervindetails that these de-
tainees were imprisoned during the Federalist War after participating inthe indige-
nous revolt by the community of Mohoza against Federal forces in February 1899.
The support that the Expedition received from mine administrators and Bo-
livian state institutions suggests a deeper collaboration between them. Indeed,
political conditions in Bolivia at the time of the Expedition have led scholars to
state that Liberal creole elites imported French experts in order to support with
scientic arguments the idea of Andean indigenous peoples as inferior (Dem elas
1981; Irurozqui 1994; Larson 2004). Debates about indigenous peoples alleged
inferiority appealed to a series of events that preceded the Liberal victory over
the Conservative forces during the late 19th century, and particularly to the Mo-
hoza Massacre. During the Federal War of 189899, Aymara communities that
for decades had resisted the economic and racial violence of harsh tribute systems
and a growing hacienda system looked to advance their struggles by establishing
strategic alliances with the Liberal forces to ght the Conservatives. One of the
principal military leaders allied with the Liberals was Aymara leader Pablo Z arate
Willka. At the local level, many indigenous peasants experienced this alliance as
creating potential to settle old scores against mestizo townsthe administrative
site where servile labor had to be rendered, taxes paid, commercial monopolies
set, and indian justice mocked (Larson 2004:236). This possibility often led to
violence beyond the control of organized resistance, such as the night in Febru-
ary 1899 on which inhabitants from the Aymara community of Mohoza took a
group of 100 white Federal soldiers hostage and killed them. Authors attribute the
Mohoza Massacre to a series of tensions that affected indigenous communities,
such as the imposition of taxation systems and usurpation of communal lands
(Dem elas 1981; Platt 1987; Irurozqui 1994; Larson 2004; Mendieta 2010). These
tensions were accentuated by the ordinary abuses that Federal troops inicted on
people living in communities, such as torture and public beatings of those who
disobeyed them (Mendieta 2010).
A few months after the Mohoza Massacre, in October 1899, the Liberals under
General Jos e Manuel Pando took over the government, and remained in control
until 1920. This government sought to continue the countrys modernization by
developing mining and railroads, free trade, and agrarian reforms that favored in-
dividual landed property. The newnational project also sought to solve what many
Latin American politicians of the time referred to as the indian problem (Larson
2004). As in many other Latin American countries, Bolivian postindependence
governing elites were anxious to reorganize internal colonial hierarchies subor-
dinating indianness to the creole domain of power, civilization and citizenship
(Larson 2004:14). The need to dene the problematic relationship with a poten-
tially useful but possibly dangerous indigenous population(Larson2004:239) was
intensied by the fact that, as the Liberal government soon realized, Bolivians had
no knowledge of their territory and the peoples who inhabited it. This ignorance
added to elites perception of native peoples as a threat to the Liberal govern-
ment. This concern was heightened by the discovery from the 1900 Census that
75 percent of the national population was indigenous, which led the government
to encourage demographic studies during the rst decade of the 20th century, to
which the Cr equi-Montfort Expedition undoubtedly contributed. Racial theories
and imagery mobilized by this and other Expeditions provided crucial insights
for reorganizing social hierarchies. This, according to Larson, accentuated the
racial binarism that oriented liberal governmental practices and informed later
racialized indigenista discourses (2004:16).
In this context, the Mohoza episode, which resulted in the incarceration and
highly publicized trial of community members, contributed to the Liberal creole
elites idea of Andean indigenous peoples as violent, traitorous, and as potential
instigators of a fearedracial war, arguments that were oftenexplainedinterms of a
supposed racial inferiority (Dem elas 1981; Irurozqui 1994; Larson 2004; Mendieta
2010). Photography and the press reports made the trial a roving public spectacle
through which creole elites scrutinized and judged the native defendants and,
through them, the indian race (Larson 2004:239). Throughout the 20th century,
the Mohoza Trial remained a racial justication for the continued oppression of
indigenous peoples and the attempt to integrate them into the national project.
Interestingly, the metric photography undertaken by the Cr equi-Montfort
Expedition converged with the ideas of Bautista Saavedra, the Bolivian attor-
ney in charge of the Mohoza trial, whose work articulated creole elites racial
fears. Saavedras legal education was shaped by the ideas of positivist criminolo-
gists such as Cesare Lombroso and by the work of evolutionists Gustave Le Bon,
Spencer, and Morgan. Many other liberal politicians, attorneys, and intellectuals,
such as Gabriel Ren e Moreno, Nicomedes Antelo, Alcides Arguedas, and Manuel
Rigoberto Moreno, were also inspired by social evolutionist thinking, which in-
formed their adoption of racial theories into national politics (Egan 2007; Alvizuri
2009; Mendieta 2010). During the trial, Bautista Saavedra argued, for example,
that the Mohoza Massacre was a logical result of the terrible Spanish oppression
combined with the primitive character of Aymara peoples. This, according to
the attorney, imposes on them a particular two-faced and traitorous physiog-
nomy (Chervin 1908:xxx).
7
The fact that the Mohoza prisoners became a com-
mon research subject both for the Cr equi-Montfort Expedition and for Baustista
Saavedras study of Aymara peoples identies this contentious case as a site where
European and Latin American racial ideas converged. This case was important
for the French expedition to legitimate its research and methodology on South
American indigenous races as part of a European ambition to study human or
cultural evolution and therefore to justify colonialism and imperialism. Moreover,
for Bautista Saavedra and the creole groups he represented this case was crucial for
justifying the ongoing domination of Aymara Indians.
Table 10 in Anthropologie Bolivienne shows the frontal and prole metric
portraits of some Mohoza prisoners produced with the Bertillon instrument in the
prison of La Paz. The background, camera distance, pose, and lighting are almost
identical in all images. The standardization of faces is accentuated by the short
haircut usually imposed on inmates (Fig. 5).
In these images, the faces of men at the heart of a national political contro-
versy are abstracted both from their individual humanity and historical context in
order to create a neat comparative display of Aymara types. This transformation
from particular historical subjects into generalized racial types illustrates one of
the mechanisms deployed by scientists to produce an effect of objectivity. The
portraits purport to show Aymara faces, but the caption notes that they are from
Mohoza, thereby orienting the spectator to associate these faces with the public
argument for a traitorous physiognomy of the Aymara race, which Chervin
cites in his anthropometric section. Paradoxically, the captured trace of the sub-
jects expressions still allows us to perceive their individual humanity, giving the
images an aesthetic force despite the pragmatic intentions for which they were
produced. Photographys technological qualities, together with its embedding in
particular historical situations, are what give these images an ambiguous openness
that makes it possible to approach them as scientic, political, historical, or even
personal documents.
Figure 5 Aymaras. Mohoza (Chervin 1908:Planche 10).
Pedro Sandibal: The Achieved Specimen
Although Chervin developed instructions for Guillaume to take metric pho-
tographs of naked subjects standing, he included only two of these images in
his publication. Chervins attention to naked bodies as sites of racial observation
is in tune with other studies of the time. According to Roslyn Poignant, pho-
tographing naked bodies was an attempt to give a more scientic character to
the anthropological work by means of avoiding the visual noise that clothing,
adornments, and other cultural information recorded at the moment of the
photographic shot (1992:4951). One of them is a frontal, side, and rear portrait
of a Quichua man. His rigid posture is accentuated by his stiff arms and sts.
The only information aside from the naked body is the inscription of letters and
numbers. Given the difculties Guillaume had already faced in taking facial shots,
it is possible that this was one of the few portraits of a standing naked subject
obtained in Bolivia (Fig. 6).
The second image of this kind is used to illustrate the metric photography
instructions in Anthropologie Bolivienne. It shows the side and frontal shots of a
naked man standing. Both images have a neutral background and oor, which
makes the naked body stand out as if oating in an empty space. The only visible
traces aside from the body are a horizontal rope crossed in the middle by a vertical
line, which produce two measuring indicators (Fig. 7).
In a different section, Chervin explains that the picture was taken in Paris
under excellent conditions. The man in the picture is Pedro Sandibal, from
Cochabamba. He had worked as a domestic for the consular agent of France
in Bolivia, Edouard Wolff. When Wolff retired and returned to France, he took
faithful Pedro with him. At Chervins request, Wolff took Sandibal to Paris to
be studied and interrogated, where he obediently responded to all questions and,
in good grace [and] full of trust, he let himself be measured and photographed
from every angle, as long as this was the desire of the friend of his beloved master
(Chervin 1908:334).
Aside from taking the naked portraits of Sandibal, Chervin produced a similar
series with Sandibal attired in traditional indigenous dress, arguably from the
Cochabamba valleys. He holds a staff of authority and wears a hat, woven poncho,
short pants, and leather sandals. As in the previous picture, Sandibals pose and
face are calm (Fig. 8).
The neat clothing arrangement and information alluding to Sandibals urban
origins lead us to infer that this was not his ordinary garb, but that Chervin
instructed him to wear it for the picture. Here, then, Chervin uses traditional
clothing to display the racial identity of which Sandibal, always inexpressive, serves
as model. As in the naked images, these pictures present Sandibal as pure, as if
both nudity and traditional clothing could visually reveal the Quechua typology.
Figure 6 Quichua man (Chervin 1908:Planche 25).
Figure 7 Quechua man from Cochabamba (Chervin 1908:323, Fig. 141).
Figure 8 Quechua man from Cochabamba (Chervin 1908:324, Fig. 142).
Figure 9 Pedro Sandibal (Chervin 1908:334, Fig. 148).
To produce this image, Chervin utilized mise en sc`ene and ctional objects to
emphasize the impressionof reality andto abstract Sandibals individuality into the
Quechua of Cochabamba type. The staging through which Chervin produced
a racial type may be compared to the function of a scientic laboratory, in the
sense that the latter also articially creates the conditions for a phenomenon to be
repeated before the eyes of a researcher and even publicly reproduced.
In contrast to this impersonal image in which Sandibal is only presented as a
Quechua from Cochabamba, Chervin displays a nal portrait of this man. It is
a medium side and frontal shot produced with the Bertillon instrument, in which
Sandibal wears a European suit with a white collared shirt and a tie. Sandibals face
is as serene as in his previous pictures. The side shot shows the head supporter and
the chair ruler. His family name is handwritten on the lower left side, preceded by
the title Monsieur. This portrait is identical to those of Chervin and Guillaume
published in the tome and to the aforementioned photographs of Bertillon and
Galton (Fig. 9).
Chervinpresents this image after describing his positive impressionof Sandibal
not only because of his docile response to his request, but also because the an-
thropologist himself corroborated the maturity of his spirit and his capacity
for intellectual work, because he speaks not only Quechua, but also Spanish and
French (1908:334). By including Sandibal inChervin, Bertillon, andhis collabora-
tors play of presenting themselves in identical images, this portrait grants Sandibal
a personal title and identity. Yet at the same time, this image once again abstracts
Sandibals individuality by presenting him as the exemplary type of the potentially
civilized Indian. Chervin ends Sandibals description as follows:
Pedro is an accomplished specimen with all the qualities that these strong indige-
nous races present when they know how to stay sober and nd a medium in which
kindness and humanity are, as with Mr. Wolff, the inexible rule of behavior vis-
` a-vis these old children who are the indians from America. Therefore, I offer with
greatest pleasure Pedros portrait, to whom I express here my affectionate feelings
(1908:334).
Thus, Chervinsummarizes a paternalistic solutiontothe Indianproblem that
many Latin American intellectuals and politicians of the time discussed when con-
structing national projects. Postcolonial governing elites in Latin America sought
to justify their continuing domination over indigenous populations in biological
terms, by adopting European racial theories to argue for indigenous peoples in-
feriority, and in historical terms, by explaining the negative effects of colonial
domination over this population. In tune with these ideas, Latin American intel-
lectuals Jos e Carlos Mari ategui in Peru and Manuel Gamio and Jos e Vasconcelos in
Mexico proposed an indigenista civilizing policy of educating and incorporating
indigenous peoples, together withpolitical actions infavor of racial mestizaje, as the
best solution to consolidate national projects. In Bolivia, similar ideas materialized
in educational strategies fromthe rst decade of the 20th century (Martnez 2010).
Such debates on education and incorporation policies are present in Chervins
comments on Mr Pedro Sandibals portrait, in which he displays an image of Latin
Americas potential historical protagonist.
The images discussed present two opposing yet complementary examples of
how photography, as an intrinsically ambiguous technology, became a useful re-
source for staging scientic objectivity while engaging specic historical debates.
While the portrait series of the Mohoza prisoners allowed for a logical association
of the Aymara type with a traitorous physiognomy, by displaying those images
amid political controversy, the type portraits presenting Pedro Sandibal both as
a Quechua type and as an accomplished specimen engaged creole elites concern
with how to solve the indian problem. The last section of this article reviews
additional resources that Expedition members found for accentuating a sense of
scientic objectivity in photographic technologies.
The Photographic Crafting of Racial Types
The rst tome of Anthropologie Bolivienne includes pictures that Chervinpresented
as picturesqueas opposed to metric portraiturebecause of their heterogene-
ity and supposed lack of scientic methodology. Most probably, Chervin dened
as picturesque all those images including cultural information that risked distract-
ing the gaze from the merely physical details that metric portraits attempted to
register. Nevertheless, the fact that Chervin ended up using picturesque portraits
to illustrate his sections on different racial groups points to the tension between
biology and culture that scientists found in trying to dene racial typologies. The
picturesque images included in this volume show peoples physical characteristics,
clothing, and daily activities with different compositional and posing styles. All
these elements lead to the conclusion that they were originally taken for a variety of
purposes: while some portraits of wealthy people were clearly produced in studios
as cartes de visite or small portraits exchanged as markers of social status, other
images of indigenous people were taken randomly by Expedition members and
other travelers to document their encounters.
Despite picturesque photographs lack of method, all images of this kind were
presented as equivalent when they were published in Anthropologie Bolivienne. All
of them evidence a common typifying tendency that allowed Chervin to present
subjects as representative specimens of tribes and branches whose trade was
often related, following Expedition questionnaires, to their racial group. Thus,
portraits of domestic workers and market vendors are captioned as Aymara and
are used to describe Aymara people as part of the Peruvian branch of Andean
tribes (Chervin 1908:2325).
8
Meanwhile, cartes de visite, like those of la belle Mathilde, fashionable young
Chola from La Paz (67) and the portrait of a bureau chief miner in Pulacayo,
are used to illustrate the questionnaire on the metis, or mixed people, a race
that the author associates with the management of the Bolivian national industry
par excellence, namely mining (Chervin 1908:59). Both images have a European
garden background: the young woman dons an elegant dress and the man appears
in a mining uniform with tools (Chervin 1908:58). The caption of the later reads:
A metis very similar to white people, bureau chief of the Pulacayo mine.
Such a statement, which assigns a racial typology to the subject, is further
developed in the questionnaire illustrated by this picture: the metis preferably
exercise white peoples professions, trades and occupations, except for the liberal
careers which they currently exercise very rarely (Chervin 1908:57). The text also
advances the hypothesis on the raza mestiza in Latin America at the time: this
race would gain superiority over Indian and white populations to constitute
the core of Latin American nations progress (Wade 1997). The questionnaire
asserts that the mestizo aristocracy will take the direction of great industrial and
commercial businesses, and will afrm its numerical and nancial superiority
by its supremacy in directing political affairs to the detriment of white people
(Chervin 1908:57). Together with captions, this argument not only orients the
gaze to conrma potential superiority of the mestizo race, but also to naturalize an
ongoing stratication of gender roles in which women are notable by their beauty
and men by their profession (Fig. 10).
In successive sections describing other branches, captions describe women
withbeautiful hair (61), as horribly ugly (121), graceless, or not unpleasant
Figure 10 Pulacayo mine chief (Chervin 1908:59, Fig. 34).
(134). Contrarily, comments on mens portraits evaluate their strength by pointing
to well-proportioned and not thin bodies (43), skin color very close to a
white (59) or copper ochre (111), or their skills at shooting a bow (123). These
captions orient vision toward racialized and sexualized traits that nevertheless help
read photographs as scientic evidence of what a branch representative or type
looks like.
Aside fromcaptions, authors also used composition and photographic manip-
ulation to direct spectators gazes toward physical, clothing, and adornment details
that could, intheir view, constitute particular racial traits. Interms of composition,
photographers and travelers often borrowed random elements from criminal and
anthropometric photography to portray people they met. For example, they made
people pose for side and frontal facial or body shots (i.e., Chervin 1908:111), took
portraits of couples dressed in traditional clothing (Chervin 1908:Planche 9), used
walls or pieces of cloth to neutralize the background, or had subjects pose nude or
in traditional clothing, but without a systematic methodology. Examples of these
kinds of images are a couple of portraits of a young Quechua man by Jean Baptiste
Vaudry (Chervin 1908:43). They show two full-body shots of a man standing by
a door half covered with a white cloth. The left portrait shows him naked, with
a chuspa or woven bag for coca leaves covering his genitals. In the second image,
the man appears wearing regular clothes: a short poncho, short pants, and an
aguayo or Andean textile around his neck. The arrangement of the background
cloth covering the door in the rst image was probably the photographers attempt
to make the naked body stand out. The caption notes that the subject shows a well
proportioned body, and that hes not thin. The caption also explains that he is
wearing his chuspa because he did not want to get rid of it, obviating the fact that
it is covering his genitals. We do not know if this resulted from a negotiation with
the photographer or was a gesture of humor and modesty by the photographer
himself (Fig. 11).
Vaudry does not state why he photographed this man naked. Although his
images might not have been produced with a scientic goal, they allow us to
speculate that Vaudry was familiar with the uses of photography for clinical and
racial purposes and that he knew the scientic value of images of naked indige-
nous bodies. In this image, the scientic elements that Vaudry adopted for his
composition, such as the neutralized background and the nakedness contrasted
with traditional clothing, orient attention toward racial traits like the Quechua
representatives body shape. Nevertheless, because no systematic method was used
to take these pictures, this orientation remains implicit. The loose arrangement of
the background cloth, the humoristic caption, and the subjects smile are probably
elements that reinforce the presentation of this image as picturesque.
In other cases, individuals with physical diseases were used to exemplify both
racial and clinical alterity. The picture titled Giant and Dwarf, also by Jean
Baptiste Vaudry, shows twomenposing next toeachother. As the captionindicates,
one of them is only one meter tall, while the other is two meters tall. Following
the strategy of identifying trade with race, the caption also indicates that they
are Quechua and that the giant is arriero or a mule driver. This image appears
next to a statistical chart of physical diseases in Bolivia (Chervin 1908:256;
Fig. 12).
As in many other clinical portraits of this kind, the choice of the subjects
orients the gaze toward visualizing the idea of alterityaspects associated with
Figure 11 Quichua man (Chervin 1908:43, Fig. 28).
the exoticism implied in the notion of race. Aside from being related to ex-
otic types, physical alterity was also connected to what the language of the time
classied as phenomena and monstrosities, that is, diseases manifested in
physical appearance. Photographs that documented these cases bounced between
scientic publications and entertainment journals, just as a variety of exotic
human samples brought from overseas were often exhibited with other phenom-
ena in European circuses and world exhibitions, particularly during the last two
decades of the 19th century. This ambivalent value of photographs as both sources
of entertainment and scientic knowledge is contingent upon the ways in which
they are located in relation to other images and texts. In the case just mentioned,
the location of the Giant and Dwarf portrait in the clinical section of the study
is what grants it scientic value. Its visualization of physical alterity synthesizes
Figure 12 Giant and dwarf (Chervin 1908:257, Fig. 125).
a general idea of disease, even when the portrait does not illustrate any of the
illnesses listed in the questionnaire.
In other cases, inscription and the use of measuring props both draw attention
to particular physiognomic traits and serve as visual resources to underline the
photographs scientic character. Examples of inscriptions are the written name
and measurements on Bertillon type images (see Fig. 2), and the use of rulers and
squared backgrounds in images to indicate the scale of different body parts.
The examples discussed here illustrate some of the strategies that Cr equi-
Montfort Expedition scientists used to highlight specic traits in picturesque
photographs. In their view, such traits were points of comparison from which
the spectator could gradually learn to visually identify racial difference. This is
how captions, compositional conventions associated with scientic imagery, and
printing techniques became visual aids with which the ambiguous language of race
could be broken down into particular traits. These visual aids allowed spectators
to relate dress, adornments, and body features like skin color, body shape, or phys-
ical disease, to intellectual or aesthetic attributes like beauty, physical strength, or
professional capacity. Such associations were not coherent; instead, they implied
tensions and contradictions that, following race scholars, demonstrate that the
language of racial difference is a historically situated combination of biological, en-
vironmental, and cultural elements as varied as civilization, honor, education . . .
dress, language, religion, body type (De la Cadena 2000:19). By gradually
establishing connections between the visible and invisible body, and cultural,
moral, and intellectual features, the language of race helped photography acquire
scientic authority.
Conclusions
This article has analyzed the scientic, political, and photographic practices that
validated photography as a medium through which racial discourses could be
crafted, visualized, and normalized. In all the cases discussed here, photographys
technological qualities were instrumental to racial science. Its indexicality, or the
need of a real presence for the image to exist, was central to giving a sense of
objectivity because it proved that the portrayed event actually happened. Pho-
tography was also seen as an effective instrument of scientic observation since
it permitted cropping, enlarging, inscribing, measuring, and comparing images
without requiring subjects real presence. The mediums reproducibility allowed
for the mass distribution, transportability, exchange, and display of images of
indigenous human bodies. And paradoxically, in contrast to its realistic quali-
ties, photography also depends on its ctional or staged character. In the studied
cases, portraits required long exposure posing times, the subjects posing before
a heavy camera, and a series of instructions that both operators and subjects had
to follow. The Expeditions scientists took advantage of this set of requirements to
emulate laboratory conditions of control, reproducibility, and demonstration, as
in Pedro Sandibals case, or to present staged images as objective representations
of racial types. Finally, photography offered the possibility of building specic
narratives through editing and montage. By combining text, images, captions, and
photographic editing, the Expeditions publications built a scientic narrative that
displayed Bolivian demographics and politics in racial terms.
Photographys social practices and uses also helped present and understand the
images as scientic. For example, the already established practice of exchanging
cartes de visite to display peoples status and professions allowed scientic images
to be seen as markers of prestige, as discussed in the case of the metric portraits
that scientists produced of themselves and their friends. Conversely, by including
cartes de visite to illustrate a section on the metis race, Chervin tried to erase
their social value to make them comparable to anthropometric images. Scientists
also sawphotography as a pedagogical tool. In the Expedition publications, images
served to instruct travelers on howto measure and photograph subjects, but also to
demonstrate the functioning of their methods to mass publics. Finally, a common
use of photography in the medical, psychological, and criminal sciences was to
record and render visible otherness, difference, and abnormality. As discussed,
this practice also served as a source of public entertainment.
Photographys technological qualities and its social uses laid the ground for its
adoption by racial science. In the case analyzed here, the Cr equi-Montfort Expe-
dition, together with Bolivian governing groups, appealed to positivistic scientic
methods to explain Bolivian social stratication in racial terms. For example, this
is how Chervin concluded with the aid of images that the region lacked sufcient
population to fully exploit its agricultural and mining richness (xii) and that it
was necessary to push for civilizing [indigenous peoples] by all possible means
(xiii). Additionally, following a growing celebration of mestizaje as the ideal way to
unify Latin American national identities, Chervin concluded that the metis race
had a promising future in the nations economy and politics (xiii).
9
While some of photographys technological qualities contributed to crafting
and displaying a sense of objectivity, other characteristics escaped the authors
intentions, leaving hints, noise, or excess that give additional information about
the power relations in which the photographs were produced. Visual noise also
reveals the negotiations and ambiguities between the individual posing body and
the generic portrait produced out of that body. These ambiguities, revealed by
the photographic images very indexicality, still project physical and emotional
traces of subjects long since disappeared. It is as if, to paraphrase Barthes, the
body (corps) insisted on negotiating its individual space within the corpus. In the
photographic archives, the excess and uncontrollable recorded effects reveal the
failure of the methodthe impossibility of classication. As Greenblatt (1991) and
Taussig (1993) suggest in relation to colonial records, through these images the
other slides into the dominant les to challenge the racial agenda that motivated
the production of the image.
Hence, if for Bautista Saavedra the metric portraits of the Mohoza prisoners
revealed the traitorous physiognomy of the Aymara people, at the same time
the individual physiognomy captured in those portraits betrays the generalizing
concept of race.
Acknowledgments
The research for this article was possible thanks to a postdoctoral fellowship
received from the Research Department of the Quai Branly Museum in Paris,
France. I am grateful to Christopher Pinney, Jes us Bustamante, Pascal Riviale,
Francoise Martnez, and Christine Barthe for their comments on earlier versions
of this text. Many of the questions that motivated this research emerged from a
productive dialogue withDeborahPoole, especially inrelationtoour workcurating
the photographic exhibit De Frente al Perl: retratos fotogr acos de Frederick
Starr (see Poole and Zamorano, In press; N.d.).
Notes
1
As Pascal Riviale (2003) explains, exploration in South America was relatively less important
than in Africa or Asia, a fact that derives from European colonial interests at the time. Nonetheless,
ethnographic research became an increasingly important part of expeditions to Latin America fromthe
1880s to the mid-1930s. The most signicant explorations in the region were by German geographer
Alexander Von Humboldt, who traveled through Latin America from 1799 to 1804; French traveler
Alcide DOrbigny, whotouredSouthAmerica from1829 to1834; andBritishnaturalist Charles Darwin,
who visited some South American countries as part of the Beagle expedition from 1831 to 1836.
2
All translations from French and Spanish presented here are my own.
3
See, for example, Anthropologisch-Ethnologisches Albums in Photographien by Carl Dammann,
Hamburg (187374) and the photographic collection of Roland Bonaparte fromthe 1880s, nowhosted
at the Mus ee du Quai Branly in Paris.
4
Scientists who used photography as part of anthropometric methods include E. R. A. Serres,
Ernest Conduch e, Louis and Elizabeth Agassiz, J. H. Lamprey, Gustav Fritsch, Francis Galton, Paul
Broca, Gustave Le Bon, Arthur Batut, and Alphonse Bertillon, among many others (Naranjo 2006).
5
The scientic search for an indexical trace was not exclusive to photographic images, but was
also explored through phonographic records and the common 19th century anthropological practice
of making plaster busts of studied peoples. See Taussig (1993) and Papet Edouard et al. (2001). See
also Calder on (In press; N.d.) for an analysis of the plaster busts by American anthropologist Frederick
Starrs eldworkers during his research in Mexico in the late 19th century.
6
This image can be seen at http://cgredan.blogspot.com/2008/07/bertillon-galton-y-la-
criminologa.html (accessed December 20, 2010)
7
Based on similar arguments, Bautista Saavedra (1910) wrote El Ayllu, a study on Aymara social
organization, which, following Morgans theories on kinship, situates ayllus [political and territorial
systems of Andean organization] as a particular stage in human evolution (Alvizuri 2009:63).
8
See, for example, a series of eight pictures of Aymara domestic workers and water carriers
taken by Ricardo Villalba and provided to Expedition members by Louis Galland (Chervin 1908:23
25).
9
Referring to the consequences of living between 2,000 and 4,000 meters above sea level, Chervin
concluded, life in high altitudes naturally leads to the habits of an apathetic existence (xvi).
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Traitorous Physiognomy: Photography and

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