Está en la página 1de 15

The Captives Tale Retold: High Culture and Mass Culture in Eighteenth-Century Spain

Madeline Sutherland

University of Texas at Austin The eighteenth century was a time of wide social divisions in all of Europe. Spain was no different. In spite of their efforts to promote reform, the Spanishilustrados remained irreparably separated from the largely rural, illiterate masses who were concerned not with education or enlightenment but with day-to-day survival. The literature, or literatures, of the eighteenth century clearly reflect this disparity. For the first time, the extremes of the social structure were unmistakably visible in the literary culture: a high literature coexisted alongside a mass literature12. As Francisco Aguilar Pial has noted, in the eighteenth century ms que en ninguna otra poca el gusto popular va por un lado y el erudito y cultivado por el extremo opuesto (xiv). Julio Caro Baroja characterizes eighteenth-century Spanish society and the literatures it gave rise to as follows: ...con el advenimiento de los Borbones, poco ms o menos, se marca un divorcio absoluto entre el pueblo como tal y las clases cultas, cultural y literariamente hablando, divorcio que no haba existido hasta entonces ... se haba dado una especie de polarizacin social y literaria conforme a la cual, mientras los literatos, letrados y eruditos se hacen de da en da, ms racionalistas, los elementos populares siguen intolerantes y aun exageran la credulidad y la beatera, hasta llegar a grados que molestan totalmente a los cultos. La literatura dieciochesca, culta, es glida y prosaica a la par, como batida en fro, voluntariamente limitada, a fuerza de preceptos retricos y morales. La popular ... [es] incorrecta, emocional hasta llegar al delirio, dominada por pasiones hondas y a veces morbosas, lo ms antiacadmica y lo ms esperpntica que puede pensarse, porque de ella sale el esperpento al natural (24-25).

One of the best examples of the popular (or mass) literature Caro Baroja describes here is the romance de ciego, or blindmans ballad. The work of relatively unknown poets, these ballads were printed in pliegos sueltos (chapbooks) and sold by blindmen on the streetcorners and in the plazas of Spanish cities and towns. Hence the genres somewhat unusual name. Blindmans ballads were cheap literature, easily afforded by the popular urban classes that made up most of their audience. Their subject matter was varied but always tended toward the sensational. The perils of young lovers, daring deeds of highwaymen, atrocities committed by criminals, miracles worked by saints, and sufferings endured by Christian captives were all common story lines. The blindmans ballad enjoyed its Golden Age in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The earliest forerunners of the genre may be traced back toromances and coplas of the sixteenth century (Sutherland, Printed Ballads). The popularity of these ballads and other related genres of literatura de cordelgrew during the seventeenth century, as did opposition to them. Lope de Vega, for example, strongly disapproved of this literature and even appealed to the king to prohibit it (Garca de Enterra 88-89). Nonetheless, it is my contention that although Lope

harshly criticized literatura de cordel, he and his contemporaries provided the models for the lesser poets who made a living penning romances de ciego. The development of the blindmans ballad and other mass culture genres was influenced significantly by the high culture of the baroque, especially the short novel, the comedia, and the auto sacramental. Elsewhere I have argued for this connection on the basis of certain discourse features, for example, versification, rhetorical structure, and narrative persona (Sutherland, Persistence). As I will show in this article, further proof of a continuity across time and genre is found in blindmans ballads that retell seventeenth-century novels. Both Agustn Durn and E. M. Wilson have observed that a number of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century romances de ciego are based on

21 earlier high culture works: Griselda y Gualtero, for example, is based on one of the tales in the Decameron. These critics also point out that a number of seventeenthcentury Spanish novels were later recast as ballads. One of the interpolated narratives in the Quijote, The Captives Tale, is the source of the blindmans ballad Arlaxa, mora. Cervantess exemplary novels La gitanilla and La fuerza de la sangrealso provided the subject matter for blindmans ballads. While the ballad version of La fuerza de la sangre retained the original title, La gitanilla was renamed La gitanilla de Madrid. In addition, there are nineteenth-century imprints of a ballad version of La espaola inglesa. The novels of Mara de Zayas inspired a number of blindmans ballads as well: the three-part ballad Don Jaime de Aragn is a reworking of her Tarde llega el desengao, El jardn engaoso is based on the novel of the same title, La peregrina doctora is an adaptation of La perseguida triunfante, and Don Pedro Juan de la Rosa is a retelling of El juez de su causa. Cristbal Lozano is yet another seventeenth-century novelist whose works were grist for the mills of eighteenth-century balladeers. El cristiano y el gentil is based on an exemploincluded in Chapter 7 of the Primera parte de David perseguido y alivio de lastimados. Lisardo, el estudiante de Crdoba retells an episode related in the fourth Solitude of Soledades de la vida y desengaos del mundo. Finally, Udo de Sajonia is derived from El rey penitente.
In this article my primary focus will be a Cervantine text, The Captives Tale, and the romance de ciego that derives from it, Arlaxa, mora. Although critics (Durn 2: 304, Oliver Asn 328n, Wilson 198-200) have commented that the blindmans ballad is a reworking of the interpolated novel, no detailed comparison of the two texts has ever been made. Here we will consider these texts in some detail and then discuss what they reveal about the complex relationship between mass culture and high culture in eighteenth-century Spain.
The Captives Tale and Arlaxa, mora

Arlaxa, mora is a two-part romance de ciego written by a poet named Juan Prez. We know nothing of Prez, other than his name. We know that only because he follows the genres convention of identifying himself in the closing lines of the ballad: ...y acaba / aqui la historia, y Juan Perez / pide perdon de sus faltas (2: 290-92). Arlaxa, mora, which develops the popular theme of the Christian captive, exhibits the language, rhetorical structure, narrator, temporal disposition, and clear-cut, unambiguous ending that are characteristic of the romance de ciego (Sutherland Romance de Ciego). In short, this ballad is representative of the genre to which it belongs, although it is based on a work by Cervantes.

Few imprints of Arlaxa, mora survive. The oldest known version of the ballad was printed in Valencia by Agustn Laborda probably between 1750 and 1774 (Serrano y Morales 242-44, Wilson 199). This text may be found in the British Library in London (Shelf Mark T. 1958). The other extant eighteenth-century version was printed in Mlaga by Flix de Casas y Martnez sometime between 1781 and 1805 (Alvar 10). This text belongs to the Archivo Municipal in Mlaga (signatura 1789-8) and has been reprinted by Manuel Alvar (271-78). Arlaxa, mora seems to have retained its popularity into the nineteenth century. In addition to the texts included in Durns Romancero general (2: 302-05), chapbooks printed by Rafael Garca Rodrguez in Crdoba also survive. Some of these chapbooks are housed in the Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid (signatura R 18957, for a more complete listing, see Aguilar Pial 103-04). Unless otherwise noted, the text printed by Flix de Casas y Martnez is the one cited in this article. In our comparison of The Captives Tale and Arlaxa, mora we will look, first, at how the two works begin. Next, we will consider some of the key moments in the story. We will see how Juan Prez changed certain features of his model while adhering to others. In this discussion we will examine one instance of misreading or misprinting which, although probably unintended, nonetheless changed the text in an interesting way. We will also compare the conclusions to the two works and see that the ballad tells a tale quite different from that told in the novel. In Don Quijote 1: 37, the Spanish Captain Ruy Prez de Viedma and the lovely Moorish maiden Zoraida appear at the inn where the knight and his squire are staying. Don Quijotes discourse on arms and letters takes up most of Chapter 38, and not until the end of that chapter does the Captain begin to tell the story of his life. His tale takes up Chapters 39-41. In Chapter 42, the Captains brother and niece appear and the story draws to a close.

The Captain introduces his story the way narrators of novelas cortas typically introduce their tales -by emphasizing the truth of the account that follows: Y as, estn vuestras mercedes atentos y oirn un discurso verdadero a quien podra ser que no llegasen los mentirosos que con curioso y pensado artificio suelen componerse (1: 38). After he has spoken these words, perfect silence reigns and he begins his account. In the Cervantine text, then, there is an omniscient firstperson narrator who recounts his story to an assembled audience. Moreover, the story is embedded in -though not related to- a larger story. The Captain comes from an unnamed place that he refers to simply as, un lugar de las Montaas de Len (1: 39). His father was known in the surrounding area as a rich man, y verdaderamente lo fuera, says the Captain, si as se diera maa a conservar su hacienda como se la daba en gastalla (1: 39). Aware of his spendthrift ways, the father devised a plan to assure that his three sons would share in his estate. He called them together one day and explained that the time had come for them to choose professions and that, once they had done so, they would receive their inheritance. He stipulated the three professions they were to choose from: Iglesia, o mar, o casa real (1: 39). And so it was that the youngest son went to Salamanca to study, the middle son elected to go to the New World, and the future Captain, who was the eldest, chose to serve the King. After this fairy tale beginning, the Captain offers an account of his life as a soldier. He tells of how he went to Flanders with the Duke of Alba and later served under Don Juan of Austria. He was taken captive by the Turks during the battle of Lepanto. This part of the Captains story is full of references to contemporary historical events: the Duke of Alba went to Flanders in 1567, and the battle of Lepanto took place in 1571. It is also notable that the Captains military career is similar in some ways to that of his creator: Cervantes was also a soldier, he too fought

in the battle of Lepanto, and, like the Captain, he was taken captive, although not at Lepanto. Cervantes was captured while en route from Italy to Spain in the fall of 1575, and was held in Algiers until 1580 (Allen, Zamora Vicente; for a contemporary account of Cervantess captivity, see Haedo 3: 163-65; for information on Alonso Lpez, whose career was similar to that of Cervantes and Ruy Prez de Viedma, see Oliver Asn 297-300). Arlaxa, mora begins as blindmans ballads generally begin, with an exordium (Sutherland, Romance de Ciego 64-66). In the early lines of the poem, the narrator invokes Fame (lines 1-8), asserts the truth of the story he is about to tell (line 5), and calls for the audiences attention (lines 11-14):

Resuene el clarn dorado por aquesta regin vaga del viento, y con sus acentos notorio a los hombres haga esta verdad infalible. Y porque ms breve vaya a volar por todo el mundo en las alas de la fama, he querido en estos versos referirla y declararla, porque s que a los curiosos la msica les agrada. Presten, pues, atencin, cuando oyen que un romance cantan.
This exordium fulfills the same function that the Captains brief introduction does in The Captives Tale: it prepares the listeners for what they are about to hear. But the ballad audience is not a part of the text, as the audience is in Don Quijote. What is more, in the ballad the story stands alone. There is no larger narrative that contains it. Once the exordium is complete and the ballad narrative begins, we see that the identity of the narrator has changed. It is no longer the Captain who tells his tale, but rather an omniscient, unidentified, third-person narrator. The Captain, who in the ballad is named Diego, is, however, referred to as the source of the story: ...y estuvo / segn l mismo declara, / quince aos en cautiverio (1: 89-91). This reference further emphasizes the truth of the story, a point initially made in the exordium. The first section of the narrative, which provides the background to Diegos military exploits, follows:

... en un lugar que le llaman Llanes, cuyo antiguo asiento viene a ser en las montaas de Oviedo, un anciano noble dos mozos hijos criaba. Y para que le adquiriesen

ms honores a su casa, dispuso que el ejercicio de las letras y las armas siguiesen, porque con ellas nuevos blasones ganaran. Y as el menor de ellos hizo que a estudiar a Salamanca fuese, y que el mayor sentase en una bandera plaza para que fuese a servir a Carlos Segundo de Austria.

As this passage shows, Prez has made some changes in the story. First, with respect to the setting, the family no longer hails from an unnamed place in the mountains of Leon, but rather, from a specific town in Oviedo, Llanes. In fact, there is a town called Llanes on the coast of the Bay of Biscay between Gijn and Santander. So Prez grounds the beginning of his story in a real place, further contributing to the aura of truth. Second, the composition of the family is altered: the three sons become two (the middle brother who goes off to the New World is left out). Third, the fathers motivation for having his sons choose professions when they do is changed. The father in the ballad is neither liberal nor gastador but, rather, wishes that his sons acquire honor. As in the original, the father determines the routes they may follow, which are reduced to two: letters and arms. The younger goes to Salamanca to study and the older goes off to serve Charles II. This is the fourth major change in the early part of the narrative. Prez has updated the story a bit, moving the events out of the mid-sixteenth century, the reign of Philip II, and into the later seventeenth century, the reign of Charles II. Thus the events recounted in the ballad are brought closer in time to the contemporary audience. (Although the oldest imprints of Arlaxa, mora are from the eighteenth century, the mention of Charles II may be an indication that this ballad was composed in the late seventeenth century [Wilson 199].) Prezs protagonist follows a different geographical route than the Cervantine Captain, though both begin in Flanders and both are taken captive in the same fashion. In the heat of battle, they both leap aboard an enemy galley and are taken prisoner. The Captain, who is captured by the Turks, says simply: Me hall solo entre mis enemigos, a quien no pude resistir, por ser tantos; en fin, me rindieron lleno de heridas (1: 39). Prez embroiders quite a bit on this brief description and adds the details that we see below:

Y Don Diego, que se vido solo, y que con algazara y las armas en las manos, lo cercan y lo amenazan. Y que, por estar herido, manchaba las torpes tablas con su sangre, y que ya el brazo

para resistir faltaba el bro, se rindi. Y luego al punto le aseguraban, echndole a un pie un grillete y una cadena pesada tan grande que casi apenas poda Don Diego arrastrarla.
As we see, in the ballad, the situation is much more extreme. Diegos blood stains the deck of the ship and he is put into chains so heavy he can hardly drag them behind him. Eventually, both Diego and the Captain end up in a prison-house in Algiers, and it is here, the ballad narrator says, por donde no esperaba / el remedio hallase (1: 106-07). In the next section of the narrative, Prez follows Cervantes closely. One day, our captive is out in the yard of the prison house with some companions (three in the novel, two in the ballad) and they see a cane with a handkerchief tied at one end being lowered out a window that faces onto the bao. The cane is being moved in such a way that the captives realize they are being summoned to come and take it. One by one, the other captives go over and stand beneath the cane, but each time it is raised up. When the Captain/Diego goes over, the cane is dropped at his feet. He finds money tied in a knot in the handkerchief (10zianies in the novel, four silver coins in the ballad). Some days later, when our captive and his companions are again alone in the prison yard, the cane appears a second time. They follow the same procedure as before. This time, the captive receives not only money (the Captain receives 40 crowns whereas Diego receives 10 doubloons) but also a note written in Arabic. Since neither Diego nor the Captain reads Arabic, each avails himself of the services of a repentant renegade who, as luck would have it, reads and writes Arabic. In Don Quijote, the Captain shows the letter to a Murcian renegade with whom he has become friends. After the renegade has translated the letter, he asks the Captain and his friends to take him into their confidence and promises to help them gain their freedom. The Captain then describes what the renegade does: Y diciendo esto sac del pecho un crucifijo de metal y con muchas lgrimas jur por el Dios que aquella imagen representaba, en quien l, aunque pecador y malo, bien y fielmente crea, de guardarnos lealtad y secreto en todo cuanto quisisemos descubrirle... (1: 40).

In the ballad, the renegade offers his help before he translates the letter from Arlaja, but the oath he swears is much the same as what we find in Don Quijote:

Meti la mano en el pecho, de l un crucifijo saca, y le dijo: -Yo te juro por aquesta imagen santa de Cristo, a quien reverencio

24 y adoro dentro del alma, que te he de ayudar en cuanto pudiere, si tu me tratas la verdad. Y porque la digas sin recelarte de nada, te he de referir mi historia. Escucha, que no es muy larga.
What might be called The Renegades Tale follows. It is completely the invention of Juan Prez.

Yo nac de humildes padres en la ciudad de Calabria y por ser aficionado a navegar por las aguas, de pescador el oficio con gusto lo ejercitaba. Mas quiso mi mala suerte que de moros me pescaran, y a Argel me trajeron, donde un mercader me compraba, el cual tena una hija discreta y de buena cara. Y aficionndome a ella, por inters de gozarla, negu la f, y ciego sigo la secta mahometana. Con ella me cas. Y luego, quiso el cielo que enviudara. Y arrepentido del yerro que hice, deseo que haya orden de poder pasar a Espaa, Francia o Italia, para poder desde all ir a que me absuelva el Papa.
This added tale is notable for a number of reasons. First, the renegade is a shadow or double of Diego, and his story, although much shorter, is an alternative narrative of captivity. Indeed, in most romances de ciego which tell stories of Christian captives, the captive is at some point put under severe pressure to abandon his faith and embrace Islam. Generally, he will be given a tangible reward, such as great wealth or a beautiful princess, if he complies with his captors

wishes. Thus, The Renegades Tale adds some details to the story that the audience is accustomed to expect, but will not find in the larger narrative. A second aspect of The Renegades Tale that is interesting is the ideological function that it fulfills in the ballad. Blindmans ballads are highly moralizing and, more often than not, the moral they impart is religious in nature. The repentant renegade, who makes declarations such as ciego sigo / la secta mahometana (1: 225-26), imparts a clear, definite message to the audience about the status of faiths other than Christianity. We will now compare the letters the two captives receive. Again, we will see that Prez changed certain aspects of the story while leaving others untouched. Looking first at Don Quijote, the letter Zoraida writes to the Captain contains some notable examples of what Leo Spitzer calls linguistic perspectivism. Specifically, Spitzer calls our attention to Zoraidas use of Arabic words to refer to things Christian: la zal cristianesca is the Christian prayer,Lela Marin is the Virgin Mary, and Al is the Christian God (258). Zoraidas letter to the Captain begins, Cuando yo era nia tena mi padre una esclava, la cual en mi lengua me mostr la zal cristianesca y me dijo muchas cosas de Lela Marin. La cristiana muri y yo s que no fue al fuego, sino con Al, porque despus la vi dos veces y me dijo que me fuese a tierra de cristianos a ver a Lela Marin, que me quera mucho (1: 40).

In his ballad, Prez retains the word Al but removes the other Arabic terms. He also changes Zoraidas parentage, making his character Arlaja half-Christian. While Zoraidas mother is never mentioned, Arlaja is the daughter of a Christian captive who was her fathers slave:

Yo nac de las entraas de una cristiana cautiva que era de mi padre esclava, y aquesta despus crime, y me ense a que rezara.
These lines show another notable change: the absence of Lela Marin. While Zoraidas slave told her about the Virgin Mary, Arlajas mother simply taught her daughter to pray. As the letter continues, it appears that either Prez misread Cervantes, thereby missing an instance of linguistic perspectivism, or that Felix de Casas, the printer, missed a line. The result is that the fate of Arlajas captive, Christian mother is quite different from that of Zoraidas Christian slave.

Esta muri, y con Al no dudo fue a las llamas porque la he visto despus, y me ha dicho que me vaya donde pueda recibir el bautismo que me falta.

Thus, in the ballad, the damned mother reaches out from Hell to save her daughter from the flames. Line 244 appears to be a printers error and not a change made by the author. In the other extant eighteenth-century text, published some 10-30 years earlier by Agustn Laborda, the line reads, No dudo fue, no a las llamas. Labordas rendering is consistent with the Cervantine original.

25 Moreover, it results in a correct, octosyllabic line. But regardless of how, or at what point, or by whom the change was introduced, the meaning of the sentence was altered significantly for some portion of the audience. In this version, Arlajas desire to be baptized becomes all the more compelling.
The first part of Arlaxa, mora ends with the receipt of Arlajas letter. In the second part, Prez continues to conform to the model created by Cervantes. The Captain/Diego writes back expressing his willingness to go along with Zoraida/Arlajas plans and receives another letter in return. In this second letter, Zoraida/Arlaja advises him that she will be going to a different house to spend the summer. With the aid of the renegade, the Captain/Diego and the other captives figure out how they will escape. Next, the Captain/ Diego goes to the house where Zoraida/Arlaja is staying to inform her of their plans. He enters the garden of the house, but before meeting his beloved, he encounters her father. In both texts, the captive uses the same subterfuge to explain his presence: he is a slave of one of the fathers friends and has come to gather herbs for a salad. At this point, Zoraida/Arlaja enters and joins in the conversation. The three discuss the captives freedom, his plans to leave Algiers, and the beauty of the woman he plans to marry-who is, of course, the Moorish maiden he is speaking with. This small section of text from Don Quijote is followed by the corresponding section of the ballad. Again, we see how closely Prez followed his prose model: -Debes de ser sin duda casado en tu tierra -dijo Zoraida-, y por eso deseas ir a verte con tu mujer. -No soy -respond yo- casado, mas tengo dada la palabra de casarme en llegando all. -Y es hermosa la dama a quien se la diste? -dijo Zoraida. -Tan hermosa es -respond yo- que para encarecella y decirte la verdad se parece a ti mucho. Desto se riy muy de veras su padre, y dijo: -Gual, cristiano, que debe de ser muy hermosa si se parece a mi hija, que es la ms hermosa de todo este reino. Si no mrala bien y vers como te digo la verdad (1:41).

-Sers casado, y por eso te parece de que tarda el tiempo porque no ests a la vista de quien amas. Respondi: -No soy casado,

mas mi palabra empeada tengo en que he de serlo en yendo all. -Y esa dama, dime, es hermosa? Y el dijo: -Es toda una semejanza de tu persona. Y el padre dijo riendo: -No es mala la cristiana, si parece en algo a quien la comparas.
As the story continues, Prez begins to make some substantive changes. In Chapter 41, the Captain and his companions are prepared to make their escape. Their last stop is Zoraidas house. Zoraida, beautiful and richly dressed, opens the door to them. The renegade declares that they should take Zoraidas father, whose name is Hadji Murad, and everything that is of value in the house, with them. Zoraida refuses, insisting that her father is not to be touched. She then adds that she will bring with her all they need to be rich and happy. She goes back into the house and returns with a coffer full of gold crowns. At this moment, her father awakens and sounds the alarm. In the ensuing ruckus, the Captains companions capture Hadji Murad and bring him with them -his hands are tied and they stuff a handkerchief in his mouth to keep him quiet. In the ballad, Arlaja behaves differently. She appears barefooted so as not to make any noise, but she lets Diego and his friends into the house so that they may take what is of value.

Arlaja sali descalza, porque no fuesen sentidas de su padre las pisadas, y dijoles con silencio entrasen hasta la sala, para que sacasen de ella joyas, dineros y galas.
Perhaps Prez made this change so there would be a plausible reason for the father to wake up. Once awakened, Arlajas father begins to shout. He is overpowered by the Christians and taken on board ship with them. At this point the narratives diverge markedly. In the novel, Hadji Murad does not immediately recognize the role his daughter has played in the events that have just transpired. The painful realization comes as he sees, first, that she is decked out in her finery, and second, that the box she keeps her jewels in is on board. He asks her how this can be and the Renegade answers, no te canses, seor, en preguntar a Zoraida tu hija tantas cosas, porque con una que yo te responda te satisfar a todas, y as, quiero que sepas que ella es cristiana y es la que ha sido la lima de nuestras cadenas y la libertad de nuestro cautiverio; ella va aqu de su voluntad, tan contenta, a lo que yo imagino, de verse en este estado como el que sale de las tinieblas a la luz, de la muerte a la vida y de la pena a la gloria (1: 41).

The father then turns to his daughter who explains that she never wished to do him any harm; she only wished to do herself good. When her father asks what that good is, she is unable to tell him and responds, Eso ... pregntaselo t a Lela Marin, que ella te lo sabr decir mejor que yo (1: 41). When he hears these words, Hadji Murad throws himself head-first into the sea. The Christians save him and, eventually, at Zoraidas request, he and the other Moorish captives are put ashore. He curses his daughter but, then, as the ship sails away, forgives her and begs her to return to him. Zoraidas final words to her father offer him little, if any, consolation: -Plega a Al, padre mo, que Lela Marin, que ha sido la causa de que yo sea cristiana, ella te consuele en tu tristeza! Al sabe bien que no pude hacer otra cosa que la que he hecho, y que estos cristianos no deben nada a mi voluntad, pues aunque quisiera no venir con ellos y quedarme en mi casa, me fuera imposible, segn la priesa que me daba mi alma a poner por obra esta que a m me parece tan buena como t, padre amado, la juzgas por mala (1: 41).

In the ballad, the painful interchange between Zoraida and her father, so essential a part of The Captives Tale, is left out entirely. After they are all on board and the ship has set sail, Arlaja asks that her father be put ashore, and Diego complies with her wishes. No word is spoken between father and daughter:

y Arlaja pidi Don Diego que su padre lo dexran en tierra, que viendo el viento su favor combidaba. Dexaron libre los Moros
The ship sails on and eventually lands near Braga, a town in northern Portugal. There Arlaja is baptized and takes the new name Mariana. She and Diego are married and then travel to his hometown, where they find his father. As the ballad ends, the reunited family awaits the return of Diegos brother, who, like the brother in Don Quijote, is an Oidor in Mexico. The most salient differences between The Captives Tale and Arlaxa, mora are found in the dnouements. Moreover, these differences underline some of the defining features of the romance de ciego as a literary genre and enable us to see how Prez adapted the Cervantine narrative to conform to it. The tale the Captain recounts is one of a miracle of salvation worked by the Virgin Mary. (For a discussion of the legend of Notre Dame de Liesse as a possible source for The Captives Tale, see Cirot, Oliver Asn 289-90, Vaganay; Mrquez Villanueva 102-06 discusses this and

other legends of Marian devotion). A new Christian, Zoraida, has been brought into the fold. Like Lela Marin who she longs to serve, Zoraida is also an agent of redemption, for she helps to secure the freedom of the Captain and his companions -including the repentant renegade. The story ought to be a simple and joyful one, but in the hands of Cervantes it becomes a complicated tale that forces the reader to look into the abysses of the divine (Spitzer 262) and to see the human consequences of this miracle-grief and pain. Cervantes achieves this effect by focusing the readers attention on Hadji Murad, the loving father Zoraida cruelly and selfishly abandons in order to embrace her new faith. In this way, the miracle story is transformed into what Spitzer calls the most violent and the most tragic of all the episodes in the novel (261). The story told in Arlaxa, mora is far simpler. In the ballad, the realistic, human elements of the story, most notably the fathers love for his daughter, disappear entirely. As I have already noted, the last, wrenching conversation between Zoraida and her father is left out, as is the final view of Hadji Murad beseeching his daughter to return. The result of these changes is that the reader is untroubled by Arlajas actions. All that matters in the romance de ciego is that she wishes to become fully Christian. What she must do to attain this goal is unimportant. The changed dnouement of Arlaxa, mora and the disappearance of the elements which make the Cervantine text so disturbing show that Juan Prez understood well the conventions of the genre he was working with. Blindmans ballads clearly delineate good and evil; they have no space for any categories that might fall in between. Thus, Prez wisely removed all elements which create ambiguity. The added episode I have dubbed The Renegades Tale -Prezs own creation- further reinforces the manichean vision of the world that is typical of the genre. What is surprising about Arlaxa, mora is that Prez left the miraculous aspect of the Cervantine tale undeveloped. As I noted earlier, blindmans ballads tend to be religious and highly moralizing. Those ballads that focus on the plight of Christian captives are especially so and generally employ miracles as a means of resolving the story. For example, in Lastimosa carta desde Argel (Alvar 239-46), a devout Christian captive is imprisoned in a trunk. At the end of the

27 ballad, the Virgin Mary spirits the trunk (and its contents) away onto the deck of a merchant ship bound for Spain, and thus the captive is reunited with his family. In San Antonio a lo Militar (Alvar 255-62), St. Anthony of Padua appears to Zulema, a Turkish woman who is married to a renegade, and convinces her to leave her false faith and become a Christian. As a result, not only is Zulema saved, but so is her husband. In contrast, in Arlaxa, mora, there is no miracle of conversion, as there is in The Captives Tale, since Arlaja is half-Christian by birth. What is more, the Virgin Mary, the supernatural force that motivates all of Zoraidas actions, is omitted from the ballad completely. In the end, Arlaxa, mora is the story not of a miracle but of an escape from captivity.

High Culture and Mass Culture

We will now turn to the larger issue of the relationship between high culture and mass culture in the eighteenth century. Arlaxa, mora and the many other blindmans ballads I

enumerated at the beginning of this article show that, in the eighteenth century, balladeers rejected contemporary high culture models and instead embraced those of the baroque. Textual comparisons such as the one made here reveal much about how these writers plied their trade. We know that the poets who wrote blindmans ballads were not innovators. Their ballads followed well-established, successful conventions (Sutherland, Romance de Ciego). By recasting The Captives Tale in ballad form, Juan Prez followed two well-proven models: the romance de ciego and Cervantes. Indeed, our comparison of passages from the two texts strongly suggests that Prez did not simply have a good memory for features of plot or language, he had a copy of Don Quijote in front of him as he composed his ballad. Although Prez makes no reference to Cervantes, from time to time we find authors who acknowledge that they have borrowed directly from other texts. An interesting example, and one which shows that this practice was not confined to the eighteenth century, is provided by Cristbal Bravo. Bravo was a blind poet from Crdoba who was active in the late sixteenth century. His earliest known publication is a chapbook from 1572 (Rodrguez-Moino, Cristbal Bravo). One of the compositions in this chapbook is a poem written in coplas that retells a story from Antonio de Torquemadas 1570 novel Jardn de flores curiosas. Although Bravo does not mention Torquemada or his novel by name, he makes clear to his audience that he is following another text as he writes. A funeral scene is described as follows:

y vido gran compaia de frayles y clereza y la yglesia relumbraua con muchas lumbres que aiua Y ansi visto aquesta gente oyo cantar reziamente y en medio vn tumulo puesto segun nos cuenta el texto en la manera siguiente.

(Rodrguez Moino, Cristbal Bravo, 257)

Thus earlier writers who catered to the popular audience were also influenced by high culture models. This example is especially interesting for Torquemadas text and Bravos coplas are the earliest literary sources for the story related in Lozanos Soledades de la vida y desengaos del mundo which was later retold in Lisardo, el estudiante de Crdoba. It was not just the reworked novels of the seventeenth century that appealed to the mass audience of the eighteenth century. The theater of the preceding century also enjoyed considerable popularity with this public. Extracts from comedias and autos sacramentales that were printed in chapbooks, in particular speeches in ballad meter known as relaciones, sold briskly during the eighteenth century. The same printers who turned out romances de ciego also turned outrelaciones, and these dramatic texts were among the blindmans wares. The numerous extant chapbooks containing relaciones from the plays of Caldern, lvaro Cubillo de Aragn, Antonio Enriquez Gmez, Tirso de Molina, Juan Prez de Montalbn, Lope de Vega, and

Francisco de Zrate testify to the enduring popularity of the baroque theater well into the eighteenth century. Caldern seems to have been the great favorite; extant chapbooks include selections from a number of his plays: El purgatorio de San Patricio, El rigor de las desdichas, El mayor monstruo los celos, La Sibila de Oriente y gran reina de Saba, and La vida es sueo, to name only a few. This continuity of taste, this love of baroque literature, that we find in the popular audience of the eighteenth century has a parallel in the elite, educated eighteenth-century public. While authors such as Juan Prez and printers such as Agustn Laborda and Flix de Casas were busily excerpting and repackaging the works of seventeenth-century

28 writers for a popular public, printers such as Antonio de Sancha were reprinting these same works in their original form for the more well-to-do, book-buying public. Sancha, for example, printed his 21-volume Coleccin de las obras de Lope between 1776 and 1779. During this same period he began publishing the novels of Cervantes: Don Quijote appeared in 1777 and, six years later in 1783, Sancha published theNovelas ejemplares (Rodrguez-Moino, Antonio de Sancha).
The number of eighteenth-century editions of seventeenth-century novels provides further evidence of their popularity with the learned eighteenth-century audience. The works of Cervantes were exceedingly popular, and between 1700 and 1799 there were 35 editions of Don Quijote and 16 of the Novelas ejemplares (Glendinning 134). Mara de Zayass Novelas amorosas y ejemplares, the inspiration for a number of romances de ciego, went through 13 editions in the eighteenth century (Ameza xlviiixlix). Cristbal Lozanos Soledades de la vida y desengaos del mundo was republished at least 10 times over the course of the eighteenth century13. The two eighteenth-century reading publics were culturally divided, and the best efforts of the ilustrados did little to bring them together. This division was particularly evident with respect to contemporary literature. The popular audience had scant interest in, say, the writings of Feijoo, whose Teatro crtico universal went through 10 editions in the eighteenth century (Glendinning 134). There was, however, a marked continuity of taste in both publics with respect to the literature of the preceding century. And whether they bought chapbooks from a blindman or elegant editions from Antonio de Sancha, craftsman and count were united by their love of the baroque.


Aguilar Pial, Francisco. Romancero popular del siglo XVIII. Madrid: CSIC, 1972. Allen, John J. Autobiografa y ficcin: el relato del Capitn Cautivo Don Quijote I, 3941. Anales Cervantinos 15 (1976): 149-55. Alvar, Manuel, ed. Romances en pliegos de cordel. Siglo XVIII. Mlaga: Delegacin de Cultura Excmo. Ayuntamiento de Mlaga, 1971. Ameza, Agustn G. de. See Zayas y Sotomayor, Mara de. Caro Baroja, Julio. Ensayo sobre la literatura de cordel. Madrid: Revista de Occidente, 1969. Cataln, Diego. Los modos de produccin y re-produccin del texto literario y la nocin de apertura. Homenaje a Julio Caro Baroja. Ed. Antonio Carreira, Jess Antonio Cid, Manuel

Gutirrez Esteve, Rogelio Rubio. Madrid: Centro de Investigaciones Sociolgicas, 1978. 245-70. Cervantes Saavedra, Miguel de. El ingenioso hidalgo Don Quijote de la Mancha. Ed. Justo Garca Soriano and Justo Garca Morales. Madrid: Aguilar, 1968. Cirot, Georges. Le Cautivo de Cervantes et Notre-Dame de Liesse. Bulletin Hispanique 38 (1936): 378-82. Durn, Agustn, ed. Romancero general: Coleccin de romances castellanos anteriores al siglo XVIII. 2 vols. Madrid: Rivadeneyra, 1849-1851. BAE 10 and 16. Garca de Enterra, Mara Cruz. Sociedad y poesa de cordel en el Barroco. Madrid: Taurus, 1973. Glendinning, Nigel. The Eighteenth Century. London: Benn, 1972. Haedo, Diego. Topografa e historia general de Argel, 1612. Rpt. 3 vols. Madrid: Sociedad de Biblifilos Espaoles, 1926. Mrquez Villanueva, Francisco. Personajes y temas del Quijote. Madrid: Taurus, 1975. Oliver Asn, Jaime. La hija de Agi Morato en la obra de Cervantes. Boletn de la Real Academia Espaola 27 (1948): 245-339. Rodrguez-Moino, Antonio. Cristbal Bravo, ruiseor popular del siglo XVI. (Intento bibliogrfico, 1572-1963). La transmisin de la poesa espaola en los siglos de oro. Ed. Edward M. Wilson. Barcelona: Ariel, 1976. 253-83. _____. La Imprenta de don Antonio de Sancha (1771-1790). Madrid: Castalia, 1971. Serrano y Morales, Jos Enrique. Resea histrica en forma de diccionario de las imprentas que han existido en Valencia desde la introduccin del arte tipogrfico en Espaa hasta el ao 1868 con noticias bio-bibliogrficas de los principales impresores. Valencia: F. Domenech, 1898-1899. Spitzer, Leo. Linguistic Perspectivism in the Don Quijote. Leo Spitzer: Representative Essays. Ed. Alban K. Forcione, Herbert Lindenberger, and Madeline Sutherland. Stanford: Stanford UP, 1988. 223-71. Sutherland, Madeline. The Persistence of the Baroque in Eighteenth-Century Popular Culture: The Case of the Romance de Ciego. Selected Proceedings of the Sixth Louisiana Conference on Hispanic Languages and Literatures. New Orleans: Tulane UP, 1985. 33947.

_____. The Romance de Ciego: A Description of a Mass Culture Genre. Romance Quarterly 37 (1990): 61-72. _____. The Romance de Ciego and the Printed Ballads of the Preceding Centuries. Actas del Congreso Romancero Cancionero. Ed. Enrique Rodrguez-Cepeda and Samuel G. Armistead. 2 vols. Madrid: Porra Turanzas, 1990. I: 192-204. Vaganay, Hugues. Une source du Cautivo de Cervantes. Bulletin Hispanique 39 (1937): 15354. Wilson, E. M. Tradition and Change in Some Late Spanish Verse Chap-Books. Hispanic Review 25 (1957): 194-216. Zamora Vicente, Alonso. El cautiverio en la obra cervantina. Homenaje a Cervantes. Ed. Francisco Snchez-Castaer. 2 vols. Valencia: Mediterrneo, 1950. 2: 239-56. Zayas y Sotomayor, Mara de. Novelas amorosas y ejemplares. Ed. Agustn G. de Ameza. Madrid: Aldus, 1948.