Social Scientist

Varna Ideology and Social Change Author(s): Suvira Jaiswal Source: Social Scientist, Vol. 19, No. 3/4 (Mar. - Apr., 1991), pp. 41-48 Published by: Social Scientist Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3517555 . Accessed: 02/03/2014 09:24
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SUVIRA JAISWAL*

and Social Change** Varna Ideology

The traditional view of the varnas is thattheyare of divineorigin, fixed and universal.The varnastratification pervades the entire universel and is relatedto the threebasic qualitiesof nature, satya or ignorance). rajas (passion)and tamas(darkness (goodnessor purity), in every and inborn Thesequalities or being. are inherent object Hence, in its conception varna stratificationis both functional and and as function hierarchical.Occupations have to be hereditary aptitudeare determined by birthand these stand in a hierarchical as itmeansa relation sanctified by religion. Anytransgression is sinful reversal of thenaturalorder, whichis to be maintained by distancing Thusas thepractice ofendogamy. thevarnasfrom each other through faras the ideologyof varnais concerned, social changeaffecting the of a varna is an aberration, a straying functions or position away from thenormal, ofthevarnas. causingtheconfusion The question arises as to what was the process leading to the of this ideology,what was its relationship to empirical formation reality and how was it relatedto social change.It also involvesthe problem of theinternalization of thisideologyby thosewho stoodat thelowerrungs of thevarna ladder. As to thebeginnings of thisideology, theories whichtraceit to the or of pre-historic peculiar genius of the Indo-Europeans or protohistoric non-Aryans are highly speculative, based on a subjective and not rarelymistakeninterpretation of data.2This is not theplace to examine such theoriesin detail but mention may be made of two, namely, theviews of GeorgesDumeziland thoseof D.D. Kosambias bothhave madea deep impression on Indologists and historians. Dumezil argued3 thatthetripartite socialorderof priests, warriors and commoners was characteristic of theIndo-Europeans, who had a predilection towards a three-fold categorization. Thistypified their
CentreforHistorical Studies, Jawaharlal NehruUniversity, Delhi. 11Paperpresented at thesymposium on 'Ideology and SocialChange'at the51stsession oftheIndianHistory 29 December 1990. Congree,
Social Scientist, Vol. 19, Nos. 3-4, March-April1991
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world-viewand the Indo-European of pantheonwas a projection the tripartite class system, which later hardenedas varna in India and pistra in Iran. A critiqueof this theory was providedby John Brough4who showed thata similar threefold of thesocial ordering orderintopriests, warriors and cattle-herders maybe seen in Semitic in theOld Testament. societies Morerecently, portrayed Bruce Lincoln5 has shown thatthe Nilotic tribesof East Africatoo have a similar three-fold division with priestsenjoyinga hierarchical superiority over thewarriors. His basic argument thattherootsof theseparation of thepriestand warrior lie in theecologyof cattle-keepers elements is quite plausible,althoughit is evidentthatthisseparation is only functional at this stage and is not lineage-based or genealogically determined.Even Emile Benveniste,6 who agrees withDumezil in tracing the tripartite social divisionto Indo-Europeans clearlystates thatthese were functional divisionsnot 'political'or 'genealogical'; In his view theIndo-European thesewere not kin-based. social units werefamily, and country in themanner clan,tribe ofconcentric circles, in this regard;each group of Indobut therewas no uniformity Europeansdeveloped theseinstitutions independently. Nevertheless, Benveniste like Dumezil tracesthedichotomy of priestand warrior and the notionof hierarchy of social ordersto the Indo-European phase. But the idea thatthose who deal withthe divine are superior to thosewho have temporal tasks is nothing unusualor typical ofanyone culture. Varnaideology is muchmorethana recognition ofthree social to whicha fourth categories of thesudras,was added due to one, that thehistorical of theAryans circumstance confronting and subjugating in vedic and post-vedic the non-Aryans times. The basic questionis: whatled to theorigin ofan endogamous castestructure which derived its legitimacy fromthe vedic notionof a hierarchical groupingof occupationalgroups,when thereis no traceof endogamouslineageclustersamong the Indo-Europeansor in the Rigveda.This is the question which puzzled D.D. Kosambi. He pointed out7 thatthe Yajurvedic four varnas were quite different fromthe fourclasses mentionedin the ancientIranian sources,namely,the priest,the thetiller and theartisan. charioteer, is nowhere Endogamy mentioned in the Yasna and in ancientIran all the fourclasses were equally honoured, but thiswas not thecase withtheancient Indianvarna or caste organization, whichhad bothendogamy as well as hierarchy. Accordingto Kosambi an internal fourfold caste system amongthe Aryan tribes in India developed due to the assimilationof the survivorsof the Harappa culturewiththe conquering Aryans. The subjugationof the Harappan agrarianpopulation, identified as the Dasas of the Rigveda by Kosambi, formed the nucleus of the Dasa/sudra varna, but the adoption of the 'rituallysuperior' priesthood of the Harappa culture by the Aryan tribes proved

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VARNAIDEOLOGYAND SOCIAL CHANGE 43

catalyticin his opinion, for it separated the priesthoodfromthe kshatriya eliteand led to theformation ofan endogamous varna-caste 'forotherwise', he remarks, is no reasonfor system, demarcation 'there intoendogamous castes.'8 It is curiousthata perceptive scholarlike D.D. Kosambifailedto note thathis hypothesis regarding the originof thebrahmana caste hardlyexplainsendogamy.In his detailedstudyof thebrahmanical gotras he argues thatof the seven sages regardedas the primary founders of thebrahmanical was 'theone real gotrasonlyVisvamitra In his view thestory indubitable therestwerenon-Aryans. Aryan', of birth the miraculous of Vasisthafrom a jar and his description as the 'first brahmana' are unmistakable ofhis non-Aryan proofs Even origin. if we grantthis,9 we findthattheVisvamitras occupya considerable space in the gotra lists,hence the Aryanpriestly group was not numerically insignificant. whatis moreimportant However, is thefact that endogamy does not demarcate the Visvamitrasfrom the rather thetwocombine to form one endogamous Vasisthas, varna-caste which is separatedfromthe kshatriya, vaishyaand shudravarnas. Thusethnic isolation does notexplaintheemergence ofan endogamous brahmana caste in the firstinstance.Of course, endogamydoes facilitate theabsorption of tribal in a groupsof diverseethnic origins whichallows their varna/caste without theloss system, incorporation a pointwhichhas becomecommonplace of theirseparateidentity, in manysociologicalstudies;but as the exampleof thebrahmana caste formation shows, endogamous varna categories emergedwhen the processof social and ethnic fusion was goingon at all levels.Kosambi has suggestedthata fewof the Dasa chiefs himself eulogizedin the Rigvedichymns mayhave been survivors oftheHarappaculture who wereadopted intotheAryantribes; and there is nothing to showthat such absorptions had led to the formation of separateendogamous castes withinthe folds of the kshatriya or brahmanavarna in the vedicperiod.In ouropinion was practised nottodemarcate endogamy the Aryan and the non-Aryanbut to differentiate occupational of varying statusand thushad a socio-economic categories basis. To in terms of thecaste society of racialor ethnic explaintheendogamy exclusiveness is quitefallacious. is botha manifestation Endogamy and a toolforperpetuating classand gender exploitation;'0 and onceitcame to characterize thevarna it providedthesystem system, bothstrength and flexibility. could go on expanding For,thesystem an hierarchical societyby providing space to alien groupsand drawingthemin its vortexwithoutdoing itselfor the notionof hierarchy any serious damage. Thus caste endogamyco-existedwith hypergamy which allowed limited mobilityin the favourof the upper castes. An exploitativesystemwhich has the capacity to enroll the best of whatever rankand origin in itsown service is farmorepernicious and thantheone whichis absolutely long-lasting closedand static.

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that However,Kosambimade a veryimportant observation 'casteis levelofproduction.' The division of society into class at theprimitive and theseparation of thebrahmana and thekshatriya fourcategories neednotobfuscate theclassrole manner elitegroupsin an hierarchical of thissystem. It does notmean thatthevarna or caste system was rootedin a religiousprinciple, the oppressionof the pure and the The separation impure, as is assumedby Louis Dumont.11 mayhaveits rootsin the religion of pastoraltribes as is arguedby BruceLincoln. thefighters, tendto develop two classes of specialists, Cattle-keepers and thusincreasethestockof cattlein who specialize in cattle-raids possession of theirtribe,and the priestswho specialize in cattleand offer whichare valuedmostin their to thegods theitems sacrifice ofthegods and ensure and in thisway obtaintheblessings the society increaseof the wealthand prosperity of theirtribethrough divine favour. It has been shown12that the crystallization of the vedic as the brahmana priesthood varnawas a processsimultaneous with thegrowing and elaboration of thevedicritual complexity of sacrifice. But the later vedic textswhile emphasizingthe separationof the brahmanaand thekshatriya also speak of their interdependence and to lower varnas. opposition the Thus the varna divisions had a historicalorigin in the real and theseconditions of existence; conditions gave riseto an ideology was It the whichlegitimized exploitation. ideologyof thedominant ofthebrahmanas. classesand notexclusively As Irfan Habibremarked in his presidential addressto theIndianHistory in 1982, Congress the karmatheory propagated by Buddhism and Jainismprovided a to the caste doctrine,and the principleof powerfuljustification ahimsa or non-violence legitimizedthe hatredof the land-owning towardsthe hunting who were forest-dwellers and peasantry tribes, who must have come in conflict with the agrarianexpansionists and appropriating the forest land. The earlyBuddhist coveting texts denouncethe hunters and forest tribesas hinajatis and theAitareya Brahmana speaksofsuchcommunities as nicyasand apacyaswho had theirown chiefs.13 It should be kept in mind thatthe landowning agriculturists of the sixth century B.C., the gahapatis of the monarchical kingdoms and the khattiya clans of thegana-rajyas constituted the dominant classes and their socio-economic statuswas quite different fromthat of the depressed peasantryof the early medieval times.It is in the BuddhistNikayas of the thirdcentury B.C. or thereabout thatthe notionof the pure and the impure jatis appearsforthefirst time. Thus thevarna ideologyofthepureand the impure castesemerges as theideology ofthedonmnant classes;and itis onlynaturalthatthebrahmanas and ideologuesshould beingpriests becomeitschief spokesmen. We would liketo emphasize that we do notregard thevarna system and its ideology as a priestlyinvention but an expressionof the

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VARNAIDEOLOGYAND SOCIALCHANGE 45

dominantmaterialrelationships in society. This ideology prevailing pervaded even the Buddhistand the Jainworld-viewswith the difference thatthesereligions contested thehierarchical position and the higherritualstatusof the brahmanas above the kshatriyas. But as we have arguedelsewhere,14 thevarna ideologyhelpedin securing the structured of the landless labour in the formof dependence or theso-called untouchables menialcastesand sustained thenexusof jajmanirelationship builtaround the landownerin a petty mode of production. Hence,even whenempirical had transformed itself reality from thefourfold varna stratification oflatervedictimesto a complex jati structure of the Gupta and post-Guptatimes,the jati system derivedits legitimation from the varnaideologyand theconceptof the panchama (fifth)varna and the varnasamkara(birth of new castes throughintermixing of varnas) were floated15 in orderto provide theoretical of the new situation. explanation One need not regard these theoretical exercisesas the 'diabolical designs' of the 'cunning'brahmanathinkers. and act in terms of how People think theysee the worldand consciously within their tryto findsolutions own frame ofreference. classis able to impose However,thedominant itsownperceptions and itsownconsciousness on thewholesociety; and it is theroleof theideology to securetheacceptance oftheexploited. how was this ideology internalized Nevertheless, by the lower classes? Why were theynot able to perceiveits truecharacter? We have remarked earlierthatin actual practice the system allowed the incorporation of alien and aboriginalpeoples into the caste society without destroyingtheir kin-structure, customs, etc. While the majorityof such groups being poor and backward inflatedthe categoriesof the sudra varna, theirchieflyand priestly lineages gained admittanceto the brahmanaor kshatriya varnas.This has been amply illustrated by the well-known studies of the Abhiras, Gurjaras and theBhumijs. Thiskindofmobility added strength to one systemto recruit new members to the rulingand dominant classes without any need fora revolutionary changeor conflict. Ifthere were tensions and resentment at thelowerlevels,thesecould nothavedone anythingmore than increase the feelingof group-solidarity and cohesiveness. The hierarchy of thevarna-jati was based on thepetty modeofproduction and hence itcontinued toregulate socialrelations. However, varna ideologyoriginated as an ideologyof hierarchy legitimizingsocial inequality; and it played a seminal role in transforming semi-pastoral communities into stratified agricultural communities and theemergence of earlystates.Withthegrowth of a morecomplex socio-political formation in thecenturies preceeding and succeedingthe Christian era changedeconomicfactsled to certain modificationsin the traditionalnotion of the varnas, and it is interesting to notehow thevarna ideology has made from timeto time certain in thosesphereswhichwere in conflict adjustments withthe

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its formal staticappearanceowingto whileretaining material reality thosewho wereengaged To elucidate, initially colouring. its religious They were regardedas vaishyag. and agriculture in cattle-keeping and as suchwerecloseto community a partofthe'twice-born' formed comprisedof the of theshudras the upper two varnas.The category or landlessagricultural slavery peoples reducedto domestic marginal labour providingservice to the upper threevarnas. But with the greateravailabilityof surplus the gulf between those who were the engagedin manuallabourand thosewho wereable to appropriate widened; themeansof production fruits of such labourby controlling of peasantsand degradation and thisresultedin the socio-economic the producers.But as the early Buddhistsourcesindicate, primary well-to-do peasant could investhis surplusin trade,whichbrought own or thosewho used their Henceforth, and prosperity. himprestige came to be knownas or crafts theirfamilies'labour in agriculture We have a trader. shudrasand a vaishyawas one who was primarily suggested elsewhere16that one of the reasons why the vaishya was thefactthatJainism Jainism communities adoptedor patronized as and denounced to itsextreme agriculture ofahimsa tookthedoctrine could help a it involved the killingof the insects.Thus Jainism vaishya in raising his status above the depressed peasant by activities. manualagricultural his distancefrom emphasizing a 'vaishya' or a Changes in the conceptionof what constitutes forthe and have a profound significance 'shudra' are inter-related stratification of the caste system.The originalfourvarna history halfof theGanga developed in the latervedic timesin the Western Delhi nearabout in from theDoab theregion extending basinincluding as To this date this known was Aryavarta. area which the to Patna, Butin theage varnas. assignableto all thefour area has communities of the Buddha and of the early Pali texts(600 B.C.-300 B.C.) the by the peasant tribeswere condemned and food-gathering hunting or low castes. Their assimilationin the communitiesas hina-jatis expanding Aryan society as 'shudras' meant the increase and of the shudra varnawhich came to have depressed diversification became Thisdivergence at variouslevelsofdevelopment. communities in eastemand thesouthem India,whereAryan evenmorepronounced in theGuptaand post-Gupta times and inroads made significant culture inagriculture were communities engaged land-owning peasant powerful notionsof varna rankedas shudrasin accordancewiththenorthern during this period. Hence, the Kalitas of Assam, the Kaibartasof Bengaland theReddis and theVellalasof theSouthwereall dubbed led to a dilution ofthenotion of'shudra' Thisdevelopment as shudras. backward especiallyin these areas. These areas also had culturally like the Pallans, Pariyans and Madigas in the South and the in theEast.Such a complex Doms, Aborsand Kaibartas Namasudras, structurecould hardly be explained on the basis of the earlier

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VARNAIDEOLOGYAND SOCIAL CHANGE 47

of the originof the fourvarnas.The notionof the functional theory could nottakedeep rootsowingto floated, varna, although panchama hymn.But the sanctionin the Purusha-sukta its lack of scriptural the castesof varying statuses from of the originof numerous theory the of the varnaswas foundmoreuseful;as in shifting inter-mixing ofthedegree theoccupational criterion to thequestion emphasisfrom of purity-impurity arisingout of the union of the originalfounderofthenewly enrolled itallowedmuchscopefortheplacement parents, with their mannercommensurate communitiesin an hierarchical condition. Thus,thosewho were deemedbornof approved material had a 'pure' status the rules of hypergamy anulomaorderfollowing and those who were the childrenof the disapprovedhypogamous theimpurity did It shouldbe notedthat unionswereimpure. pratiloma thosewho were bornof rather, not arise fromimpureoccupations; birth werecondemned that unions, is thosewho had an impure impure buttressed thecaste Thus the theory to followimpureoccupations. natureof the hierarchical the hereditary and reinforced patriarchies in thevarna of such shift It is only in a situation social structure. theorythat the Reddy kings of Andhracould take pride in being shudras having been born fromthe feet of Vishnu17and in the of Singaya Nayak could claim Akkalapundi grant,the panegyrist as it was varnas, thattheshudravarnawas purerthantheotherthree thefeet of Vishnu)! bornalong withtheriver Bhagirathi (from mode of production which has replacedthepetty Modernindustry on a non-competitive basis. It has eroded craft-exclusiveness favoured taboos on interthe notionsof hierarchy of castes, untouchability is felt. Butthe dining, etc.,at leastin theurbanareas whereitsimpact marriageis still practisedwidelyas this on inter-caste prohibition withthecapitalist mode is notin conflict element of thecaste system On the contrary, means of production. endogamyalmostinvariably and on considerations ofwealth, powerand status marriages arranged with the capitalistvalue system. As a as such is well-impregnated of the caste has even matterof factin some aspects the strength increased in moderntimes and caste ideology may be said to be It has been pointedout thatthe anothertransformation. undergoing of between traditional jajmani type personalexchangerelationships by thevariouscastesofa villageare now beingincreasingly replaced the contractual, under the pecuniaryand impersonalrelationships of thecapitalist forces, withtheresultthatin times market influence of adversity one has to depend on themembers of one's own casteto too allowstheeliteof day politics The present providegroup-support. in orderto a caste to exploitthecaste-consciousness of their castemen for competewith the elite groups of othercastes and communities bothforpolitical politicalpower. Thus caste ideologygains strength and economicreasons in spite of the factthatthereare increasing differentiations of wealthand statusof individuals within each caste.

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markedby cleavages and relationsare now increasingly Inter-caste conflictsin place of the traditionalcooperationand a sense of in the countryside. Thus caste of all the communities togetherness upon processis havingits'effect a historical ideologyarisingthrough and has becomea material a dialecticalinteraction through history' to progress. Onlywhenwe realizeits a formidable impediment force, it. shallwe be able to overcome truecharacter
NOTES AND REFERENCES Upanisadspeaks of the gods belongingto the brahma, 1. The Brahdaranyaka Thirteen kshatra,vaishya and shudra varnas,1.4.11-15;R.E. Hume (trans.), pp. 84-85. 2ndedn.,OUP, 1969, Upanisads, Principal Evidenceand in Rigvedic Society: 'Stratification 2. For detailssee SuviraJaiswal, Vol. XVI,1990(forthcoming). Review, TheHistorical Paradigms', An Anthropological The New ComparativeMythology: 3. C. Scott Littleton, Press, University of California Dumezil, of Georges of theTheories Assessment 1973. Berkeley, in An Experiment of theIndo-Europeans: Ideology 'TheTripartite Brough, 4. John Vol. XXII,1959, Studies, and African of Oriental of theSchool Method',Bulletin pp. 69-85. in theEcology and Cattle: ofReligions, Warriors A Study 5. Bruce Lincoln,Priests, 1981. Press,Berkeley, of California University andSociety, London,1973. Indo-European Language 6. EmileBenveniste, History,Popular Prakashan, to theStudy ofIndian 7. D.D. Kosambi,Introduction pp. 94-95. Bombay, of theBombay Gotras', Journal 8. D.D. Kosambi,'On the Originof the Brahmin Introduction Vol. XXVI,1950,p. 50. See Kosambi, Asiatic Society, Branch ofRoyal History, pp. 94-95. to theStudy ofIndian see theforthcoming critique Fora detailed speculative. 9. We findthisviewhighly Historical Vol. XVI. in TheIndian Review, articleacceptedforpublication Trends and Possibilities', 'Studiesin EarlyIndianSocial History: 10. SuviraJaiswal, Vol VI, July 1980,pp. 5-6; reprinted 1979-January Review, TheIndianHistorical and SocialHistory in Economic ofIndia, ofResearch in R.S. Sharma(ed.), Survey pp. 43-44. Delhi,1986, AjantaPublications, Delhi, 1970. 11. Homo Hierarchicus, of in theRgveda, 1953; Padma Misra,Evolution Bombay, 12. K.K. Potdar,Sacrifice VedicPeriod),Banaras Hindu University Class (in perspective the Brahman Series,Vol XIII. Sanskrit 13. AitareyaBrahmana, VIII, 38.3. IHR, VI, pp. 12,21. 14. 'Studiesin EarlyIndianSocial History', 15. Ibid., p. 40-41; also see Vivekananda Jha, 'Candala and the Origin of p. 13 fn.10. IHR, XIII,1986-87, Untouchability', 16. IHR, VII, p. 39. no. 3, lines2-3. 17. Epigraphic VIII, inscription Indica,

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