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Self Rule for Gilgit Baltistan

By Zafar Iqbal

The people of Pakistan controlled Giglit Baltistan are going to exercise their right of vote
to elect 24 members of Legislative Assembly on November 12, This significant move is
component of a contested Constitutional package-“ Gilgit- Baltistan Empowerment and
Self governance Order-2009 ” enforced by Government of Pakistan, which, amid strong
criticism and resentment of Kashmiri political parties, received largely cheerful rejoinder
from the people of Gilgit Baltistan who were struggling for their constitutional rights
since their inclusion in Pakistan.

Historically, the Northern areas have been part of former State of Jammu and Kashmir.
Pakistan assumed the administrative control of the region on 28 April, 1949 when first
president of AJ&K Sardar Ibrahim, Ghulam Abbas, President All Jammu and Kashmir
Muslim Conference and M Ali Gurmani, Minister without portfolio Government of
Pakistan signed an agreement in Karachi. This agreement was not participated and
endorsed by the people and leadership of the region which future was decided in it. At
that time Government of AJ&K had no representation from Gilgit and Baltistan and then
ruling party - Muslim Conference had no presence in Gilgit and Baltistan like now.
Plainly, the decision was made without the consultation or involvement of local
leadership and people who liberated their homeland from Dogra regime by an armed
revolt.

The region practically remained invisible in the mainstream political and constitutional
structure of the country for almost half century. No considerable move was made to
empower the local population who stayed on the mercy of Islamabad controlled local
administration. During this period the only noticeable step was Northern Areas Council
Legal Framework Order 1974-75 which abolished feudal system and Frontier Crimes
Regulations (FCR) from the region. On November 3, 1999, Northern Areas Council was
established through the election; however, it is a common perception among the
nationalist circles that that Islamabad continued to alienate local people through Ministry
of Kashmir Affairs and Northern Areas.

Throughout the history, the focal point of the Pakistani establishment and pro- Pakistan
Kashmiri leadership confined to highlight the human rights situation in Indian Kashmir
and advocating the “doctrine of right of self determination”, conversely, the people of
Gilgit Baltistan were ignored both by Pakistan and majority of Kashmiri leadership. In
recent years the plight of the people of Gilgi Baltistan was echoed on international fora
like European Union and Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization (UNPO)
where Pakistan was denounced for its deliberate failure Vis -a -Vis political rights
scenario of Gilgit Baltistan.
Under new economic and strategic processes in South Asia, the region of Gilgit Baltistan
becomes vital for the survival of Pakistan. The Kara Korarm Highway (KKH), abundance
of water recourses and prospective participation of China in Iran Pakistan gas pipeline
project- are few critical factors which connote the significance of the region for Pakistan
and its neighbors. In this milieu, Pakistan can not afford the aggravation of local
population in northern Areas where some nationalist groups already demand for an
independence state at a time when separatist struggle in Balochistan and Taliban
movement in NWFP region have raised the questions for the survival of the country.

In this scenario, Islamabad considered indispensable to design some measures to


counteract this stern international criticism on Northern Areas issue, thus, recent ‘Self
rule Ordinance’ could be viewed as an artifact of that international and domestic needs of
Pakistan, however, the development has attracted by and large amalgamated resentment
and resistance from major Kashmiri political voices. All Parties Hurriyet Conference
(APHC-M) which claims to be representative of all Kashmiris even without any
representation from Pakistani controlled AJK and Gilgit Baltistan, hailed the self rule for
northern areas. However, all fractions of JKLF and other nationalist parties and alliances
like APNA and United Jihad Council have categorically opposed Pakistan’s move. They
say that Northern Areas are part of Kashmir; therefore, Pakistan can not initiate any
mechanism in the region till the resolution of Kashmir dispute.

On the other hand, the cheerful supporters from Gilgit Baltistan argue that if Azad
Jammu & Kashmir can operate under an interim constitution enacted by the AJK
Legislative Assembly in 1974, without damaging the official stance of government of
Pakistan over Kashmir, why the people of Gilgit Baltisant can not enjoy the similar
political, constitutional and administrative rights?. Additionally, they allege that the
people of Gilgit Baltistan were ‘sold’ to Pakistan through reprehensible ‘Karachi
Agreement’ participated by some Kashmiri leaders. Subsequently, they insist that
inhabitants of Northern Areas should not be sacrificed for the sake of ‘Kashmir case’ and
term the package as a stride towards further political, constitutional and democratic
reliance and economic development of the region.

The truth is that the majority of Kashmiri leaders who strongly oppose the package have
never felt the sufferings of people of Gilgit Baltistan. Few from these champions of
reunification of Kashmir have been enjoying the luxurious gains of clout structures who
never consider establishing any physical, constitutional or symbolic arrangements
between AJK and Northern Areas to restore the reunification of the divided State. Few of
them frequently enjoy visits of foreign countries ‘to highlight the Kashmir issue’ on
international level’ on expense of nation’ exchequer. Ironically, the expertise of the
majority of these leaders could be judged from their pathetic knowledge of contemporary
intertioanal affairs, regional geo-political developments and poor competency in English
language. Others who had opportunities to grab parliamentary representation through
AJK Legislative Assembly, confined to pass resolutions denouncing human rights
violations in Indian part of Kashmir, disregarding that the Gilgit Baltistan being an
essential component of state of Jammu and Kashmir, also needs their moral and human
support to grant the citizens their basic rights.
The enforcement of self rule regulations in Northern Areas and other current Pakistani
measures are a visible sign that Kashmir and Kashmiri people are no more in Islamabad’s
policies and priorities like the previous decades. In such situation, the Kashmiris should
ready for some more harsher decisions from Pakistan. No doubt, it is a hard-hitting time
for Kashmiri leaders to intertwine internal social, economic, political and cultural needs
of all units of former state of Jammu and Kashmir with the broader national cause of self
determination.

[The writer is Executive Director of Press For Peace (PFP) .He could be contacted at:

zafar@pressforpeace.org.uk]

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