Revista Canadiense de Estudios Hispnicos

Maples Arce, Marinetti and Khlebnikov: The Mexican Estridentistas in Dialogue with Italian
and Russian Futurisms
Author(s): RUBN GALLO
Source: Revista Canadiense de Estudios Hispnicos, Vol. 31, No. 2 (Invierno 2007), pp. 309-324
Published by: Revista Canadiense de Estudios Hispnicos
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RUB?N GALLO
Maples
Arce,
Marinetti and
Khlebnikov: The Mexican
Estridentistas in
Dialogue
with Italian
and Russian Futurisms
En este art?culo
se examina la relaci?n de la
vanguardia
mexicana con
los
futu
ristas
europeos.
Se ha hablado mucho de la relaci?n de los
poetas
estridentistas
mexicanos con otros movimientos de
vanguardia europeos
como el
futurismo
o el
simultane?smo,
pero
se
han escrito
pocos
an?lisis detallados. Me
propongo
demos
trar
aqu? qu?
ideas
y qu? conceptos
del
futurismo
italiano tomaron los estriden
tistas. Mi lectura
se
enfoca
en la relaci?n de Manuel
Maples
Arce
-
el
padre
del
movimiento
-
con los textos de F.T.
Marinetti, el
fundador
del movimiento
fu
turista en
Italia. Demuestro
que
Marinetti
fue
la
influencia
m?s
importante
en
el
manifiesto
y
en la
po?tica
de
Maples
Arce. Basado en estos
descubrimientos,
pro
pongo
una
relectura del estridentismo dentro del canon mexicano: no como un
movimiento
fallido
(Paz, Monsiv?is),
sino como una
implantaci?n
de un
modelo
for?neo, aunque
con
importantes diferencias:
la
originalidad
de los estridentistas
estuvo en sus
manifiestos y
no en su obra
po?tica.
On of the most
original among
the
groups
who
sought
to
propagate
the Futurist
revolution around the world was the short-lived Estridentista movement which
erupted
on to the Mexican
literary
scene in
1921
with a
bombastic manifesto
plastered overnight
on
the walls
throughout
Mexico
City
and
composed by
a
group
of
poets
and
painters
in their
early
twenties who
pledged
their
allegiance
to both Futurist aesthetics and the
politics
of the Mexican Revolution.
Although
from the
beginning
the Estridentistas
presented
themselves as followers of the
Futurists,
there have been almost no critical studies
seeking
to elucidate the
relationship
between the two movements. In this
article,
I discuss
specific
as
pects
of Italian and Russian Futurism that were
incorporated
into the Estriden
tista
program, although
I shall show that
despite
the fact that the Mexican
poets
adapted many
of F.T. Marinetti's ideas about
poetry,
their movement was
actually quite
different from Italian Futurism in terms of both
politics
and
aesthetics.
As we shall see, much
insight
can be
gained by comparing
the central ten
ets of Estridentismo to the theories
developed
a decade earlier
by
Italian and
Russian Futurists. Such a
comparative analysis
will
help
us resolve
questions
REVISTA CANADIENSE DE ESTUDIOS HISP?NICOS
31.2 (INVIERNO 2007)
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310
that have
gone
unanswered since the
early years
of the movement. Can Estri
dentismo,
as indeed
many
of the movement's fiercest critics have
argued,
be
dismissed as
simply
a derivative movement that
merely repeated
the
theories,
technological
obsession,
and
poetic experiments
introduced
by
earlier avant
garde
movements? Did the Mexican
group produce any original
contributions
to
avant-garde poetics?
How familiar were the Estridentistas with the innova
tions of the
Futurists, Ultraists, Creationists,
and other international
groups?
The Estridentista
group
was launched
by
Manuel
Maples
Arce in
1921,
and
it included
a
number of writers in their
early
twenties: Luis
Quint
anilla
(who
signed
his works
using
the Orientalist
pseudonym "Kyn Taniya"),
Germ?n List
Arzubide
(who
eventually published
a
history
of the
movement),
the Guatema
lan-born
Arqueles
Vela,
and Salvador Gallardo. A number of artists
(Germ?n
Cueto,
Ram?n Alva de la
Canal, Jean Chariot,
and
Leopoldo
M?ndez)
also col
laborated with the
group, producing
dozens of
woodcuts,
drawings
and
prints
to illustrate the
pages
of the movement's books and
journals.
Perhaps
because of the
brevity
of its existence
-
by
1927
the Estridentistas
had
dispersed,
and most of them had
given up
writing
to take
jobs
in the Mexi
can
government
-
the movement has received scant critical attention. The
group,
moreover, left behind a
very
small
body
of work
consisting
of a few
manifestos,
a dozen collections of
poetry,
a
novel,
and two
journals,
Irradiador
and Horizonte. After the
group
disbanded Estridentista
writings
were
mostly
forgotten,
and
they
were
practically impossible
to find until the
literary
critic
Luis Mario Schneider collected the
group's
manifestos and
poems
in his
1970
anthology
El estridentismo o una
literatura de la
estrategia.
The most
original
an
intriguing
text written
by
the Estridentistas was "Ac
tual No.
i,"
the
founding
manifesto of the
movement,
which was
plastered
on
walls and
lampposts throughout
Mexico
City
in
1921.
The manifesto was in
spired by
Marinetti's
"Founding
Manifesto of Futurism"
(1909)
and
among
the
myriad
movements and writers mentioned in "Actual No. 1" the Italian Futur
ists
occupy
a
privileged position.
The Estridentista manifesto
opens by
an
nouncing
a
series of "subversive illuminations"
inspired, among
others,
by
Filippo
Tommaso Marinetti.1 The extent of Marinetti's influence on the Mexi
can movement has not been
satisfactorily
traced,
although
-
as we shall see
-
it
was
quite
extensive.
Estridentismo,
the
very
name of the Mexican
movement,
comes from the
word "strident"
-
a term
denoting
a harsh or shrill noise. The same word was
cherished
by
the Italian Futurists and it
appears
in a number of Marinetti's
po
ems and manifestos
-
a crucial fact that has not been noted
by
critics
dealing
with Estridentismo. "? l'Automobile de course"
(1905)
one of Marinetti's
early
poems
written in
French,
uses
the
adjective
"strident" to exalt the
high-pitched
sounds of a
racing
car: "Dieu v?h?ment d'une race d'acier / automobile ivre
d'espace
/
qui pi?tine d'angoisse,
le mors aux
dents stridents"
(Marinetti,
Scriti
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311
346).
The word "strident"
appears again, although
here in
Italian,
in
Zang
Tumb-Tumb
(1914),
a
poem
whose
very
title is
cacophonous
and strident: "1 m.
piu
in alto oscillazione striiidente d'un trave
aperto
a forbice sotto il co?olar
della sabbia." For
Marinetti,
stridency
(or
"noise-making,"
as
he also called
it)
was one of the central tenets of Italian Futurism. In his "Manifesto t?cnico della
letteratura futurista"
(1912),
he
explains
the need to introduce into literature
"elemneti che furono finora trascurati
...
Ii rumore"
(Marinetti,
Teor?a
45),
and
in a later manifesto he
praised
Futurism for
having
invented "the art of noise."2
In addition to the name of the
movement, other elements in
Maples
Arces
first manifesto
appear
to be
inspired directly by
Marinetti's texts: the Mexican
poet's
irreverent and
passionate
tone,
his relentless attacks on the
literary
estab
lishment,
and the
refreshing spontaneity
of his
language.
Several
passages
in
Maples
Arce's text
correspond
almost word for word to the Italian
poet's
ex
hortations. The fifth
paragraph
of
Maples
Arce's
manifesto,
for
example, urges
readers to
reject
-
in
literature,
but also in life
-
all that is
antiquated,
hack
neyed, retrograde,
clich?.
"?Chopin
a
la silla el?ctrica!"
(Schneider 269)
de
mands the
manifesto,
turning
Frederic
Chopin,
the
19th-century
composer
of
piano
nocturnes and
polonaises,
into the embodiment of the
pass? sensibility
that the
poet despised.3
The
phrase
became the battle
cry
of
Estridentismo,
rep
resenting
the movement's hatred
again
the dead
weight
of the
past.
"?Chopin
a la silla el?ctrica!" echoes Marinetti's second
manifesto,
pub
lished in
April 1909,
which bore the combative title "Uccidiamo il chiaro di
luna"
(Marinetti,
Teor?a
13). Moonlight
-
that
staple
of Romantic
poetry
that
had
inspired
endless
dreamy compositions
like Beethoven's
"Moonlight
sonata"
-
was to the Futurists what
Chopin
was to the Estridentistas. For the
Futurists,
moonlight
was a stale
literary
convention that
represented
the
oppressive
weight
of the
past,
and thus the second Futurist manifesto includes a
passage
in
which Marinetti exclaims: "Uccidiamo il chiaro di
luna";
and in a later
text,
Marinetti
expounded:
"Al chiaro di luna
nost?lgico,
sentimentale o
lussurioso,
noi
opponiamo
infine l'eroismo
ingiusto
e crudele che domina la febbre con
quistatrice
dei motori"
(Marinetti,
Teor?a
262).
Marinetti used
moonlight
as a
symbol
of a
hackneyed,
old-fashioned
aesthetic;
Maples
Arce would use
Chopin
to
denigrate
the
same
values.
The Mexican Estridentistas also followed Marinetti's
passionate rejection
of
the dominant
literary
traditions.
Maples
Arce directs much of his combative
energy against
the
legacy
of
Modernismo,
the
Symbolist-inspired literary
movement that had flourished in the nineteenth
century
and was
still the
prevalent
model in Mexican letters in the
1920s.
Marinetti had rallied
against
the virtual
monopoly
held
by Symbolism
over
Italian
literature;
Maples
Arce
would do the
same
against
Modernismo.
Estridentismo,
like Italian
Futurism,
was a movement of renewal whose first
step
was to condemn the stultified ar
tistic models that had
stagnated
in
on-going
tradition.
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312
Starting
with the first manifesto of
Futurism,
Marinetti
fiercely
denounced
his
literary predecessors,
who were still under the influence of
Symbolist
aesthetics. "La nostra
generazione,"
he wrote in
1909, "[?]
stanca de adorare il
passato,
nauseata dal
pedantismo
accademico"
(Marinetti,
Teor?a
24).
The
poet
later called
a section of
Guerra,
sola
igiene
del mondo
[1915]
"Noi
rinneghiamo
i
nostri maestri simbolisti ultimi amanti della luna"
(Marinetti,
Teor?a
259)
and
in it he
explained
the differences between Futurists and their
symbolist
precur
sors. He directed
especially scathing
attacks
against
Gabriele D'Annunzio
-
"fratello minore dei
grandi
simbolisti
francesi,
nost?lgico
come
questi"
(Teor?a
261)
whom he accused of
propagating
a literature tainted
by
"i
quattro
veleni
intelletuali che noi
vogliamo
assolutamente abolir?"
(Teor?a 261).
Number two
on
this list of
poisons
was "II sentimentalismo rom?ntico
grondante
di chiaro di
luna"
(Teor?a 261).
Maples
Arce's manifestos
urged
an
equally
vehement rebellion
against
the
legacy
of Modernistas
(and
even the Post-modernistas of the movement's
early
twentieth-century
followers).
Modernismo was a
thing
of the
past,
and the
past
was the
province
of the dead:
"Hay que
rebelarse contra el mandato de los
muertos
...
s?lo los
esp?ritus
acad?micos
siguen
confeccionando sus ollas
podri
das con
materiales manidos"
(Schneider 278).
One such "academic
spirit"
was
Enrique
Gonz?lez
Mart?nez,
one of Mexico's most established Post-modernistas
in the decade of the
1920s.
Gonz?lez Mart?nez was
Maples
Arce's
D'Annunzio,
and in true Marinettian
spirit
the founder of Estridentismo blames the old
fashioned
poet
for the staleness of Mexican letters:
Excito a todos los
poetas, pintores y
escultores
j?venes
de
M?xico,
a los
que
a?n no han
sido maleados
por
el oro
prebendarlo
de los sinecurismos
gobiernistas
... a todos los
que
no han ido a lamer los
platos
en los festines culinarios de
Enrique
Gonz?lez Mart?nez
pa
ra hacer arte
(!)
con el estilicidio de sus menstruaciones intelectuales
... a todos esos, los
excito en nombre de la
vanguardia
actualista de
M?xico,
para que vengan
a
batirse,
a
nuestro lado en las luc?feras filas de la
"d?couverte,"
en
donde,
creo con Lasso de la
Vega:
"Estamos
lejos
del
esp?ritu
de la bestia."
(Schneider 273)
If Futurism declared war on
Symbolism,
Estridentismo
waged
a battle
against
Modernismo.
Maples
Arce
deploys
a series of war
images
-
"battles,"
"ranks"
-
in his indictment of Gonz?lez Mart?nez. And the
young poet justifies
his
literary
battle with reasons that echo Marinetti's
complaints against Symbolism:
he
chastises Gonz?lez
Mart?nez,
whom he takes as a
representative
of the entire
Modernista
enterprise,
for
killing
the soul of
poetry
and for
burying
literature in
a
pile
of
antiquated
clich?s.
Maples
Arce closes "Actual No. 1"
by "demanding
the heads" of Modernista
poets,
whom he dismisses as "ruise?ores escol?sticos
que
hicieron de la
poes?a
un
simple
cancaneo
repsoniano
subido a los barrotes
de una
silla"
(Schneider
274).
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313
Germ?n List
Arzubide,
another
Estridentista,
chose a different earlier
poet
as his D'Annunzio: Rub?n
Dar?o,
the
Nicaraguan-born Francophile Symbolist
whose influence dominated Latin American
poetry
until well into the twentieth
century.
In El movimiento estridentista
(1926),
his
personal history
of the
movement,
List Arzubide was even more
explicit
than
Maples
Arce,
and he
excoriated "la Am?rica cuadriculada del rubendarismo"
(Movimiento 79-80).
Similarly,
most other
avant-garde
movements in Latin America would focus
their
avant-garde rage
on a
poet
or
poetic
movement that
represented
nine
teenth-century
aesthetics. Thus in "Ultra?smo"
(1921), Jorge
Luis
Borges argued
that "La belleza rubeniana es
ya
una cosa madurada
y
colmada,
semejante
a la
belleza de un lienzo
antiguo" (quoted
in Schwarz
104).
As a
final
point,
another interest that the Estridentistas shared with the
Italian Futurists must be mentioned: the obsession with modern
technology.
Marinetti
famously proclaimed
a
speeding
racecar to be more beautiful than the
Nike of Samothrace
(Marinetti,
Teor?a
10).
The Estridentistas voiced their en
thusiasm for modern machines in
equally
bombastic terms. From the start, love
of modern
technology
was one of the most
prominent
themes in Estridentista
writings.
In "Actual No.
1,"
Maples
Arce calls
on
young
writers to murder the
past
-
"?Muera
el cura
Hidalgo!" "?Chopin
a la silla el?ctrica!"
-
and focus
on
the achievements of the modern era. The manifesto
argues
that "Es necesario
exaltar en todos los tonos estridentes de nuestro
diapas?n propagandista,
la
belleza actualista de las
m?quinas,
de los
puentes g?mnicos
reciamente extendi
dos sobre las vertientes
por
m?sculos de acero, el humo de las
f?bricas,
las emo
ciones cubistas de los
grandes
transatl?nticos con humeantes chimeneas de
rojo
y negro"
(Schneider 269).
After the
publication
of their first
manifesto,
the
Estridentistas
spent
most of the decade of the
1920s putting
into
practice
the
document's
injunctions: they
wrote
poems teeming
with
images
of modern
urban
life;
they composed
novels dominated
by
automobiles,
telephones,
tele
graphs,
radios and electric
currents;
they painted
industrial
landscapes
dotted
with smokestacks and
skyscrapers.
Despite
these numerous similarities between Marinetti and
Maples
Arce in
the
use of
manifestos,
the use of irreverent and
denunciatory language,
and the
call for
poetic
renewal,
there are also
important
differences between the
poetic
projects
of the Italian Futurists and the Estridentistas. The
first,
and most
ap
parent,
concerns the
relationship
between aesthetics and
politics. Closely
allied
with Fascism
-
Marinetti dedicated two of his books to Mussolini
-
Italian Fu
turism was an
ultra-nationalist movement that
preached
the
superiority
of the
Latin race and called for the
destruction
of
Italy's
enemies,
including
Austria
and
Turkey, through military
force. Marinetti had a
long
romance with Fas
cism: in
1914, just
before the outbreak of World War
I,
he and other Futurists
called
on their
government
to
fight,
and
they
burned Austrian
flags
in front of
the Piazza Duomo in
Milan;
in
1924,
Marinetti
published
"Futurismo e fas
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314
cismo,"
a work dedicated "al mi? caro e
grande
amico Benito
Mussolini,"
a
dedication that
reappeared
in a later work
("Marinetti
e il Futurismo"
[1929]);
and in
1928
Marinetti founded a "Futurist Political
Party" showing
close alle
giance
to 77 Duce. As Cinzia Sartini Blum has
correctly
assessed,
Marinetti's
project
was
characterized
by
"an
incongruity
between innovative aesthetics and
reactionary politics"
(2).
Italian Futurism is a
perfect example
of what
Jeffrey
Herf has called
"reactionary
modernism"
-
a
paradoxical synthesis
of
extremely
traditionalist
political
values with
a
forward-looking revolutionary
aesthetics
(Herfi).
If the Italian Futurists veered
right,
the Estridentistas
gravitated
towards the
left. The Mexican
poets
saw their
literary project
as an extension of the Revolu
tion that had shaken the
country
from
191
o to
1920.
In "El Movimiento Estri
dentista en
1922," Maples
Arce lamented the fact that before the
emergence
of
Estridentismo,
Mexican literature had remained untouched
by
the
sweeping
political
reforms ushered in
by
the Mexican Revolution. In other countries that
had lived
through revolutionary uprising,
like Russia and
Germany, poets
had
been
quick
to create a new
literary
movement
inspired by political
events: "Pero
los intelectuales mexicanos
permanecieron impasibles"
("Movimiento" 25)
wrote
Maples
Arce,
before
arguing
that his movement
sought
to
remedy
this
situation
by creating
a new literature and a new revolution that was not
only
aesthetic but also
political:
Pero las
inquietudes pos-revolucionarias,
las
explosiones
sindicalistas
y
las manifesta
ciones
tumultuosas,
fueron un estimulo
para
nuestros deseos iconoclastas
y
una reve
laci?n
para
nuestras
agitaciones
interiores. Nosotros
[Estridentistas]
tambi?n
pod?amos
sublebarnos
[sic].
Nosotros tambi?n
pod?amos
rebelarnos.
("Movimiento"
25)
In
Maples
Arces
view,
Estridentismo> constituted an
aesthetic revolution that
would be to literature what the Mexican Revolution was to
politics.
The Estridentistas were too
young
to have taken
part
in the Mexican
Revolution of
1910-1917 (Maples
Arce was born in
1900;
List Arzubide in
1899)
but
they
were
extremely
close to Heriberto
Jara,
a
Revolutionary general
who in
the
1920s
served as
governor
of Veracruz and
appointed
the
young poets
to
key
posts
in his cabinet.4
Inspired by
the
political
and social reforms instituted
by
the
Revolutionary governments
that ruled the
country
in the
1920s,
the Estri
dentistas
sought
to extend the momentum of the Mexican Revolution to the
realm of literature
by orchestrating
what
Julia
Kristeva has
called,
albeit in a
different
context,
a
"revolution of
poetic language"
(1),
channeling
the
spirit
of
rebellion and renewal that dominated
post-Revolutionary
Mexico into a
radical
transformation of literature.
I
quote
in what follows some
examples
of the Estridentistas desire to create
a
Revolutionary
literature.
Maples
Arce dedicated his Urbe:
superpoema
bol
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315
chevique
en cinco cantos
(1924)
"to the Mexican
workers,"
a
group
he
praised
in
politically charged
verse:
Y
ahora,
los
burgueses
ladrones,
se echar?n a temblar
por
los caudales
que
robaron al
pueblo
pero alguien
ocult?
bajo
sus sue?os
el
pentagrama espiritual
del
explosivo.
(Schneider
429)
In this
poem
the
revolutionary spirit
resides in its theme and not in its
style
or
literary technique;
it is
perhaps
worth
noting
that there is
nothing revolutionary
in
Maples
Arce's
use of
language,
and no
subversion of
syntax
or
experimenta
tion with
typography.
Another
example
of this desire to create a
Revolutionary
literature
may
be found in List Arzubide's Plebe
(1925),
a
poem
dedicated to the
Flores
Mag?n
brothers,
who
were
famous union activists in the wake of the
Revolution.
Though
at times these
poems
seem
closer to socialist realism than
to
Futurism,
they
nevertheless constituted
a
major
innovation in their break
from
an
extremely
conservative Mexican
literary
tradition,
and their
passionate
revolutionary energy
was admired
by contemporary
readers.
John
Dos
Passos,
who visited Mexico in the
1920s,
was so taken
by
the
energy
of
Maples
Arces
Urbe that he translated it into
English
and
published
it in New
York,
as Me
tropolis,
in
1929.
As Octavio Paz has
pointed
out in
"Antev?spera" (103),
the
Estridentistas embrace of
revolutionary politics
remains the
group's
most
original accomplishment.
The
relationship
between nationalism and aesthetics constitutes another
crucial difference between the Estridentistas and the Italian Futurists. Marinetti
and his
disciples
considered ultranationalism
-
a fervent and bellicose love for
the
recently
unified
Italy
-
as an
integral part
of the Futurist aesthetic
project
(see,
for
example,
the texts collected in
"Guerra,
sola
igiene
del mondo"
[1915]).
The Futurists renounced all that was traditional as
antiquated
in favor of the
modern,
and thus
they rejected
the
ancient,
feudal-style allegiance
to
regions
and
provinces
in favor of a
pan-Italian
nationalism. In the
early years
of the
century,
the
majority
of Italian citizens still
spoke
a
regional
dialect and felt
more attached to their
village
or
region
than to the abstract
concept
of a unified
Italy.
Futurist ultra-nationalism can thus be seen as a novel
posture,
since it
privileged
the modern nation over the old
allegiance
to the
particular region.
Likewise,
a literature that would
sing
the
praises
of the entire Italian nation
-
as
opposed
to
glorifying
Tuscan
villages,
Umbrian
Hills,
or
Neapolitan palaces
-
was a
radically
new
experiment.
The
Estridentistas,
on the other
hand,
forcefully rejected
nationalist content
in literature. Their
politics
were
nationalist
-
Maples
Arce and his
disciples
proudly
and
repeatedly
asserted their
allegiance
to the Mexican Revolution
-
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316
but their aesthetic was internationalist.
They
blamed intellectual
regionalism
for
the
pathetic
state of Mexican letters and
they
believed that the
only
sustainable
literary practice
would be one characterized
by
a
dialogue
with the international
avant-garde.
In "Actual No. i"
Maples
Arce dismisses nationalist writers with as
much
passion
as he attacks the Modernistas:
invoking
caricatures of Mexican
culture,
he
complains
about "las eflorescencias lamentables
y
mef?ticas de
nuestro medio nacionalista con hedores de
pulquer?a y
rescoldos de
fritanga"
(Schneider
274).
In another section of the
manifesto,
he calls on
poets
and read
ers to embrace the internationalist
spirit
of modern times:
"Cosmopoli
tic?monos. Ya no es
posible
tenerse en
cap?tulos
convencionales de arte na
cional
...
Las ?nicas fronteras
posibles
en el
arte,
son las
propias infranqueables
de nuestra emoci?n
marginalista"
(Schneider
272).
Maples
Arce sees nationalism
-
those
"cap?tulos
convencionales de arte na
cional"
-
as
antiquated
and as
empty
as Modernismo. Unlike the
reactionary
Modernistas,
Maples
Arce understood
very
well that
technology
(the
elevators,
skyscrapers,
and train
engines
that he associated with
modernity
in his mani
festo)
was a
cosmopolitan
invention,
incompatible
with nationalist sentiment.
The
spirit
of the modern era was
international,
and
progress
tended to erase the
mark of national
traits,
in machines
as
well as in
people
("tienden
a borrarse los
perfiles y
los caracteres raciales"
[Schneider
272]).
In his
view,
avant-garde
art
went
beyond
the limits of national boundaries.5
In addition to the
discrepancies
in
political
affiliation and nationalist sen
timent,
there is a third and more crucial difference that sets the Estridentistas
apart
from the Italian Futurists: their vision of
language
and
poetic
creation.
Marinetti devoted
a
great part
of his work
-
as well as a considerable number of
manifestos
-
to
expounding
and
perfecting
a
theory
of
poetic language.
Not
satisfied with
urging
his followers to rebel
against
the
past,
Marinetti
gave
de
tailed,
technical instructions on how to
bring
about such a rebellion in Futurist
poems.
In
contrast,
Maples
Arce devoted
considerably
less time and effort to
linguistic
and
poetic
concerns, and he offers
only
scattered comments in
pass
ing
on
the act of
writing. Despite
all their bombastic
claims,
his manifestos
never
offered concise instructions on
how to write Estridentista
poetry.
Marinetti devoted an entire manifesto
("Manifesto
t?cnico della letterattura
futurista"
[1912])
to
giving step-by-step
instructions on how to construct Fu
turist
poems.
In order to break with the
past
and
explore
uncharted
territory,
Marinetti
explained
(Teoria
42),
Futurist literature must follow a few technical
rules,
designed
to
destroy
traditional
syntax:
verbs should
only
be used in the
infinitive;
adjectives,
adverbs,
and
punctuation
must be abolished and
replaced
by experimental typography
and mathematical
signs;
nouns should be
paired
in
doubles to form new
images ("uomo-torpediniera, donna-golfo,
folla-risacca,
piazza-imbuto, porta-rubinetto" [Teoria
41]
are some
examples given by
the
poet);
the use of the first
person
was
prohibited;
and the new
literature
gave
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317
prominence
to three elements
neglected
until then:
noise,
weight,
and odors.
By
following
these
simple strategies,
writers
might finally
break free from the
bonds of dead
tradition,
and
-
to use an
expression
dear to Marinetti
-
"set
words free"
by giving
birth to
parole
in libert?: "lo
inizio,"
the
poet
wrote,
"una
rivoluzione
tipogr?fica
diretta contro la bestiale e nauseante concezione del
libro di versi
passatista
e dannunziana"
(Teoria
67).
Throughout
his
life,
Marinetti not
only
worked and reworked his
poetic
theory,
but also
diligently applied
its
principles
to his
own creations. There is a
clear
continuity
between the theories
presented
in Futurist manifestos and
po
etic texts. We need
only glance
at the
pages
of
Zang
Tumb Tumb
(1914),
Mari
netti's first
book-length
poem,
to find the
strategies
outlined in the "Technical
Manifesto"
rigorously applied
to
poetic composition.
The
poem
lacks tradi
tional
syntax, relying
instead on
typographical experiments
and mathematical
notation to
emphasize
certain
words;
all verbs are in the
infinitive;
first-person
pronouns
are absent from the
text;
and the
poem
is
definitely "noisy,"
since it
opens
with the
onomatopoeic departure
of a train: "treno treno treno treno
tren tron tron tron
[ponte
di ferro:
tatatluuun-tlin]
ssssssiii ssiissii ssiisssssi
iii"
(Marinetti,
Zang n.p.).
Nothing
of the sort is to be found in
Maples
Arce's work. His manifestos
passionately
denounce the
literary
establishment,
but
they
fail to outline
a the
ory
for the creation of Estridentista
poems.
Aside from his call to write about
machines and new
technological developments, Maples
Arce has little to
say
about the technical
aspect
of
writing.
When he does discuss
poetic
creation,
his
vague
comments lack the focused
pragmatism
that characterizes Marinettian
poetic
theories.
Although
the Mexican
poet
dedicates an entire section of "Ac
tual No. 1" to artistic
creation,
his observations remain
vague
and he never of
fers concrete
examples
of how to
apply
them to
poetry.
Consider the
following
injunction
in "Actual":
XI.
Fijar
las delimitaciones est?ticas. Hacer arte,
con elementos
propios y cong?nitos
fecundados
en su
propio
ambiente. No
reintegrar
valores,
sino crearlos
totalmente,
y
as?
mismo,
destruir todas esas teor?as
equivocadamente
modernas,
falsas
...
Hacer
poes?a pu
ra,
suprimiendo
todo elemento extra?o
y
desnaturalizado
(descripci?n,
an?cdota, pers
pectiva).
(Schneider 272)
This is the
only
section in
Maples
Arce's manifesto which tells
poets
how to
write the new kind of literature,
but the
precepts
outlined
are abstract and
gen
eral. What are the "aesthetic limits" to be "fixed"? What
are the "values" to be
"created"? How should the
poet
"denaturalize" his
writing? Maples
Arce's ideas
about
poetic
creation
are difficult to
apply
to
poetic practice.
It is
hardly surprising,
therefore,
that Estridentista
poems
do not
always
live
up
to the radical break with the
past
advocated in the manifestos.
Maples
Arce's
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318
poems,
for
example,
are
inconsistent,
both in their
subject
matter as well as in
the technical
aspects
of their
composition:
some, like
Urbe,
show
a
clear
affinity
with
avant-garde
concerns, but
many
others,
like those
grouped
in Poemas in
terdictos
(1927)
with titles like
"Spring,"
"Harbor," "Farewell,"
"Voyage,"
and
"Saudade,"
have more in common with the Modernista
legacy
of romantic im
agery
than with Futurist aesthetics.
Even the most radical Estridentista
creations,
like
Urbe,
never achieve the
revolutionary
renovation of
poetic language
found in Marinetti's texts. The
Estridentistas,
for the most
part,
retained
rhyme
(one
of the
poetic
conventions
most
despised by
Marinetti,
who
championed
free
verse),
used a
fairly
tradi
tional
syntax
in their
compositions,
and
they rarely experimented
with
typogra
phy.
Indeed,
one of
Maples
Arce's fellow
Estridentistas,
Arqueles
Vela,
accused
the founder of the movement of
writing poetry
that did not conform to the
movement's theories: "La teor?a de
Maples
Arce sobre la
poes?a
es
irrefutable;
pero
su
poes?a
no
corresponde
a sus
conceptos" (Vela 323),
and even
Maples
Arce himself
acknowledged
that his
poetry
was closer to the aesthetics of Mo
dernismo than he had first admitted. In his memoirs he wrote:
"Ciertamente,
no
comenc?
rompiendo por completo
con el modernismo
y
el
postmodernismo:
conserv? la m?trica de los
heptas?labos,
endecas?labos
y alejandrinos, pero
va
riando en
m?sica,
y,
sobre
todo,
dando a las
im?genes
sentido
vital,
potencia
po?tica"
(Soberana
125).
The Estridentistas1 lack of a
coherent
poetic theory explains,
in
part,
the
movement's
untimely
demise. Without a clear
poetic program,
the
group's
re
bellious
energy
exhausted itself in a few manifestos. Since there were no ideas to
try
out, the
poets
wrote
very
little after the
publication
of their bombastic
opening
statements. The
group
left behind less than a dozen collections of
po
etry,
a
tiny legacy, especially
when
compared
to the thousands of
pages
that
make
up
Marinetti's collected
writings.
Octavio Paz
("Siete" 64)
was
right
to
have
judged
Estridentismo as an
energetic
but
ultimately
infertile and "aborted"
experiment
and his sumation of
Maples
Arce and his movement was succinct:
"el hombre fue
poco
afortunado
y
el movimiento dur?
poco"
(Paz,
Poes?a
17).
From our examination of both the similarities as well as
the differences
between Italian Futurism and Estridentismo we
have attained a much clearer
image
of how the Mexican movement related to
avant-garde
concerns. This
becomes even clearer
by expanding
the context of our
inquiry
and
asking
how
the Mexican
group compared
to the other Futurism: Russian Futurism.
Several critics have
pointed
out
-
though
so far no one has
analyzed
in
depth
-
the similarities between the Mexican and the Russian movement. Oc
tavio Paz has
gone
as far as to
suggest
that the
Estridentistas,
in their ambition
to achieve a
synthesis
of
political
and
poetic
revolution,
were
directly
influenced
by
Soviet
experiments:
"los estridentistas
profesaron
ideas radicales en
pol?tica y
unieron, influidos sin duda
por
el futurismo
ruso, la revoluci?n est?tica a la
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319
revoluci?n social"
("Antev?spera" 103).
Paz's
perception
of a direct influence is
entirely logical,
for in terms of
politics,
the Estridentistas seem to have much
more in common with the Russian Futurists than with the Italian
group.
Like
the
Russians,
the Mexican
poets
had lived
through
a
long
and
bloody
civil war;
like the
Russians,
the Estridentistas had had their intellectual
awakening
in a
new,
post-revolutionary country
whose first
years
of existence were
marked
by
a
great optimism
and boundless
hope
for the
future;
like the
Russians,
the
Mexicans celebrated the Italian Futurists' aesthetic achievements while
rejecting
their
belligerent politics;
and like their Soviet
counterparts,
the Estridentistas
considered their
poetic
creations as an extension of their
revolutionary politics.
Paz's
theory
of a
direct Russian influence on the Mexican
group
is at first
sight
confirmed
by Maples
Arce's
repeated
references to Russian
avant-garde
artists and writers.
Indeed,
the
"avant-garde yellow pages"
("directorio
de van
guardia") published
at the end of "Actual No. 1" includes
a
long
list of Russian
intellectuals:
"Steremberg
(Com,
de B.A. de
Moscou).
Mme.
Lunacharsky
[sic].
Erhenbourg.
Taline.
Konchalowsky.
Machkoff. Mme Ekster. Wlle Monate.
Marewna. Larionow. Gondiarowa. Belova. Sontine"
(Schneider
275).
Besides
listing
the Russian names cited
above,
in
1922
Maples
Arce in his article "El
movimiento
estridentista,"
pointed
to the Russian
avant-garde
as a model for
what needed to be done in Mexico: "En
Rusia,
los
poetas y pintores
del
supre
matismo afirmaron dolorosamente la
inquietud
de movimiento
bolchevique.
Lo mismo se hizo en el
grupo
de noviembre en
Alemania"
(25).
These are direct
references but there are
many
other elements in the works of the Estridentistas
that recall the Russian Futurist aesthetic: the titles of certain
poems (Maples
Arce's Urbe:
superpoema bolchevique
en cinco
cantos),
the
constructivist-style
design
of books and
journals
(see,
for
example,
the
cover illustration which
Ram?n Alva de la Canal
designed
for Germ?n List Arzubide's El
viajero
en el
v?rtice"
[1926]),
and the Mexican
poets'
direct
participation
in their
country's
post-revolutionary politics.
Nevertheless,
we must ask now
just
how well did the Estridentistas know
the Russian Futurists? As we shall see,
not as well as
might
first
appear.
If we
examine
Maples
Arce's
"avant-garde yellow pages"
in
detail,
we find a number
of
surprises.
First of
all,
Maples
Arce does not mention Vladimir
Mayakovski,
the most
important
Russian Futurist
poet
whose
poems
and theoretical texts
had much in common with the Estridentista
project. Secondly, Maples
Arce's
list of Russian names is riddled with
misspellings
and
typographical
errors. One
example
will suffice for comment here:
Anatoly Lunatcharsky,
the Soviet
Commissioner of
Culture,
a
man, is
mistakenly
identified
as "Mme. Lunachar
sky,"
a woman. Such errors and omissions
suggest
that
Maples
Arce was not
familiar with the Russian names he was
citing. Again,
various French words
embedded in the list
(like
the
phrase
"Com. De B.A. de
Moscou,"
an abbrevia
tion for "Comit? des Beaux Arts de
Moscou")
further
suggest
that
Maples
Arce
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320
might
even have been
copying
the list of Russian writers and artists,
whose
work he did not
know,from
a French
publication. Maples
Arces
unfamiliarity
with the most
important
creations of Russian Futurism thus
implies
that the
supposedly striking parallels
between the Mexican and the Russian
avant-garde
movements were
merely
coincidental,
and similar to the aesthetic
convergences
touted between the Russian and the Italian Futurists which were the result of
pure
chance rather than direct influence.6
Despite
the rather
superficial political
and aesthetic affinities between the
Estridentistas and the Russian
Futurists,
there were also crucial differences be
tween the two
movements,
especially
in their theories of
language.
Like their
Italian
counterparts,
the Russian Futurists devoted much of their work to de
vising
a new
poetic theory
that would free literature from the
weight
of the
past.
The
Russians, however,
went much farther than Marinetti:
they
believed that
language, weighed
down
by
centuries of
everyday usage
and clich?d
conven
tions,
was doomed and
essentially
unredeemable. If Marinetti
destroyed
tradi
tional
syntax,
the Russian Futurists discarded their entire mother
tongue
alto
gether
in favor of a new set of words that could
only
be used to write
poetry.
Thus,
the
poet
Velimir Khlebnikov invented
Zaum,
a new
language designed
especially
for
writing poetry.
Markov has described zaum as "what is
generally
considered
[Russian]
futurism's most radical creation
...
the so-called transra
tional
language" (19).
Zaum consisted
entirely
of invented
words,
which had no
meaning beyond
the nuances and texture of their
sounds,
which sometimes
included
vague
Slavic resonances. We can see the
workings
of this
mysterious
"language"
in Khlebnikov's
"Dyr
bul
schyl,"
the most famous zaum
poem:
Dyr
bul
schyl
Ubeshshchur
Skum
Vy
so bu
R L ?z.
(44)
Markov offers the
following "reading"
of the text:
The
poem
begins
with
energetic monosyllables,
some of which
slightly
resemble Russian
or Ukranian
words,
followed
by
a
three-syllable
word of
shaggy appearance.
The next
word looks like a
fragment
of some
word,
and the two final lines are
occupied
with
sylla
bles and
just plain
letters,
respectively,
the
poem
ending
in a
queer,
non-Russian sound
ing syllable. (44)
In fact the
poem
does not "mean"
anything beyond
its
strange guttural
music,
and this
rejection
of
signification
constitutes a
frontal attack on
traditional liter
ary language.
The conventions of
poetic composition
are
trampled,
torn to
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321
shreds,
and
finally
discarded
by
zaum
poets,
who felt free to invent not
only
an
original style
but also a
brand-new set of words.
If we now return to
Maples
Arce,
we see
that his
poetic
creations,
and even
his irreverent
manifestos,
pale
in
comparison
to the boldness of Russian Futur
ist
poetic experimentation.
Even
Urbe,
Maples
Arce's most
revolutionary
crea
tion,
appears
as a
completely
traditional
poem
when set
against
the
linguistic
fireworks of zaum. Consider the
opening
verses of the Mexican
"super
Bolshe
vik
poem":
He
aqu?
mi
poema
brutal
y
mult?nime
a la nueva ciudad.
Oh ciudad toda tensa
de cables
y
de esfuerzos
sonora toda
de motores
y
de alas.
(Schneider 429)
With their
quaint
internal
rhyme
and
parallelisms,
these lines are in fact closer
to the aesthetics of Latin-American Modernismo than
they
are to
any
Futurist
work.
Nonetheless,
one last coincidence between the Russian movement and the
project
of the Estridentistas does deserve our
attention,
namely,
that the Mexi
can and the Russian
avant-gardes
were the
only
two
literary
movements to em
brace the nascent field of commercial advertisement. Two Russian
Futurists,
Mayakovsky
and
Khlebnikov,
collaborated with visual artists to create
posters
and
newspaper
ads for various state-owned
companies.
Proud to form
part
of a
new
country
full of
hope
and
idealism,
the Futurists
avidly promoted,
with
po
etic
jingles
and zaum-]ike
slogans,
the
products
and services of the state,
in
cluding
the state-owned airlines and
postal
services,
as well as more mundane
products
like
biscuits, matches,
and
cooking
oil
(see,
for
example,
the
many
advertisements
designed by Mayakovsky
and Rodchenko
reproduced by
Dab
rowski in the
catalogue
Aleksandr Rodchenko
published
in
conjunction
with the
exhibition of the artist's work at the Museum of Modern Art in New
York).
Likewise,
in
post-Revolutionary
Mexico the Estridentista
poets
and
paint
ers collaborated in a number of ad
campaigns.
If,
unlike the
Russians,
they
did
not
promote
state-owned
companies
but rather
products
and services that
they
associated with
modernity,
there is an
uncanny
coincidence in that the most
famous ad
campaign designed by
the Estridentistas
promoted
an
industry
which had also been
publicized by
the Russian Futurists: radio
broadcasting,
or,
as it was known in Mexico at the
time, "TSH,"
short for "telefon?a sin
hilos,"
or
wireless
telephony.
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322
In the
early
1920s,
both Velimir Khlebnikov and Vladimir
Mayakovski
had
worked for ROSTA,
the central soviet
broadcasting
station.
Mayakovski
made
over two thousand
drawings
and several hundred
posters
with
propagandistic
slogans
and
jingles
for the
agency (Kern 264).
In
Mexico,
the Estridentistas de
signed
a similar
avant-garde
advertisement in
1923:
a
promotional poster
for
"Radio"
cigarettes
made
by
"El Buen
Tono,"
a
cigar factory
that also owned
one
of Mexico's first radio stations. The
cigarette
ad,
which
appeared
on
the back
cover of
every
issue of
Irradiador,
evokes the aesthetic of Russian Constructivist
and Futurist
compositions: fragments
of
phrases
("El
Buen
Tono,"
"Elegantes,"
"Los
mejores cigarros")
in circular
patterns evoking stylized
radio waves. Ironi
cally,
it was an
advertisement and not
poetry
that allowed the Estridentistas to
experiment
with
a
revolution of
language:
the
fragmentation, dispersal,
and
simultaneity
in this
cigarette
ad is much more radical than
anything
to be found
in the
group's
creative texts.7
The Estridentistas shared the
spirit
of Italian
Futurism,
especially
Mari
netti's irreverent dismissal of the
past
and his
attempt
to create a new
literature
in tune with the modern era, but their
project
lacked the coherence of the Ital
ian or Russian movements.
Perhaps
the most
original
contribution of the
group
is to be found in its
manifestos,
those bombastic
writings
filled with revolution
ary energy.
Thus,
in texts like "Actual No. 1" we find a
radically
new
style
in a
forceful
prose
whose intent is to
bring
about a
literary
renewal.
In the
end, however,
the Estridentistas were
unable to translate their rebel
lious
energy
into a
coherent
literary program.
Unlike
Marinetti,
who wrote
painstakingly
technical instructions on
how to create Futurists
texts, neither
Maples
Arce nor his fellow
poets
ever
explained
how to write Estridentista texts.
Instead,
the
poetry actually
written
by Maples
Arce and his fellow
poets
was
much closer to the
nineteenth-century poetic
models
they rejected
in their
manifestos than to the
avant-garde experiments they
claimed to
advocate,
and
even the most radical
texts,
like
Maples
Arce's
Urbe,
appear
extremely
tradi
tional when we
compare
them to the wild
language
of
Zang
Tumb Tumb or
Zaum.
Although
the Estridentistas were the first
avant-garde group
to disturb
Mexican letters in the twentieth
century, they
were
bold when
writing
mani
festos but
extremely shy
when
experimenting
with
poetry. Perhaps
this is
why
their work has been all but
forgotten
and
why
critics still consider their
poetry
a
failed
project.
Princeton Un
iversity
NOTAS
i The
opening paragraph
of "Actual No. i" reads:
"Hoja
de
vanguardia
/
Comprimido
Estridentista de Manuel
Maples
Arce / Iluminaciones subversivas de Ren?e
Dunan,
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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
323
F.T.
Marinetti,
Guillermo de
Torre,
Lasso de la
Vega,
Salvat
Papasseit,
etc?tera
y
algunas
cristalizaciones
marginales"
(Schneider
267).
2 See the manifesto inti?ed "Distruzione d?lia sintassi /
Imaginazione
senza fili /
Parole in liberta"
(1913).
The manifesto closes with the ominous
phrase
"Ecco alcuni
degli
elementi della... nostra arte dei rumori"
(Marinetti,
Teor?a
60).
"Arte dei
rumor i" was the title of a
1913
text
by
another Futurist
poet, Luigi
Russolo,
who saw
noise as the ultimate
symbol
of modern life and wrote: "colTinvenzione delle
macchine,
nacque
il Rumore.
Oggi
il Rumore trionfa e domina sovrano sulla
sensibilit?
degli
uomini... GODIAMO MOLTO PI? NEL COMBINARE
IDEALMENTE DEI RUMORI DE TRAM DIMOTORIA
SCOPPIO,
DI
CAROZZE E DI FOLLE
VOCIANTI,
CHE NEL
RUDIRE,
PER
ESEMPIO,
L"EROICA' O LA 'PASTORALE'"
(Marinetti,
I
manifesto 123-27).
3 "Perpetuemos
nuestro crimen en el melancolismo trasnochado de los
'Nocturnos,'
y proclamemos
sincr?nicamente la aristocracia de la
gasolina,"
wrote
Maples
Arce
in "Actual No. 1"
(Schneider 270).
4
This curious fact has led
Jorge
Schwartz to affirm that "el estridentismo
pas?
a la
historia siendo el ?nico movimiento de
vanguardia
en Am?rica Latina
que
cont?
con
apoyo
militar"
(161).
5
We should add that Marinetti was much more consistent in
embracing
nationalism
than
Maples
Arce in
rejecting
it.
Although Maples
Arce's manifestos attack nation
alist
literature,
the Estridentistas
championed
the work of Mariano Azuela
(they
published
the first edition of Los de
abajo
in
Mexico),
a writer obsessed with na
tionalist
themes,
while several Estridentista works were
sprinkled
with nationalist
clich?s as
in,
for
example,
the second manifesto which ends with a Mexicanist ral
lying cry ("Viva
el mole de
Guajolote,"
and Germ?n List Arzubide's
dedication,
al
beit with a certain
irony,
"a
Huitzilopoxtli, manager
del movimiento Estridentista"
to El movimien to estridentista in
1926).
6 Vladimir Markov remarks that "in its
origins
the Russian
[futurist] group
was
quite
independent
of the Italians. In
1909
not one of the snodk
people
had even heard of
[Italian]
futurism: no one could dream that three
years
later
they
would call
themselves futurists
"
(382).
7
For a discussion of radio and
Estridentismo,
see the
chapter
"Radio"
(Gallo).
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