Scenes in A Soldiers Life Afghanistan

SCENES
IN
A SOLDIER’
SOLDIER’S LIFE:
A CONNECTED NARRATIVE
OF
THE PRINCIPAL MILITARY EVENTS
SINDH,
SINDH, BEELOOCHISTAN, AND
AFFGHANISTAN,
During 1839, 1840, 1841, 1842, and 1843,
UNDER GENERALS LORD KEANE, BROOKS, SIR R. SALE, WILTSHIRE,
POLLOCK, NOTT, ENGLAND, M’
M’CASKILL, AND SIB C. NAP1EB.
BY . J. H. W. HALL,
1848.
Reproduced by
Sani Hussain Panhwar

Scenes in a Soldier’s Life; Copyright © www.panhwar.com 1
“Still question’d me the story of my life,
From year to year; the battles, sieges, fortunes,
That I have pass’d.
I ran it through, even from my boyish days,
To the very moment that he bade me tell it;
Wherein I spoke of most disastrous chances;
Of moving accidents, by flood, and field;
Of hair-breadth ‘scapes i’ the imminent deadly breach;
Of my being taken by the insolent foe,
And sold to slavery; of my redemption thence,
And portance in my travels’ history;
Wherein of antres vast, and deserts idle,
Rough quarries, rocks and hills whose heads touch heaven,
It was my hint to speak, such was the process.”
Shakspere’s Othello.

CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
War in Central Asia; Array under Sir John Keane; Her Majesty’s Ship Wellesley;
Embarkation of H. M. 40th Regiment for Karachi; Brig Hannah, with the Bombay Artillery;
Arrival at Minora, mouth of the Indus; Fortification of Minora; A Summons to Surrender;
The Flag of Truce; Preparations for Battle; Disembarkation of the Troops; Admiral Maitland
and Colonel Valiant; Ascent of the Troops up the Mountains; Evacuation of the Fortress by
the Enemy; Karachi, its environs; Traffic; Native Government; Food soon supplied;
Markets; Difference of Camp and Quarters; Miseries of the latter; Troops visited by
Cholera; Awful ravages of Disease; Unremitting attention of Surgeon M’Andrew; Sindh
and its People; United Hostility against the British; Faqueers or Native Priests; their power
over the people; their mode of living; Harassing Route from Minora to Karachi; Precarious
situation; Development of British perseverance.
CHAPTER II.
Safe arrival into Camp; Uncomfortable Lodging; Barren Country; Effects of Filth; Position
of Camp; Second Grenadiers Native Infantry; Massacre of Captain Hand; Exploit of
Lieutenant Clarke; Desperate Leap down a precipice; Cry of Revenge; Troops in Camp;
Dust Storms; Miseries thereby occasioned; Force increased; State of Sindh; Reserve Force;
Sir John Keane’s advance on Cabool; Rumors of capturing Hyderabad; Description of
Hyderabad; Policy of the British Functionary, Sir H. Pottinger; Ameers of Sindh; Removal
of their Body Guards; Substitution of a British Subsidiary Force; Sindh made tributary to
the British Government; Sir John Keane resumes his March for Cabool; Monotonous life of
the Sindh Force; Troops put into Huts; Description of Huts; Bad made Worse; Hospitals
crowded; Minora selected as a Sanatorium; Benefit derived thereby; Curious Phenomenon;
Boiling Spring; Sacred Alligator Lake; Picnics; Fate of a Dog.
CHAPTER III.
Improvement of Karachi; News from Upper Country of the Capture of Ghuznee; Cabool;
Coronation of Shah-Shooja-ool-Moolk as King of Cabool; Sir T. Wiltshire takes Kelat;
Return of Sir John Keane’s Army; Arrival in Karachi; Favorable opportunity; Brilliant Staff;
Prince Hyder Khan; Presentation of New Colors to the 40th Regiment; Departure of the
Cabool Army for Bombay; Wreck of H. M. 17th Regt., in the “Hannah”; Dreadful loss
sustained by the Corps; Prospects of an Insurrection; Call upon Brigadier Farquharson to

supply Troops; His inability to comply; Dispatch of the Right Wing 40th; An Afghan’s
opinion of European Power; Preparations for March to Tatta; A slight retrogade step in the
story; Embarkation of Troops in the Ship Stalkart, laden with Powder and Camp Equipage;
Alarm of Fire at Sea; Expectation of being blown up; Description of Scene; Discovery of
Cause; Effect Produced; Arrival at Destination; The Murderers of Captain Hand; The
Commander of the Party; A Priest hanged; March of the Wing to Googah. Its beauties;
Tatta; Embarkation in Boats; Arrival at Tatta.
CHAPTER IV.
Tatta; Its appearance from the Indus; The River Indus; Its Inundations, like the Nile;
Danger of being overpowered by the Current; Whirpools; Curious modes of Swimming
and Navigation; Description of Jerrick; Dreadful Catastrophe; Burning of Dr. Hibbert and
two others, British Officers, by Firing the Jungle; Impossibility of Escape; Surmise as to
cause; Shikarees or Hunting Grounds of Ameers of Sindh; Appearance of Hyderabad from
Indus; Lucknee Mountains; Pleasure Boats of the Ameers; Description of Workmanship;
The Ameers of Sindh; The Power and Scource of Revenue; Lake of Harran; Larkana;
Arrival at Bukkur; Conjunction of Troops; Description of Sukkur; Fortress of Bukkur: Its
Situation and Employment; State Prisoners; The Prince of Shawl and Grand Vizier of Kelat;
Strict Guard on them; Their Treatment and Allowances; Short History of the Prince;
Release of the Prisoners; Their Employment by Government; Ross Bell, Esquire, Political
Agent; Captain Bean; Defeat of Lt. Clarke’s Force; His Death; Dreadful Loss of Stores, &c.;
Awful situation of Troops in Sukkur; Preparations for War; Press for Cattle; Effect of the
appearance of British Troops; March of Troops to Shikarpoor; Equipment of the Force;
Appearance of Shikarpoor.
CHAPTER V.
Description of a March in the East; Extreme Change of Weather; European Constitution;

Young Officers; Their Praiseworthy Conduct; Preparations for Active Service completed;
Departure of Force; Destination ; Dadur; The Enemy; Nusseer, the Youthful King of Kelat:
His Mother, Beebee Gunjan; His Uncle, Gool Mahomed; Their Efforts to Annihilate Small
Forces; Attempt to recapture Kelat; Lieutenant Loveday, Bombay N. I.; Massacre of his
Force; His life ransomed by two Banyans; Becomes a Hostage; His Treatment; Nusseer’s
unsuccessful attack on Dadur; Three times Defeated; Arrival at Rojan; Fatiguing March
across the Desert of Sindh; Confidence of Captain Boscawen in his Men; Certainty of British
Velour; Enemy Encamped on the other side; Arrival at the Spot; Decampment of the
Enemy towards Kunda; Cavalry dispatched after them; Movement of Force to Kunda;
Appearance of the Enemy; Battle; Description of Scene; Private Feelings; General
Acknowledgment; My First Battle Field; Prisoners taken; Arrival of Nawaht Mahomed
Shereave; Sentence passed on Prisoners; Mahomed’s Manner; Anecdote of an English Rifle;
Night Alarm; March to Oodana; Want of Water; Encampment on a Barren Plain.

CHAPTER VI.
Another Retrograde Movement; Interesting Account of one of the Banyans, who ransomed
the Life of Loveday; Curious Discovery in the Merchant; Sudden Metamorphosis into a
young Englishman; A brief History of his career; March to Kotra; Re-appearance of the
Enemy; Straggling Shots; 25th Regt., N. I., left at Kotra; Welcome of the Force at Kotra by
the inhabitants; Havoc made by the Insurgents; Situation of Kotra, with the Gundavie Pass;
A Blockade; March to Sunnee; A Night’s March; Distressing Route; We reach Seran;
Mysore; Departure; Sudden Route; Arrival of Dispatches from Dadur, announcing a Grand
Attack on the 2nd November; Necessity of a Reinforcement at Dadur; Dreadful situation of
Troops; Seven weeks on sentry; Orders to force march to Dadur; Detention of Couriers for
Guides; The Mysore Puss; Midnight; Description of Pass; Previous Position; Sudden Alarm;
Suspicions of Treachery ; Route Intercepted; Discovery of ravine flooded; Impossibility to
proceed; Night 1st November; Interrogation of the Guides; Their protestation of innocence;
Another very long Route discovered; Determination to proceed; Troops re-formed; Serious
reflection; Miseries of the night; Credit due to the Native Troops; The break of day; Poor
progress made; Energetic advancement; Determination to accomplish; Dadur in sight; And
happy welcome.
CHAPTER VII.
Preparations for Battle; Energy of the little Drummers; Conjunction of the Darlur Force;
Position taken up by Mahomed Sheresive; Captain Boseawen’s arrangement; Young
Malcolm’s Cavalry; The Advance; Position, and Movements of the Enemy; Discovery of a
Trick; Sudden Retreat of the Foe; Admirable Practice of our Artillery; A Noble Cavalry
Movement; The decampment of the Enemy; Retreat into the Bolan Pass; Vexatious Scene;
Advance to the Deserted Camp; Appearance of an European Tent; Distressing scene; The
Discovery of the murdered body of Loveday; His last breath; His servant; His situation;
Story told by him; Brutal treatment; Gool Mahomed, the instigator; Feelings of the Troops;
Two of the Enemy found secreted; Effects of drunkenness; Hints to Soldiers; Dangerous
position; Slight wound; Too much sanguinity at times dangerous; Necessity of implicit
obedience in the Service; Ability of Commanders; 38th Regiment, N. I., left in charge of
Prize; Encampment; Dadur; Its situation with the Bolan; State of the Troops; Burial of
Loveday; Description of British Stronghold at Dadur; The severity of the climate; The effect
of the water; Painful malady; Scarcity of Provisions; Annoyance of the Enemy; Troops
always under Arms; Original recipes for cooking; Precaution of Major Boscawen; 38th
Regiment ordered up the Pass is weather hound.

CHAPTER VIII.
Sojourn at Dadur; The Kotra Force; Nusseer still determined; Lieutenant Chamberlain;
Colonel Marshall at Kotra; Encampment of the Enemy near Kotra; Secret Expedition; Silent
preparations for Battle; Midnight Surprise; Glorious Victory ; Escape of Nusseer ; Dreadful
loss amongst the Enemy; Colonel Stacy at Quetta; His Directions to Negotiate ; Unjust
liberality of the British; General Brooks; A large Force for further Exploits; Evidence of
another War; Assembly of a Grand Army at Sukkur; Its March to Mungal Ka Shier; Left
Wing 40th with the Grand Army; Orders for the Right Wing to join Head Quarters; Second
Grenadier Regiment left at Dadur; March to Muugal Ka Shier; Arrival at Aji Ka Shier;
Route thereto; Night marching; Defile; Arrival in Camp at Midnight; Commissariat lost;
Bad lookout; Camp Surprises; Recollections of Major Clibborn’s mishap; Dispatches to
Dadur; Collection of a meal; Arrival of a lost friend; Conjunction with the Grand Army;
State of the Country; Position and Power of Political Agents; Demand on Kojuk for Tribute;
Peremptory Refusal; Attempt at a Breach; Colonel Wilson defeated and wounded; Rascally
conduct of the Sepoys; Daring Exploit of fifty European Artillery; Serious loss; The Storm;
Fall of its Commander, Lieut. Creed.
CHAPTER IX.
Retreat of the Enemy; Possession of the Fort; An attempt at swamping the Camp made;
Admirable conduct of the Troops; Prevention of annoyance; Old Proverb realized ;
Dispatch sent to General Brooks; Reinforcement ordered; Sudden March; Advantages and
disadvantages; Threatening thunder storm; Awful prospect; Description of scene;
Precarious situation; A dreadful storm; Miserable condition of Troops; Anxious prayer for
day; Horrible attacks of Cramps; Indescribable prospect; March resumed; Arrival at Kojuk;
Loss of Cattle, &c.; Plunder of the Fort; Re-establishment of a Commissariat; Mode of
making dry ground; Soldiers never lost for means; The Enemy disappears; Death of
Colonel Wilson; March to Dadur; Preparations for Route through the Passes; Appearance
of a suspicious Camp; Destination of 40th is learned.
CHAPTER X.
Arrival at Dadur; Conjunction of Troops; Meeting of 41st and 40th Regiments; Active
Preparations for marching up the Country; Description of ground near Dadur, and the
mouth of the Pass; March of the First Division; Road to the Entrance; A Boar Chase,
Description of first day’s March; The Serpentine Stream; Soldier’s case; Sublime not always
pleasing; Second day’s March; Continuance of the stream; Soldier’s hoots; A three mile
wade; Fatigue of the day; Third day; Appearance of the Enemy; Halt at Bebee Naunee;
Capture by the Enemy of Cattle; Recovery of it; Destruction of the Rebels; Precautions
taken to prevent harassment; Fourth day; Ahi Gaum, or the Region of Hidden Waters;
Romantic appearance; Scarcity of firewood; Entire want of Forage; Fifth day; Curious

appearance; Awfully grand; Narrow defile; Power of defence; Sixth day; Narrowness and
danger of the Pass; Description of the Mountains; Length of Pass; Seventh day; Description
of scene; Beauties of the Valley of Shawl; Comparison; Emerging from the Pass.
CHAPTER XI.
Arrival at Quetta; Uncomfortable prospects; Scorpions unpleasant companions; Effect of

their sting; The venemous Sentepee; Determination of Government to treat with Nusseer
Khan; Colonel Stacy’s endeavors; Quetta and its appearance; The British Residency;
Government Stores; Preparations for a long Campaign; A new Corps raised; Arrival of H.
M’s 41st Regiment; Captain Blood’s Artillery; Prospect of taking the Khan; Dispatch of a
force; Harassing route; Spies; Forced marches; Wild Goose chase; Sickness; Troops die in
great numbers; Another failure; Feeling of the Troops; General Brooks; His unpleasant
position; His character; Who was to blame? Peculiarity of situation; Trying circumstances;
Forced to make the hest of had; Thunder storm; Miseries in Camp; Unexpected arrival in
Camp; The Prince of Shawl turned Traitor; Dreadful havoc through sickness; Fever, Ague
and Dysentery; Hospital Tents crowded; Insufficient accommodation; Scarcity of comforts;
Enormous prices paid for them; Indefatigable exertions of Dr. Me Andrew and Mr. Xavier,
the Apothecary; The probable cause of the sickness; Vast mortality; Death of Ross Bell, Esq.
and Lieut. Valiant; Removal from Command in the Field of General Brooks and Brigadier
Valiant; Cause of removal; Sad affair; New Commanders; Arrival of Nusseer Khan; Levee;
Review; Appearance of winter; Prospect of returning to Quarters; Preparations; Route
changed; General Nott’s Dispatch; Orders to march to Candahar; In Afghanistan.
CHAPTER XII.
March to Candahar; The foot of the Goths; The Kojuk Pass; Description of route; Troops
greatly harassed; The Desert; Arrival at Candahar; The Cantonments; Their unfinished
state; Candahar; Its people; Trade and state; Description of the City; Tomb of the Emperor,
Ahmed Shah; Timor Shah; Sufter Jung; Military force; Vicinity of Candahar; Ghuznee in
want of succor; Major McLaren dispatched; Is intercepted by the snow; Great loss;
Unfortunate result; Winter sets in; Troops desert to the enemy; Old adage; Appearance of
an Outbreak; Alarming prospect; Troops continually under arms; Dreadful news from
Cabool; Orders to Evacuate; State of the Country; War rages; Preparations for Battle; The
City blockaded; Trade suspended; Precautions taken; The Enemy makes a stand; Orders to
attack; Craft of the Enemy; 7000 Troops proceed to the Field; March to the Fight; 12th
January, 1844; Battle of Killa Shuk.

CHAPTER XIII.
The Return; Severe Weather; Miserable Prospects; Forlorn state of the Sick; Miseries of
Hospitals in India; Conduct of Native Servants; Followers cut off; Massacre of a Guard;
Fighting for Forage; Severity of the Winter; Enormous loss of Cattle in consequence; A
Defeat; Great loss; Forage procured; Sad news; The loss of Ghuznee; Treaty broken; Enemy
still about; Preparations for hard warfare; Seven days’ bivouacking; Description of Route;
Narrow escape of General Nott; Skirmishes too numerous to detail; Harassing attacks;
Enemy Cowards; Unsuccessful journey; The Return; Attack on the City; Valiant conduct of
the sick; Bravery of the Troops; Noble conduct of an Artillery Guard; Treachery of some
Native Sentinels.
CHAPTER XIV.
Return to Candahar; Prospect of fighting for Quarters; A cold night’s rest; Our welcome in
the city; Appearance of the cantonment; The Herat Gate; Visit to the scene of death;
Discovery of two well known faces amongst the dead; Suspicion corroborated; Dost
Mahomed’s remarks; Good Friday of 1842; Smart battle; Awful death of three young
soldiers; Disgraceful conduct of their murderers; The old shepherd; Situation of Captain
Craigie’s force; Killat-I-Gilzie; General England; His advance on Candahar; Route
intercepted; Cowardice of Native Troops; Forced a retreat; Enemy victorious; Severe loss
amongst the Europeans; Probable cause of defeat; Genera England’s second and successful
advance; Arrival of a strong reinforcement; Abundance of news; More War; Sad news from
the Upper Country; Force dispatched to the relief of Killat-I-Gilzie; Description of route;
Candahar attacked; Bravery of young Evans; Another victory; Active preparations for
marching; Destruction of Ghrisk; General Nott proceeds up the country; General England
down; Candahar is evacuated.
CHAPTER XV.
March towards Ghuznee; Strong force; Extensive supplies required; Difficult to procure;
Major Leech, an excellent caterer; So far pretty quiet; Skirmish on the 28th August; Bravery
of Lieutenant Chamberlain; Severe affray with 3rd Light Cavalry; Loss of Captain Reeves,
and Quarter Master Berry; Indignation of the General; Injudicious conduct; Advice to
young Officers; Awful example; Preparations for Battle; Destruction of a fortress; Three
prisoners taken; March to Gowine; The enemy our constant companion; Shooms-ood-Dien
Khan, the Commander; Arrival at Gowine; The battle; Bad ground; Captain White’s Light
Battalion; Anderson’s and Blood’s Artillery; Narrow escape; Unpleasant discovery; The
heat of battle; The charge; The return; The enemy proceed to Ghuznee; March across the

Plain of a “Thousand Forts;” The Hazarahs, a friendly tribe; Provisions no longer
procurable; Discovery of grain and forage; Doings at Cahool; Treachery at Ghuznee;
Situation of Colonel Palmer’s Brigade; Misery experienced; Treaty signed and broken;
Palmer tortured; Officers taken prisoners; Their treatment; Awful situation; Nott advances;
5th of September; Attack on Ghuznee; Noble conduct of the 16th Native Infantry; Storming
of Balloon Hill; Success; Unwelcome visitor in Camp; Necessary retreat; Preparations for
storming the Fortress; Night before the battle; Doings in the dark; Morning of the 6th
September; Glorious sight; Ghuznee ours.
CHAPTER XVI.
Ghnznee; Chuppa Jung on the “Night in Battle;” Description of the Fortress; Interesting
letters; The vicinity of Ghuznee; Orchards; Fruit; Preparations for destroying the Citadel; A
general havoc; The Somnauth Gates; Mahmood’s tomb; March towards Cahool; Futteh
Khan’s fort; Young Evans again; Strange discovery; Captain Woodhurn’s will; His dreadful
death, and massacre of his force; Night dangerous; Prospect of a night attack; Short hut
harassing march; Valley of Midan; An impudent Chief; Suspicious arrival; Approach near
Cabool; Entrance into Cabool; Lieut. Shakespeare; The prisoners; Sir Robert Sale’s Brigade
sent to rescue them.
CHAPTER XVII.
State of the times; Detail of the unfortunate disasters at Cabool; Akhar Khan; The position
of the Cantonment; Power of the enemy; The Rebel Chiefs; First evidence of the outbreak;
Sir William McNaughten; Sir Alexander Burnes; Serious warning of his servant; Position of
the Ambassador; His retinue; His career, and his murder; Alarming situation of the enemy;
The King; His power; Conduct and disposition; The Durhar; The insurgent Chiefs; General
Elphinstone; His conduct; The 44th Regiment; Their conduct; Miserable prospect; Capture
of prisoners by the enemy; Hostile meeting; Determination to stand; Overpowered; Forced
to retire quick; Meeting of the Envoy and Chiefs; Brigadier Shelton; Britain’a honor at stake;
State of the King’s Palace; Hostile correspondence; Proposed meeting between Akhar and
the Enemy; Secret development; The meeting; Serious misgivings; The Envoy’s life in
danger; The seizure; Dastardly conduct of Akhar; Massacre of McNaughten, and capture of
his Suite.
CHAPTER XVIII.
The retreat; Fearful prospects; Entrance into the Passes; Treacherous attack; Awful position
of the Troops; Situation of the Force; The dastardly conduct of the Affghans; Akhar’s

message to the General; Ladies and families given up as Hostages; Elphinstone’s death;
Total annihilation of the Cabool Force; Dr. Brydon’s escape; Brief remarks; March to Istaliff;
General McCaskill’s Brigade arrived; The battle; Victory; Bravery of the Troops; Fighting all
over; Unfortunate death of Lieutenant Evans; His character; Return to Cabool; Safe return
of the prisoners—Ladies Sale and McNaughten; A little child brought in; Destruction of
Cabool; March through the Passes; Evacuation of Afghanistan; Awful sight in the Denies;
Road strewed with Skeletons; Their appearance; Description of Route; Enemy hover about;
Admirahle precautions; The Soldier’s life; Arrival at Tezeen; Jugdulluk; Grand Attack; The
Somnauth Gates; Beautiful valley of Nimla; Jellallahad; Its appearance and destruction.
CHAPTER XIX.
March through the Khiva Pass; Dhakkah; Destruction of Ali Musjid; March to Jemrood;
Almost the last shot wounds Lieut. Chamberlain; Favorable prospect; Arrival at Peshawar;
Our hacks turned to the mountains; General Avitabile; March through the Punjaub;
Description of country; Ferozepoor; Triumphal arch; Lord Ellenborough’s Army, 64,000
men; Conjunction of Troops; Christmas Day of 1842; Shere Singh; Grand parade; Imposing
sight; The Durhar; Breaking up of the Army; General Nott appointed Resident at the Court
of the King of Oude; His parting with his brethren in arms; The Troops separate.
CHAPTER XX
Arrival of Stack’s Brigade in Sindh; Sukkur; State of the country; Leslie’s Troop of Horse
Artillery; Prospects of another campaign; Sir Charles Napier and the Governor General; Sir
CharlesatHydrahadwith2500men; Battle of Meanee; Victory over 16,000; More War; Stack’s
Force ordered to Hyderabad; State of Sindh; Some account of its origin and people; Major
Outram and the Government; Attack on his residence Noble conduct of the Light Company
of the 22d Regiment; The Ameers; Their positions, conduct, and surrender; Approach to
Khyrpore; Meer Ali Morad; Sir Charles Napier; Meer Shore Mahomed determined on
another battle; His position at Duhha; Enemy muster 24,000; Major Stack en route; His
arrival at Hyderabad; The 22nd Regiment; The Emaum Ghur Detachment; Conjunction of
Stack’s force; 24th March, 1843; Battle of Duhha; Victory gained; State of the Fortress; Prize
taken; Departure of the 41st from Karachi for England; Departure of the 22nd for Bombay;
Their reception; Arrival of the 28th from Australia; Sickness amongst Troops; Sufferings of
the 78th Highlanders, and 28th Regt,; Awful ravages of the fever and cholera; Dreadful
state of Troops in consequence; Sindh established as a Presidency; Sir Charles Napier
appointed Governor; A narrow escape; My arrival at Karachi; Hazardous voyage to
Bombay; Fortunate again; Remarks on Captain A. A. Nelson, 40th; Mr. Smith; Mr. Harvey;
Embarkation for England; Safe arrival in my native land; Concluding remarks.

SCENES IN A SOLDIER’S
LIFE.

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.
At the request of numerous friends who have taken a lively interest in my welfare, and as I
cannot but appreciate their kindness, I will endeavor to give a few of the very many ups
and downs in a Soldier’s Life, and, as far as my humble talent will admit, demonstrate the
characteristic features thereof, with a view to stimulate the soldier’s feelings, in pointing
out to him how clearly British honor and courage are developed, and how much more
honorable a position it is to serve in an army than is generally conceived by those
unacquainted with it; to illustrate, by simple description, the precarious situations the
soldier is prone to; the praiseworthy fortitude with which he combats them; and the
unremitting vigor so universally displayed amongst our troops, in all ranks, owing to the
nobility of our discipline, and the much-admired steadiness and bravery consequent
thereon.
The various climes in which a soldier, during his career, is obliged to serve, if he be a
thinking man, give him an opportunity of contrasting and improving his earlier
instructions; travel teaches him to study men and manners, and is calculated in itself to
convey much practical knowledge, not otherwise to be obtained. The offices he may have
to perform, the difficulties he has to contend with, the glories held out to him, the self-
denial, the toils of the field, and the pleasures of peace, coupled with the ultimate bright
prospect now before the deserving soldier, are all stimulants calculated to raise our army to
a pitch that will outvie the world for its ability and respectability; and the soldier will be
looked up to and acknowledged as the instrument by which the glory and protection of our
country is so gallantly upheld. It is with this view, to point out the vicissitudes consequent
upon the safe keeping of Britain’s honor, that I am induced to develop the trials and
privations suffered by these instruments.
Having been a participator in most of those disastrous events, so fresh in the memory of
my readers, as those of Sindh, Belochistan, and Affghanistan, during 1838, 1839, 1840, 1841,
1842, and 1843, and daring the whole time kept a daily journal, composed of many thrilling
circumstances, considered, perhaps, by many, as too trivial for the public mind, but being
connected with the murders, assassinations, treacheries, &c. &c., of individuals whose near
and dear friends, no doubt, are to this day unacquainted with the particulars of them— and
as there must be many thousands of such friends, they will, perhaps, prove doubly
interesting to them, as also to the reader generally; and if the brief and simple statement of
these facts, from personal observation, will thus tend to aid the same, and at the same time
give any satisfaction to my friends, I am willing to do my utmost; trusting never to be
considered as unworthy of their kind-feeling, I shall, in a few chapters, arrange so as to
give a plain narration of the principal and most interesting events; and give in them some
incidents that will, no doubt, induce the memory to reflect on their miseries and results—
not forgetting the murder of Captain Hand, the burning to death of three British Officers,
description of the Indus, Hyderabad, Sukher, Dadur, the much-talked-of Passes, the Bolan,
Gundavie, Mysore, Kojuk, Tezeen, Jugdulluk, Gundamuck, Jellalabad, Khiva, Peshawa, the
Punjaub; also, the battles at Dadur, Kunda, Candahar, Baba Walla, Killa Shuk, Killat I
Gilzie, Gowine, Ghuznee, Midan, Cabool, Istaliff, Jellalabad, Ali Musjid, Meeanee, and
Hyderabad; the principal operations of Generals Brooks, Keane, Wiltshire, Sale, Nott,
Pollock, McCaskill, England, and C. Napier; the army under Lord Ellenborough; the
massacre of the Cabool Army, Sir W, McNaughton, Sir A. Burns; the prisoners under
Shooms ood Dien Khan, and his cousin, Akbar Khan; Ladies Sale and McNaughton; the
King of Cabool, and the Ameers of Sindh.
It is not my intention to enter into any lengthened history of the country, further than will
be necessary for the introduction of matters so materially connected with this narrative as
to require much detail, because, were I to do so, it would take, instead of a duodecimo of
300 pages, an octavo of 1000—but my sole object is to give my kind readers a soldier’s
simple story, and in such a manner as will enable them to see their way clearly—and if they
will but weigh well such circumstances, they will at once discover my object. I would also
beg to remind my reader, that in hurrying over the details of 1839, with Sir John Keane, is
simply because the campaign under him has already undergone such a series of
description, and would therefore be a mere superfluous story 5 and would hinder the
introduction of other incidents which have before never appeared in print. We find
Lieutenant Eyre’s—Dr. Atkinson’s—Lady Sale’s, and others, giving a very clear account of
that campaign; but as I was connected with that army, and a great portion of my primary
occurrences are belonging thereto, I shall have often to revert to them. For instance,
Lieutenant Eyre gives a description of the recapture of Ghuznee, by Shooms ood Dien
Khan, and of the prisoners at that place as well as at Cabool; and annexes Lieutenant
Crawford’s own description. Now when we again captured Ghuznee in 1842, amongst
other researches I discovered in the prisoners’ room, letters ‘written on the wall by the
Prisoners, which I copied, and in themselves go far to shew their feelings, white thus
confined; and in fact nearly every circumstance which he leaves a mystery I have found
opportunity of discovering, and feel proud of being able to corroborate his work. It is of
course impossible for one individual to be able to relate all the events of so extensive an
affair as the campaigns of this country, and in common with every day life, the oftener a
thing is gone over the more can be added; having been therefore one of the last to go over
the ground, I have endeavored to bring up the rear, leaving as little behind as possible. I
would strongly recommend my readers, should they be anxious for a comparative
reference, or a companion to the story—to get Eyre’s Operations at Cabool, and as I
propose making this the same size, to form one. I shall, however, in order notwithstanding,
place this before my reader, trusting my efforts will not be miscalculated. Of a vast region
like Asia, much has yet to be learned; and I must confess, that in my opinion, much more
war will accrue, and that ere long, another, and I fear, far more serious affair it will be than
before, although the loss of souls on our side, during the whole affair, must have been
nearly 100,000. I would revert to the subject of Colonel Stoddart and Captain Connelly, but
Dr. Wolff appears to give a very clear account of his expedition; yet nevertheless, one fact is
certain, that there are at this moment, many of our countrymen in Affghanistan; numbers

were missing, and they being yet unaccounted for must leave it a mystery, as to what is
their fate, in our late victories of Aliwal, Sobraon, &c. We have instances of Europeans
being discovered in the ranks of the enemy; the thought makes one recoil, but let us not be
too hasty, and as is too often the case, judge the thing illiberally—Could they escape?
One instance I know, a man named Howel, on the capture of Hyderabad by Sir C. Napier,
was discovered directing the enemy’s guns on us; he was taken and imprisoned. He said
that they held a drawn sword over him, to strike him down if he did not direct the shot,
and that he aimed indirectly, till he could get a chance to escape. Whether this is to be
believed or not I cannot determine; but I must admit, that I cannot think that such baseness,
such cold-blooded treachery, exists in the breast of a Briton; I think it must be
circumstances that alter these, as well as many other cases; however, I merely introduce
this to point out the uncertainty of the fate of many of our troops even to this day. I shall
also revert to the Somnauth Gates more fully than has yet been done,— the recall of Lord
Ellenborough from the Governor- Generalship of India, still remains unfolded, although
many surmises are afloat, and as the conduct of a man is the true index to his character, we
may better judge by that than any other.
It will be remembered, the Proclamation relative to the evacuation of Affghanistan, his

assemblage of an immense army of reserve, upwards of 64,000 men, with its attendant
stall’, including himself—his directions relative to the prisoners, and his great expenditure
of the public funds, the Somnauth Gates—their history,—and in fact innumerable other
circumstances, all tend to enlighten us, leaving us, as the old saying goes, to judge for
ourselves.
The operations in Sindh being also under his guidance, and call down much serious
reflection, and more particularly because it was, after all this, he was so suddenly called
home by the Directors of the East India Company, who did not even give a public reason
for it, but called a meeting, and with scarcely one dissenting voice, directed his immediate
removal from the seat of Government in India.
I shall conclude these few remarks, with a hope that I shall be successful in ray attempt in
the relation of a soldier’s simple Tale.
In order to prepare my readers to enter a country which previous to the time of these
campaigns, was almost unknown, or at least, was seldom heard of or alluded to, and as it
will occur that names of individuals and places, during the narrative, will be introduced, it
will be read with infinitely more pleasure to know something of them.
Affghanistan is an extensive Territory in Central Asia, bordered by Hindoostan on the east,

on the south by the Persian Gulf, on the west by extensive Deserts, and on the north, by the
Causacus mountains; in fact, generally mountainous throughout the principal part of the
country. The population is nearly fifteen millions, consisting chiefly of Affghans,
Beloochees, Tartars, Hazarahs, Parnas, and other Indian castes, the former being the

greatest, amounting to nearly two-thirds. The lower country, Sindh and Belochistan, is flat
and fertile, but as it progresses towards Affghanistan, becomes thronged with Mountains,
Passes wild and desolate; but although so overspread with barrenness, from the immensity
of their regions, the valleys which innumerably intersect the country, are rich with
productions of grain and other vegetation. The dotted plains of the Dooranee Empire, are
crowded with orchards,—trees having the richest fruit,—the apple, peach, plum, grapes, of
every possible flavor and delicacy; large trees are almost unknown in Affghanistan;
nothing but the small vine, and bushwood, with here and there, a short timber can be
obtained, it is owing to the want of which that the buildings are usually flat-roofed, or
otherwise domed.
The people are fine, tall, powerful, and in a great measure handsome; the women are
particularly fair, and approach the European feature; they are always covered from head to
foot whenever they move abroad, and generally wear white. The children are usually very
fair, and the males are schooled tip to warfare. Their principles are Mahommedan of the
Soonee race, believing themselves the rightful successors of the three first caliphs; but their
opponents, the Sheahs coundu Ali, the prophet’s lawful successor, they being divided into
tribes to which is born a chief. The continual hostility, reigning from this hereditary feeling,
is productive of much discomfort and struggle for power. They are particularly tenacious,
and ambitious, filled with pomp and pride; and thirst for position at any cost.
Nadir Shah is the first we find to have borne any very figurative part in this country
worthy of note, that is to say, which more immediately connects it to this tale. Although
Baber Shah, at an early period, on taking possession of the Empire, lavished great wealth in
fortifying the mountains round Cabool, for its protection, and which still exist. From that
time up to that of Nadir Shah, about 1728, matters were extravagantly kept up in warfare,
the people ever raging and unsettled, and were called Abdaulees, whom he succeeded in
bringing into a greater state of tranquility; they were then tributary to the Persians.
Nadir Shah died about 1740, when one Ahmed Shah, head of one of the old Tribes, took the
reins of government, and was crowned at Candahar. He was filled with superstition, and
notions of predestination ; nay so far did he rely upon his fancy that after a dream of a
favored saint, he changed the name of his tribe from Abdaulees to Dooranees; hence the
Empire of that name.
The Dooranee will be better known to my readers when it is remembered that it became an
order, and was extensively and liberally distributed amongst our officers and officials
during- the first campaign. The Dooranees were divided into nine sects, and were called
Populzie, (their head,) and from whence issued all the royalty. The Allekozee and
Barukzye; the latter had for its chief Dost Mahomed Khan, and were extremely powerful..
Next the Atchikzyes and the Noorzyce, also very numerous and influential. The Alizee,
Iskhaukzyee, Khongaunee and Maukoo, tribes of somewhat inferior race, but nevertheless
of the aristocracy. Ahmed Shah having been crowned king, adopted the Persian mode of
ruling. He was a fine enterprising youth of about twenty-three, and was well skilled in

literature; his delight seemed to be in a military occupation, and he had several brilliant
encounters with the Sikhs. The enormous extent of his dominions, gave him great scope for
practice, and it appears to have been his continual toil to put down tumult and war
amongst the tribes, which, however, he ill succeeded in, owing to their universal hatred to
their numerous and opponent tribes. No sooner one tumult quelled, than another would
rise. He died in 1773 or 1774, and was succeeded by his son, Timor Shah, who was born
about 1746, and who bore a character of being incapable of governing the country, owing
to indolence; and this was soon proved by the insurrection in Balkh, Khorassan, (the
famous place for steel,) Kashmere, &c. &c., which Ahmed Shah had succeeded in
conquering before.
Timor marched, in 1789, against the king of Bokhara, Shah Morad, with 100,000 men, with
a view to overthrow him, which, however, terminated amicably; in 1793 he was attacked
with sickness, and died at Cabool. His demise created much confusion amongst his family
as to the kingdom, but Shah Zeman succeeded him, and reigned about seven years; he was
cruelly blinded by his half-brother, Shah Mahmood, who deposed him, and assumed the
government, by the aid of an influential and popular chief of the Barukzyees, named Futteh
Ali Khan. This latter chief played a very active part in the drama of those days. He was
notorious as a deceiver, and disloyal. His conduct may be better judged than described by
the perusal of the works of Masson and Elphinstone. His name brings us to the more
familiar part of the country’s history, and will tend to develop the incorrigibility of the
Chief. Shah Shooja-ool-Moolk, who, after the dethronement of Shah Zeman, being the full
brother, was the rightful heir, and consequently, spite of the Proclamation of the usurped
monarchy of Shah Mahmood, and his agent, Chief Futteh Ali Khan, marched with a strong
force from Peshawar upon Cabool, but was overthrown by the Chief, and fled to the hills;
but not satisfied with this overthrow, he made two or three other attempts, equally
unsuccessful; but at length obtained a victory in 1802, when he dethroned and confined
Mahmood. After having gained the Turban or Throne, his first object was to secure the
rebel Chief or Futteh Khan, who, with Prince Kamran, the eldest son of the dethroned
usurper, had repaired down to Kandahar, and with a strong force held possession of it.
Shah Shooja was also successful in this affair, and the Chief would have made terms, and
did offer allegiance to Shooja, which was, however, peremptorily refused, and he retired to
Ghrisk; being enraged, and disgusted at his bad success, he commenced an intrigue, and
his first attempt was to gain Candahar.
Ahmed Shah had at this time been appointed by Shah Shooja, Governor of Candahar, and
Futteh Khan succeeded in persuading Prince Kyser, a son of Zeman Shah, to seize the
Governor and cast him into prison, to declare himself king, appointing him (Futteh Khan)
as Grand Wuzeer, which was done, and they immediately marched against Cabool; but
during their route, Ahmed was released and reinstated at Candahar.
The Prince and Futteh were defeated, and Ahmed gave up Candahar after his release, to
Prince Kamran; the young Prince Kyser after his defeat, finding himself outdone at

Candahar, surrendered to Shah Shooja, who being ever distinguished for his charitableness
and liberality of feeling, forgave the young man. Futteh Khan now made off to Herat, and
commenced an agitation there, and concluded by persuading Haji Ferooz, a brother of
Shah Shooja, to assert his right to the kingdom; but the latter, receiving intimation of the
matter, sent a force to stop its progress, and succeeded; with this third overthrow Futteh
Khan again retired to his home. The young Prince Kyser, who now began to see clearly the
treacherous disposition of his former adviser, Futteh, and with a view to shew his loyalty
and repentance, and at the same time perform a service to the King, in return for his
kindness, managed to seize the Chief, and would have put him to death, but that Futteh
Khan, who is described to be a man of insinuating ways, proved, by his turning the wrath
of this youth, who was about assigning him to Shah Shooja, or rather to death, actually
succeeded not only in persuading the Prince to spare his life, but to commence a fresh
attack on his benefactor, Shah Shooja. He was released, and entered into almost immediate
arrangements for carrying his plans into execution; but having lost sight of the Prince for a
short time, next found him in the hands of one Kojeh Mahomed Khan, a Chief of great
power, who dissuaded him from the plot, and Futteh, finding that his plans were thus
thwarted, charged the young Prince with treachery and sedition, and offered to deliver up
Candahar to Prince Kamran. Prince Kyser was about to take refuge in the hills; but met, by
appointment, Futteh Khan, at night, and great were the arguments adduced on both sides,
being men of vile dispositions; it however terminated in that of Futteh, exacting an oath
from the Prince, to follow his plans under any and every circumstance, and the following
day they proceeded to attack Kamran. Futteh Khan, here again acting the double traitor,
led on the van, but privately advised Kamran to retire, saying that he was merely
entangling the young Prince Kyser; but he found himself set at defiance by Kamran, who
determined on risking the result of the field, which was in this case against him, Futteh
gaining a complete victory over him.
Shah Shooja, the King, not remaining as quiet at Cabool as may have been all this time
surmised, had gained by fight Cashmere, and Kojeh Mahomed, whose loyalty was very
great, and whose influence over the chiefs and people even more so, managed to remove
the easily led youth, Kyser, from the advice of Futteh Khan, who made off to Ghrisk, where
he again renewed his wily, cunning influence over Kamran, who was foolish enough to be
led by him, spite of his proved hypocrisy, and desertion in a former case. They, in
conjunction, went against Prince Kyser, and drove him to Belochistan. Shah Shooja, finding
these things going on, headed a large force and proceeded to Candahar, defeating Prince
Kamran, who fled, and Futteh Khan, who managed to insinuate himself, and joined the
Shah.
About 1808, Mahmood Shah, who, it has been stated, was dethroned and imprisoned,
managed to escape, and with the Grand Wuzeer of the Shah, raised an insurrection, and
was joined by Prince Kyser; they made an attempt on Cabool; but the Shah manfully
opposed and conquered them, and beheaded the Wuzeer who led them on. Shah Shooja,
up to this time, was in every place successful; but in 1809 Futteh Khan, seeing an
opportunity, while in the Shah’s service, of privately exciting several influential Chiefs, and

completely overthrew Shah Shooja, who was necessitated from fear of assassination to take
refuge in the Mountain Passes, and ultimately threw himself on the protection of our ally,
Runjeet Singh, the Maha Rajah of the Punjaub, but afterwards made several attempts to
reinstate himself, unsuccessfully. Runjeet Singh, from some private feeling hitherto kept
close, threw the Shah into prison, and treated him most shamefully, using every means in
his power to render his life miserable. It was well known by the Rajah, that Shah Shooja
had possession of many costly jewels, and one more particularly known as the “Mountain
of Light,” which the Shah had secreted, and which he most determinedly refused to give
up, and after a long incarceration effected an escape, and went to the British dominions at
Lodiona, for protection.
Cabool, after his defeat, was ruled by Futteh Khan, under the sanction of Shah Mahmood,
who treacherously possessed himself of Herat, and repulsed the Persians, who demanded
tribute, in the name of their Ruler.
Mahmood reigned for some seven or eight years, and, owing to circumstance of state,
blinded Futteh Khan, who was a short time afterwards cut to pieces; some assert it was
owing to his having advised Dost Mahomed to dishonor the sacred rights of the Zenana or
Harem of women, in the violation of no other than Mahmood’s daughter,—and thus ended
the career of one of the most arrant, remarkable characters, that ever reigned in Asia, who
would turn with any body to attain power or command—a man, who alas! Stands not
alone for perfidy and treachery, for we see it developed in almost every nation.
His brother, Dost Mahomed Khan, after the death of Futteh, became King of Cabool and
Shuruk, and was much admired for his knowledge and manner; Kamran took possession
of Herat. Candahar, once the seat of the Affghan Government now became low in its
power, and after passing from hand to hand, fell at last to be the depot for the
Governorship of a Sirdar or secondary Chief.
The vast Empire of Central Asia was now much disordered, of which all the neighboring
rulers took advantage, and crept in and secured considerable additions to their own
territories, Runjeet Singh, the Ameers of Sindh, not the least.
It had been, for a considerable time, a matter of discussion amongst the Indian authorities,
as to the best mode of preventing a rumored invasion of the Russians, via Herat, on India,
who, it was said, were fast gaining power over the Affghans; even as early as 1809, it was
suspected that Napoleon was negotiating with them to pass through Afghanistan, and
possess themselves of India; and in 1836, Burns was sent as an Ambassador to the Court, to
feel the way, but retired, with a fearful development of the fact that there was a great want
of stability on the part of the Dost towards us. A treaty of friendship had long existed
between us and that Nation, but in 1837 things bore a curious appearance, from the fact
that the Persians had gained possession of Herat, which established treachery on the part of
the Dost, and gave us room to act our part. The first thing concluded necessary to be done,
was that of removing Dost Mahomed from the possibility of being influenced by either

party, and the Dost declared that he would stand by the British, provided they would
prevent Runjeet Singh from making attempts or encroaching on his power, Runjeet already
having taken Peshawar; if not, that he would offer the same terms to Persia. Runjeet Singh
was our ally, and the existing relationship between him and us, removed the possibility of
acceding, and the matter would be still worse if the Dost was permitted to throw himself
on Persia for protection; and therefore the only course left for us was to dethrone him, and
reinstate Shah Shooja, with the two-fold object of gaining possession of Central Asia, and
securing an influential power over Persia. The remainder has yet to be told.
A large force was raised for the purpose, and Sir John Keane took command, with Generals
Sir W. Cotton, Fane, and others, the upshot of which was the surrender of the Dost, the
capture of Ghuznee, and the dreadful catastrophe, too well known, of the destruction of an
immense force, by treachery; the assassination of the envoy, Sir William McNaughton, and
the massacre of Sir A. Bumes and his suite ; and ultimately, by the murder of the reinstated
monarch, Shah Shooja, leaving the country desolate and miserable, and teaching us a bitter
lesson. The principal features of the difficulties experienced, will be seen in the various
chapters of this simple tale, and it now remains for me to express what came more
particularly under my notice, and I trust the humble endeavors will be met in the view they
.are intended. I claim no right to become an historian: my attempt is not at that: but simply
to connect in a tale, the events, in one thread, and place in the hands of my readers a period
of seven years, that was filled with a continued series of events, which were overwhelmed
by every tact of treachery, cruelty, and villainy—left, as our unfortunate countrymen were,
in a region almost unknown to them, and open to the perfidy, conspiracy, and
bloodthirstiness of an almost innumerable foe. Let my readers, ere they venture an opinion,
weigh well the matter, and place themselves in the unfortunate position of those whose
lives are devoted to their protection, and who scruple not to relinquish every hope of
worldly happiness, to secure and uphold the necessary means of ensuring their safety.

SCENES IN A SOLDIER’S LIFE.
CHAPTER I.
War in Central Asia; Array under Sir John Keane; Her Majesty’s Ship Wellesley; Embarkation of H.
M. 40th Regiment for Karachi; Brig Hannah, with the Bombay Artillery; Arrival at Minora, mouth
of the Indus; Fortification of Minora; A Summons to Surrender; The Flag of Truce; Preparations for
Battle; Disembarkation of the Troops; Admiral Maitland and Colonel Valiant; Ascent of the Troops
up the Mountains; Evacuation of the Fortress by the Enemy; Karachi, its environs ; Traffic; Native
Government; Food soon supplied; Markets; Difference of Camp and Quarters; Miseries of the latter;
Troops visited by Cholera; Awful ravages of Disease; Unremitting attention of Surgeon M’Andrew;
Sindh and its People; United Hostility against the British; Faqueers or Native Priests; their power
over the people; their mode of living; Harassing Route from Minora to Karachi; Precarious situation;
Development of British perseverance.
At the commencement of the war in Central Asia, an army was formed near to Bombay, the
command of which was entrusted to Lieutenant-General Sir John Keane, afterwards Lord
Keane, whose death, during the period that a second campaign was in full rage, has
deprived his country of an able General, a faithful subject, and a zealous servant.
The object of this armament was to place Shah Shooja-ool-Moolk upon the throne of
Cabool, to which he was said to be the legitimate heir.
To effect this, it was first necessary to obtain possession of Karachi, the key* to Sindh, it
being situated at the mouth of the Indus, whither Her Majesty’s Ship Wellesley,
commanded by Admiral Maitland, whose instructions were “to go to Karachi and take it,”
was ordered to proceed, calling first at Port Maudavie to take on board Her Majesty’s 40th
Regiment, which a few days previously had received orders to march from its quarters at
Deesa, to that place, and to await the arrival of the noble vessel which was destined to
convey them to the rendezvous at the mouth of the Indus. The utmost dispatch was
observed, the regiment arrived at Mandavie, and immediately after came the Wellesley;
they were embarked, and within a few hours she again put to sea, with the regiment on
board, and sailed for Karachi, attended by the H.E.I.C. brig Hannah, bearing the 3rd
Company of the first Battalion of Artillery, together with a numerous train of natives,
servants and camp-followers. On the 4th of February, 1839, these two vessels arrived at,
and anchored near to the fortress of Minora, being the chief fortification at Karachi, and
commanding the entrance to the Sindh Country, by means of the noble Indus.
Minora is a strong fortification, situated on the extreme point of a chain of mountains

facing the sea, and is capable, from its commanding situation, of effectually preventing any
vessel from approaching the mouth of the harbour. It is strongly built of stone, and
presents a terrific front in three directions, covering also on the fourth a safe retreat, and
affording, from its great height, an extensive view of the whole country, which effectually
preserves it from any landward surprise.
A summons to surrender to the British Flag was the first step taken on the arrival of the
armament before this fortress, and Capt. Gray of the 40th Regiment, was sent with a flag of
truce to demand its submission. The overture was rejected; the boat with Capt. Gray on
board returned to the ship. The officer commanding the British forces then sent to warn
them that he would allow them one hour to consider their refusal. All on board was hurry
and bustle; there was much anxiety to learn the result; the propositions for landing were
expected; all the boats were prepared for the instant disembarkation of the troops; every
man was in readiness, arms in hand, and every one anticipated a fierce and fearful conflict;
the difficulty of overcoming the situation of the fort, great as it was, could be contemplated,
but none knew the state of the garrison. The British Force, i.e. the Military, did not exceed
1200 men. The Military portion of the forces was under Colonel Valiant, and the Naval
under Admiral Maitland.
After an hour of anxious suspense, and every upon the fortress; the guns were well and
rapidly served, and under the cover of the cannonading the soldiers got into the boats,
rowed towards the shore, and effected a landing without accident or mishap; they were
immediately drawn up in columns of companies, and set forward to ascend the mountain,
under the most favoring circumstances of which they could avail themselves. On attaining
the platform on which the fort stands, and when forming into order of attack, it was
perceived that the enemy had evacuated the fortress, hut whether from fear of meeting the
European soldiers hand to hand, or in consequence of the destructive fire from the
shipping, it is impossible to decide.
It was a great satisfaction to find that we had obtained possession of such a strong fortress
without any sacrifice of human life, for the beauty of good generalship is to affect a victory
with as little loss as possible. The Wellesley had expended about seven hundred and thirty
36-pounders, a Morrisonic mode of administering such large pills, which the defenders
must have found anything but agreeable, and so preferred the adage of “Living to fight
another day,” which they fully kept afterwards.
Karachi is situated about two and a half miles from the outpost of Minora; the town is
irregularly built, and the streets narrow; the houses are of mud and the general appearance
of the place is miserable and filthy. The suburbs are somewhat more pleasant, having a few
gardens, which are, however, much disfigured by the surrounding filth, and the
accumulation of the dead bodies of camels, dogs, cats, &c. The town contains about two or
three thousand houses or hovels, and has two bazaars or market places. Its general traffic is
tanning leather and selling fish; and it is the emporium of trade for a large portion of the
interior of the country. On entering the town, which surrendered on our approach, we
found it to contain little of any value.

The natives of Karachi, although not of extraordinary stature, have yet a very austere and
reserved appearance: some among them are excellent workmen, when judged by the
Eastern standard of excellence, and are, speaking generally, a very stirring people : they
have a great number of large boats, called “Patamas” or “Bugalows,” which somewhat
resemble our wherries, or rather the Chinese junks, in which they carry on an extensive
trade with India and Muscat, in indigo, cotton, and other articles, which are brought hither,
from the interior of Sindh, for exportation. Leather, fish, grapes, mangoes, &c., are great
objects of traffic, which are exchanged for food, clothing, &c. Many of these boats are
armed for their protection at sea: they are built of teak or very hard wood produced in the
East, and are somewhat like the Chinese junk; the sail is formed, like ours, of a number of
seams, but .their cloths seldom exceed six or eight inches in breadth, and are of cotton.
Two, three, or seldom more than four, manage a large boat, and have a curious mode of
sitting down to work the vessel; in fact the greater portion of the work done by the natives
of the East, is seated; and without compass or chronometer they navigate them both
fearlessly and expertly.
It is governed by a Chief, called a Jemedar, who receives a tithe on every camel load of
goods which may be brought to the harbour for exportation, and the Ameers of Sindh (of
whom more hereafter) call him to a close reckoning of the revenue thus collected.
Fish is very plentiful—some being very large; they have fine turbot and soles, lobsters,
oysters, crabs, cockles, muscles, and eels; and a rock salmon, very fine, plentiful, and cheap.
On our first arrival the natives, probably from fear, shunned us altogether, but, as they are
great adorers of that terrible mammon, money, they, after a few days, began to venture into
our camp, and, finding that the Ferringees (Europeans) were not quite such fearful ogres as
they had anticipated, began to bring in their milk, fruit and fish, for sale. An ample supply
of fresh provisions was a desideratum to the Army; and as the natives found themselves
fairly dealt with, our markets daily became more extended, and the increased supply
reducing the price, the demand also increased, to the great satisfaction of all parties. It has
often been a subject of surprise to me to see how soon natives of other nations adhere to
our systems, that is to say, as far as dealing with you, and will waive many circumstances
to win you; they, amongst themselves, deal most unfairly, and seem to delight in fraud.
It will naturally be supposed that the transition from a comfortable barrack to an

encampment would be greatly felt by the Europeans, when thus suddenly removed from
all the cleanliness of an airy, well ventilated barrack, excellent bedding, and proper
nourishing food, to the cold, damp, and ill-regulated accommodation of a tent, which,
containing about fourteen square feet, is expected, and indeed does, accommodate sixteen
soldiers, allowing about twenty-one inches in breadth to each for all his domestic purposes.
This great change in the soldier’s habits, added to the trying effects of the weather, the
extra exertion, and, as is too often the case, the deficient supply of food, both as regards
quantity and quality, tends in no trifling degree to induce disease, and I am sorry to say in
our case, no exception to the grand rule could be found. Early in March the cholera visited

Karachi and its vicinity, and it caused a vast mortality among the Europeans. There is
something truly appalling in this terrific and voracious disease. Even now you may be
speaking and jesting with a dear friend and an esteemed comrade, and within an hour he
may be almost transfigured by the fell disease, and in a few more short hours, all that is
mortal of him will have been consigned to the grave.
How few survive the fatal and dreaded attack! Some few may a couple of days. Three, four,
or five have often been buried in one day. Unfortunately, at this time our medical
assistance was very limited. Surgeon M’Andrew, H.M. 40th Regiment, labored most
unremittingly; for days and nights consecutively has he often sat and watched his dying
patients. Remedy after remedy he has applied, but there was nothing which availed to
check the dreadful plague. He, in the most fearless and praiseworthy manner, constantly
exposed his own life to contagion and risk, as well as the fatigue and exertion he
underwent to save the men; such conduct is worthy of all praise and commendation, and I
feel it a high privilege to be allowed this opportunity to do him honor; our loss in the
course of a few days amounted to three officers, and thirty-six rank and file.
Subsequent observation convinced us, on our arrival before Karachi, that the town was full
of the enemy’s forces, but finding that the European soldiers were so much superior to
themselves, they adopted FalstafFs opinion, that discretion is the better part of velour, and
therefore retired before they felt the awkwardness of being driven back, or in other words,
they fairly ran away.
Sindh is inhabited by many tribes, each being at enmity with the other, maintaining
themselves by plundering one another, and never happy hut when engaged in those
internal hostilities, and, like the ancient Britons, only uniting against a common enemy.
Such being their state of policy it is no great stretch of vanity to say we found ourselves
selected by them as an enemy worthy of their confederating together to work our
overthrow. Our arms were chiefly conciliation and forbearance, but as we severally
obtained the friendship of some rival tribe, we aroused the outpouring wrath of another.
These angry feelings were fermented and nourished by the Faqueers, of which class there
are one or more in every tribe; this man of holiness, they believe, can protect them from
danger and misfortune; he is their priest, he prays for them, he interferes in their quarrels,
and he possesses an extraordinary influence over them, both for good and evil, being
supposed to be especially under the guardian care of Vishnoo, the Preserver. The Faqueers
are a set of miserable and disgusting wretches, scarcely human in appearance, and obtain a
vast influence over the ignorant multitude, from their ascetic devotions, and the self-
torturing Tows which they impose upon themselves; the wild beasts are said to respect
them; it may be so, but I should rather be inclined to suspect they have no stomach to make
a meal upon any thing half so loathsome.
Many of these wretched specimens of degraded humanity were so embittered against the
Europeans that they considered that they were doing the country and their Deity a service,
if they could procure by any means, and at any cost, the massacre of an European.

These wretches are to be seen in every part of the East; even the most affluent make much
of them; being buoyed up with idolatry and superstition, they are in a great measure kept
under by them, and it would be tantamount to a curse of fate to scruple to relieve them. I
have seen them in all the most disgusting forms possible; they look hideous, and, in fact,
are barely human, being to a Christian, the most detestable of all other objects.
The advance from Minora to Karachi, though now often a subject of merriment to the
parties concerned, was a tedious and harassing march to the soldier: having advanced as
far up the river in the boats as was available, we entered a little creek, and rowed until the
boats were aground, owing to the shallowness of the water: we had still a considerable
distance to march ere we could arrive at the road,—no not road, track—which led to our
destined object. No difficulty must daunt a soldier; no obstacle must prevent his onward
progress, if there be the most remote prospect of success. And therefore, thus stranded in
the middle of a swamp, we had no alternative but to attempt to wade through the
saturated mud. Each step in advance occupied several seconds, and the mud, which was
black and soft, affording no resistance to our weight, at every step we sank two or three
feet deep into the horrible mass. It must also be remembered that every man was
encumbered with a musket, accoutrements, and a pouch containing about five pounds of
ammunition, on the preservation of which depended his hopes of success and safety; this
unpleasant march of one mile and a half occupied nearly nine hours, which, extraordinary
as it may seem, will not be apocryphal when it is stated that they crawled along in this
quagmire very much in the same style that a fly progresses in a jar of molasses: some fell at
every other step, others actually stuck fast for many minutes at a time; some were in
imminent danger of being entirely and permanently submerged; others, overcome by the
exertion, fatigue, and hunger, were on the point of giving up all exertion. The officers,
being in precisely the same predicament as their men, could scarcely make any exertion to
encourage them in their efforts to surmount the danger and difficulty in which they were
placed: but there is little which the indomitable resolution, courage and perseverance of the
British soldier will not eventually overcome; but what a position to be in, as a preliminary
entree into an enemy’s country! What an opportunity for a slaughter! At length, after
terrific exertions, and Herculean labour, the whole mass once more found themselves safe
on terra firma. The danger and toil was no sooner passed than it was forgotten, and,
regardless of the pressing calls of hunger, they urged on, impatient of delay, until they
advanced close to the town, which, as has been stated, surrendered at their approach.

CHAPTER II.
Safe arrival into Camp; Uncomfortable Lodging; Barren Country; Effects of Filth; Position of Camp;
Second Grenadiers Native Infantry ; Massacre of Captain Hand; Exploit of Lieutenant Clarke;
Desperate Leap down a precipice; Cry of Revenge; Troops in Camp; Dust Storms; Miseries thereby
occasioned; Force increased; State of Sindh; Reserve Force; Sir John Keane’s advance on Cabool;
Rumors of capturing Hyderabad; Description of Hyderabad; Policy of the British Functionary, Sir
H. Pottinger; Ameers of Sindh; Removal of their Body Guards; Substitution of a British Subsidiary
Force; Sindh made tributary to the British Government; Sir John Keane resumes his March for
Cabool; Monotonous life of the Sindh Force; Troops put into Huts; Description of Huts; Bad made
Worse; Hospitals crowded; Minora selected as a Sanatorium; Benefit derived thereby; Curious
Phenomenon; Boiling Spring; Sacred Alligator Lake; Picnics; Fate of a Dog.
Having now performed the duty allotted to them, the men began to find time to reflect
upon the necessity of immediately providing themselves with some of the creature
comforts which nature has rendered imperatively necessary to the well-being of the body
corporate; and as no provision could be procured but from the ship, a barrel was filled with
pea-soup and sent ashore, and, under existing circumstances, was considered no small
luxury by every individual. In the evening, which followed hard upon the dinner hour,
pickets were told off, and sentries were placed to prevent surprise, and the remainder of
the forces bivouacked on the sand, and on the first dawn of the morning the bugle
summoned the sleepers from their primitive beds, a la belle etoille, to prepare the ground for
an encampment ; the equipage was speedily disembarked, and having procured camels
from the town’s-people, the forces proceeded to the appointed spot, which, in a military
point of view, was eligibly situated, about two miles north-east of the town, where the tents
were pitched in a jungle infested with every feature that could lend wildness to the
picturesque effect of the martial array, and on which each man had to clear the ground
before he could attempt to pitch his tent. The surrounding country appeared a wide
expanse of dreary barrenness, with here and there a small patch of cultivated ground,
through which the natives turned with zealous care every available stream of water. The
little plantations were rich in fruits, and amply repaid the labour and care bestowed upon
them. The insufferable stench and malaria which arose from the tan-pits, and from the
decomposition of the dead carcases before named, which were heaped around the town,
would have been, even at that distance, the source of much disease, and, perhaps, death, to
the Europeans, had it not been for the periodical sea-breezes which blew over the country,
redolent of health, and bearing on their purifying wings the most refreshing balm to the
dwellers in the camp, which had occasionally to be moved, in order to prevent the troops
suffering from the consequent accumulation of offal—and it may therefore be more easily
imagined the trouble and toil the entire re-arrangements required, if only even to change
the front of the camp, or move it perhaps five hundred yards.

The second Grenadier Regiment of the Native Infantry formed part of our force. The
sepoys of this regiment were indeed a fine body of men; and were without exception the
finest specimen of native soldiers I had ever seen. Their equipment was very nearly that of
our forces; and they seemed to delight in the life of a soldier. Two of its officers, Captain
Hand and Lieutenant Clarke, rode out into the country one day, venturing about three
miles from the camp into the hills. Struck with the beauty of the very romantic scenery
which surrounded them, they determined to ascend the top of a hill which promised to
afford them an extensive view, which, after some difficulty, owing to the badness of the
road, they succeeded in doing. Whilst enjoying the beauty of the surrounding scenery,
which greatly surprised them, they were attacked by a party of one of these infatuated
tribes, about six in number, who, instigated by the Faqueer, (Priest,) of the tribe, fired, and
shot Captain Hand, who instantly fell from his horse; they also hit Lieutenant Clarke on the
thigh; Captain Hand’s wound was mortal; when he fell they flew upon him, hacking him
most cruelly with their scimitars. Lieutenant Clarke, seeing all hope of escape for his friend
was vain, and very doubtful in his own case, grew desperate; he was an excellent and an
active horseman, and his charger seemed conscious of his rider’s danger, who, with great
presence of mind and a courageous heart, clapped spurs to his steed and rushed to the
edge of the mountain; a precipice presented itself; the height was appalling, upwards of
eighty feet; yet it was the only alternative, and he took the leap down the fearful abyss. The
horse fortunately found a footing, and furiously galloped towards the camp; during all this
time Lieutenant Clarke’s thigh was bleeding profusely, and when he reached the
cantonment he fell fainting from loss of blood. Assistance was instantly rendered, and, as
soon as returning consciousness permitted, he related the fate of his friend. The scarcely-
completed tale roused the feelings of the troops ; a cry of horror burst from every heart,
and a strong party hurried to* the spot described by Lieutenant Clarke, and found the body
of Capt. Hand dreadfully mangled ; they brought it back to the camp. A coffin was
prepared, and in a few hours the body was hurled: Captain Hand left a widow, and, I
believe, two children, to deplore the loss of a fond and an affectionate husband, and a
father. Lieutenant Clarke soon recovered from his wound.
The sickness shortly afterwards disappeared, still the weather continued very trying.
During four months in the year the weather is very hot, and for six weeks blows one
continued cloud of dust from about eight, A.M., to four, P.M. This moving mass of gravel
dust is about twenty-five feet high, and smothers every thing which offers any resistance to
the drift. During this disagreeable season the situation of sixteen soldiers in a tent of
fourteen feet square must be any thing rather than agreeable, their only defence against this
battery of small stones being two folds of cotton canvas; consequently their flesh, their
clothes, their beds, were literally buried in it. Some would cover themselves with their
blanket, and try to sleep away the day; should they be for one hour in the same position, a
casual observer would scarcely distinguish the mass from a mound of earth. The food
whilst being cooked, was filled with dust, and when placed upon the dishes, before it could
be eaten, would be covered thick with sand; this, accompanied with ardent heat, and, its
attendant, intense thirst, rendered the soldiers’ lives very miserable. Sometimes, during the
blowing of the dust, it would rain, which, combined with the closeness of their small tent,

inflicted a misery upon the troops which exceeded any thing described by Beresford in his
amusing little work, clever and comprehensive as it is; and, if the proverbial statement
have weight, that a man shall eat a peck of dust during his life, we eat a bushel each in a
year. The monsoon does not visit Sindh, as it does India, although periodical rains fall,
more or less, every year; and in 1839 very severe and heavy rains fell, which did not at all
tend to increase the comforts of the campaigners in that barren region.
The force stationed at Karachi, now consisted of Her Majesty’s 40th Regiment, 3d
Company, lst Battalion E. I. C. Artillery, 2nd Regiment Native Infantry ; the whole under
the command of Lieut. Col. Valiant, acting Brigadier, which, with an efficient Staff, formed
the Sindh Reserve Force. The number amounted to about 3000, with the usual Camp-
followers, which generally exceeds that of the Troops; the Commissariat and Ordnance
Departments were becoming very strong, and every arrangement was fast proceeding for
the establishment of a strong force, and all bore the appearance of having soon much to do.
Sir John Keane, who was in command of the whole, had marched from the Presidency, and
was advancing with a strong army towards Cabool, via the route through Hydrabad. On
his arrival at the latter place he halted some days, and there was great speculation and
rumor in the army, as to whether the town of Hydrabad would, or would not, be attacked.
It will be hardly necessary for me to inform my readers, how far public rumor has its effect,
for if a mole hill makes its appearance, it soon becomes a mountain, and so it was with the
conjectures on this occasion; more than once the whole force was en route to join the attack,
nay, had it taken, and all settled; if we believe one half of public rumor, it is the extent of its
right.
The fortress of Hydrabad is situated about two miles from the right bank of the Indus, and
has a citadel of immense strength, commanding on one side the whole country near it; on
the other it is so hemmed in by the suburbs, that, until they be destroyed, full scope cannot
be given to its efficiency. The entrance is very strong, and through a well fortified passage,
crossing a very deep moat, which surrounds the whole building. The walls of the fortress
are built of brick and stone, and are of immense thickness; it is about half a mile square,
and contains nearly 1800 dwelling houses; some of them are the palaces of the Ameers of
Sindh; in its interior there is also a very lofty tower, mounted by seventy- six steps to the
top, in which are placed four large pieces of ordnance, 84-pounders, of Persian
manufacture. A successful attack upon this strong fortress would be a difficult
undertaking, and could scarcely be accomplished without a great risk, and probably a great
loss. The Ameers being rich, powerful, and influential, perhaps induced our Resident, Sir
Henry Pottinger, to endeavor to overcome the obstacle rather by diplomacy, than by force
of arms; and certainly he decided wisely, for as the Indus presented our only advance into
Sindh, it was absolutely necessary that Hydrabad should be neutralized; the task of
attempting to take it by force might have failed, and the British Army would have been
thus effectually checked on their onward march. After a short durbar (conference,) the
political Agent, Sir H. Pottinger, brought the discussion to a favorable issue. It was
stipulated that the Ameers of Sindh should become tributary to the British, that they

should pay to the E. I. Company an indemnity of twenty- seven Lacs of Rupees, (£270,000,)
and that several thousand British soldiers should be supported by them in Sindh, for their
protection against all enemies.
Prior to this arrangement the Khan of Kelat, Merab Khan—had been accustomed to furnish
these Ameers with troops, he receiving a certain sum, and paying and equipping the men.
Of course when the arrangements made by Colonel Pottinger and Sir John Keane were
carried into effect; these forces were withdrawn, and replaced by our subsidiary force. It
was also necessary, that, in order to secure our more certain protection, the removal of their
hired men should take place at once, and our own armies perform their duties. Besides,
there was reason to suppose that the Ameers were, in a great measure, implicated in the
up-country matters, which compelled General Keane to look before he leaped. The army
then resumed its march, crossing the river for Cabool, in the greater security, as they knew
they had now a strong and friendly fortress in the rear, which would serve alike to
strengthen them, and keep the disaffected in effectual check.
During this time of excitement we yet pursued the dull monotony of camp duty at Karachi,
still forming the Reserve Force. In May, Brigadier Valiant was called to Bombay to assume
the command of that garrison, and was temporarily succeeded by Lieutenant Colonel
Spiller, until relieved by Col. Farquharson, which occurred in a few days. Early in June,
arrangements were made for “Hutting the Troops,” and by the end of July the men took
possession of them. They were of a very temporary nature, being merely stakes of jungle
wood driven into the earth, in the form of oblong rooms, the roof and walls being formed
by pieces of coarse India matting stitched together, and covered with turfs, which, from the
coarseness of the material, was a very insufficient protection from rain or dust, and when
the former fell in large quantities, which was often the case, the roofing became speedily
completely saturated, and poured down upon the men in continued streams of mud,
deluging them, their beds, their clothing, and even their food; but when the fine weather
set in, things were comparatively comfortable. Our life of listlessness still continued to
wear on, and many and many a time was change prayed for; the mountain pass, the battle
field, the stormy torrent, or the dusty plain, all, or any would have been preferable to the
dull tedium of Karachi at that time. Alas! it was to be, and to heighten our annoyance,
sickness again visited us,; this time the scourge came in the shape of fever, almost as
terrible as cholera, and scarcely less fatal; this fearful malady was only preferable,
inasmuch as it gave the medical officers a better chance to arrest its progress, as it was less
sudden in its career. The hospital was crowded, the medical officers over-worked, and the
men not positively attacked were not in a condition to render any essential service; the
whole country around Karachi, was infected, and as a last resource a kind of sanatorium
was erected at Minora, whose lofty situation, and sea-beaten shore, contained the elements
of health, and thither were sent the sick, the invalid, and the convalescent, and the event
justified the judgment and discernment of the proposers of the plan, for though many died,
a very large proportion recovered. This baneful malady having passed away, we again
began to look for amusement, or indeed excitement of any kind.

It will naturally be supposed that the wonders of nature in our immediate vicinity were
among the first objects of interest; and we made many pleasant excursions to a very
extraordinary phenomenon about five miles from Karachi; it was a tank, or well of hot
water continually boiling and bubbling up, at a temperature of 196 of Fahrenheit, called
Muggeer Tank. It was situated near a small lake, which was infested by a great number of
alligators, some twenty feet in length; these reptiles were considered sacred, and were
attended by a Faqueer, who prayed to them and protected them.
Parties of pleasure would resort thither, forming very delightful Picnics, and would make
tea with the water from the boiling tank—and most excellent tea it made. One of the
amusements of the visitors to this sacred spot was to purchase dogs and goats, to observe
the ferocity with which these amphibious godships would devour them. On one occasion
when a very large party were enjoying
“The cup which cheers hut not inebriates,”
“at Piresco,” among the venerable “trees which shade that silent lake’s pellucid shore, a
favorite little dog, belonging to the Sergeant-Major1 of the 40th Regiment, ventured to the
margin of the lake to quench his thirst, probably unconscious that it was a temple devoted
to a Sindhian Deity, or more probably finding its limped coolness more congenial to his
then wants, than the contents of the boiling fountain. In a moment the unconscious and
profane intruder was attacked, and in an equally short space of time devoured. I could not
learn that they had ever attacked a human being.
1
This worthy man, S. Snelling, is now Lieutenant and Adjutant of the same Corps, having risen through
merit, and in every rank, from the Private to his present, he has ever proved himself an amiable member of
society, and a most valuable and zealous servant to his country, and richly deserves all that can he bestowed
on him.

CHAPTER III.
Improvement of Karachi; News from Upper Country of the Capture of Ghuznee; Cabool; Coronation
of Shah-Shooja-ool-Moolk as King of Cabool; Sir T. Wiltshire takes Kelat; Return of Sir John Keane’s
Army; Arrival in Karachi; Favorable opportunity; Brilliant Staff; Prince Hyder Khan; Presentation
of New Colors to the 40th Regiment; Departure of the Cabool Army for Bombay; Wreck of H. M.
17th Regt., in the “Hannah”; Dreadful loss sustained by the Corps; Prospects of an Insurrection;
Call upon Brigadier Farquharson to supply Troops; His inability to comply; Dispatch of the Right
Wing 40th; An Afghan’s opinion of European Power; Preparations for March to Tatta; A slight
retrogade step in the story; Embarkation of Troops in the Ship Stalkart, laden with Powder and
Camp Equipage; Alarm of Fire at Sea; Expectation of being blown up; Description of Scene;
Discovery of Cause; Effect Produced; Arrival at Destination; The Murderers of Captain Hand; The
Commander of the Party; A Priest hanged; March of the Wing to Googah. Its beauties; Tatta;
Embarkation in Boats; Arrival at Tatta.
Our lives now became much more at ease at Karachi; daily improvements were making to
perfect the state of the camp; a place for landing was formed on the shore of the creek, and
two small steamers were sent from the Presidency to ply up and down a small river, to
enable the troops to move with greater facility up the country, which almost every day was
now being called for—ships arriving with stores of food, ordnance, troops and equipage,
and adding every thing towards completing the efficiency of the field force; and by the end
of 1839 the arrangements were so much so that Karachi was indeed the key to Sindh. The
natural consequence of these constant arrivals was the circulation of varieties of rumors;
many a time the hundred tongues of a celebrated babbling old lady of ancient days had
destined us to proceed onwards; sometimes we were positively going to Hydrabad; again
it was confidently asserted we were to proceed to join the force before Ghuznee; and
another as positively affirmed that we were to share in the attack upon Kelat; but alas! For
our wayward destiny! there lay the force in Karachi, hearing of wars and rumors of wars,
but living a life of inactive peace on the inhospitable plains of Sindh, surrounded by a
treacherous foe—and more galling still, doomed to hear in rapid succession of the glorious
career of the remainder of the army under Sir John Keane, a few of the Karachi force only
proceeding with him, and returning soon after to relate the fall of Ghuznee, the conquest of
Cabool and Kelat, and the coronation of Shah Shooja-Ool-Moolk as King of Affghanistan;
returning with the glories so much prized by the British Soldier—the victory over an
enemy. There is something particularly envious in the mind of a British Soldier; when he
hears of battle, victory, or exploit, each seems to think he ought to have shared, and are
ever sanguine to join in the efforts to distinguish and uphold the dauntless fame of the
service; they look upon fate to be unkind, in not allotting something for them to do, in
order that they may reap laurels, and be held up as a participator in that strange name,
Glory. Such was the case with the Sindh Reserve Force.

In February, 1840, Karachi showed another, sight; we received intimation that the army of
Sir J. Keane, having completed its operations, was now on its march to embark at Karachi
for the Presidency; the troops soon followed the news (which was brought by the few of
our men who were attached) of their coming. In a few days the town was crowded with the
army, which consisted of a squadron of H.M. 4th Light Dragoons, the 2nd or Queen’s
Infantry, and H.M. 17th Regiment, together with a number of native Corps, the whole
accompanied by the usual numerous host of native servants and followers.
Early in the year the officer commanding the 40th had received a case containing a new
stand of colors for the regiment, and as they still remained unpresented, this was
considered as a most auspicious and fitting opportunity for their presentation, as there
were some very distinguished persons then in Karachi, among whom was Prince Hyder
Khan, the younger son of Dost Mahomed, the dethroned King of Cabool, who was kept
under the protection of Sir John, and is now, I believe, in England for education, whose
presence would certainly add to the appearance and sensation in witnessing the splendid
spectacle.
Sir John Keane undertook the honoring and honored office of presenting the colours, and
on the 16th February the Regiment was drawn up in Review order, and, after having been
inspected by the Lieutenant-General and Prince Hyder Khan, it was formed into three sides
of a square, and Sir John Keane, Prince Hyder, General Wiltshire, and a very splendid Staff,
formed the fourth ; the two senior Ensigns were in the centre of the opposite side, and
somewhat in advance of the line, bearing the two old colours.
The new colours were brought out and consecrated by the Rev. Mr. Burn ell, as is usual in
these cases, who read a history of the achievements of this distinguished old corps, and a
splendid category of noble deeds it displayed. Its renown, begun in Egypt, spread to South
America, and was identified with every glorious battle-field in the Peninsula, the South of
France, and in the Netherlands, ending with that fight, which will never pass from the page
of history, the battle which decided the fate of millions, and restored peace to the world—
the battle of Waterloo. Eloquent as was the language of this pious man, and reverend
clergyman—glorious as was the strain of gratulation in which he spoke—not a member of
the corps then present but felt his heart echo the fervent strain, as he dwelt upon feature
after feature in the history of its long and noble career, and when appealing from the past
to the present, and calling upon those who then composed it to emulate the conduct of
those who had won for it such a splendid reputation, the burst of enthusiastic concurrence
could scarcely be suppressed, and every one on the ground felt that, come when it would,
the trial would not find them wanting, and that the colors, if the opportunity offered,
would be adorned by names as bright and glorious as any in the list the old ones bore
emblazoned on their broad bright folds.
The history having been concluded, and the consecration over, the two junior Ensigns
advanced to the front, the band playing the Regimental March, until they reached the spot
where Sir John had advanced to meet them; and there, whilst the bands played the

National Anthem, Sir John presented the colors to them, the regiment presenting arms and
the officers saluting. So runs the ceremony.
Sir John addressed the regiment in a most kind and affecting manner, pointing out to it the
great and important charge it had undertaken; he related several interesting events in the
history of the regiment, which had come under his personal observation, in engagements at
which he had been present; and stated, in a manner highly flattering to the 2nd Somersets,
that if he had ever again to command a regiment, he did not know any which he could
prefer to the gallant 40th. Having concluded his address, the band again began to play; the
two Ensigns bearing their new colors, took their post in front of the line; the Ensigns
bearing the old and time-honored remnants withdrew with them to the rear, when they
were honorably consigned to the care of a guard, by whom they were escorted to the
Commanding Officer’s tent; the regiment again presented arms, and the officers again
saluted, the band playing the “Point of War,” as the new colors, for the first time, were
waved over the ranks they were speedily to lead on to war and victory.—This truly
imposing and heart-stirring spectacle being past, the interesting ceremony having been
concluded, the parade was dismissed, and the men were dispersed to their tents, with
proud hearts and swelling bosoms, if I may judge of the impression made upon them, by
the feelings which were excited in my own, feeling as I did as a soldier.
To the eye and heart of a soldier, out of the many sights he sees, none can prove more
interesting than the presentation of standards or colors to that corps of which he forms a
part, and does, in the strongest sense, fill him with patriotic feeling such as it is impossible
to describe.
I revert to this ceremony in a greater detail than I had originally intended, because I know
so well the feelings of soldiers on such occasions, and particularly as it is somewhat
remarkable that the corps should be on active service with a set of colors, whose remnant
would scarcely cover a square foot, and, after along sojourn in “piping peace,” should re-
enter on an expedition, receive a new set in the field, and, as will be afterwards seen,
encountered many fights, to add to the many honors already borne on those gained by
their predecessors.
Truly it may be said, they are a mere bauble, but custom creates much inconsistency, and
although the true tenor of the bearing colors in a Regiment is nothing in itself, yet they
contain a history, and a sort of gravity, exhibiting the many series of conquests and trials
which those who rallied beneath underwent, and at once become a monument, and a relic,
and in common with other revered relics, are carefully and warm-heartedly viewed by a
soldier, that determine him to go and do likewise.
Shortly after, a sufficiency of transport having been obtained, Sir John, and the whole of the
field- division of the army of the Indus, embarked for the Presidency. H.M.’s 17th
embarked on board the “Hannah,” and were only preserved from the dangers and
difficulties of their land undertakings, to be exposed to others even more terrific, and

disastrous, at sea, for, on their passage from Karachi to Bombay, they were wrecked, and
lost almost every thing except what they had upon their backs, being obliged to leave the
vessel to its fate. The Prize Master of the Kelat treasure was enabled, by great risk and
exertion, to save some of the more valuable portion, but the men and officers generally
were left in a state of almost destitution, and thought themselves fortunate in being able to
reach Bombay without loss of life or limb. They were picked up by some passing boats; and
one or two officers, who succeeded in saving some clothes, shared with their men. What a
toil after that of so dreary a march as coming from the upper part of Afghanistan! Many of
the men, who had succeeded, up the country, in getting valuables, lost their all, and were
forced to pocket the satisfaction of getting a new supply of necessaries the best way they
could, for truly the compensation granted for the indemnification of a loss to the soldier, is
little compared with the inconvenience and misery endured in such cases.
The compensation granted from government, is far from sufficient to repay the soldier’s
loss; because, in such a case the soldier loses his all, his little collections, either in cash or
curios. His clothing may from care, be superior, or more extensive than the regulations
require, but the allowance to meet the loss barely supplies the stipulated quantity thus is he
left to toil afresh for another stock; the government never consider the privation or
suffering in this case, as it would indeed be expected, but the term duty envelopes all this;
private feelings or suffering, cannot be recognized; it therefore remains for those for whom
we suffer, to sympathize.
But a very short period had elapsed, after the withdrawing of the main army from the
upper provinces, before the chiefs of Belochistan, embittered at the superiority gained by
the British Arms, determined to rise, and, if possible, annihilate the few British garrisons
then holding the different forts, and posts of communication in that region, placed there by
Sir John Keane on his return, to keep the country. The authorities having received
intimation of the proposed outbreak, directed forces from Ferozepoor and Karachi to
cooperate with the garrisons already in- the country, and make preparations to carry on the
campaign on an extensive scale. By the advice of, and in compliance with, the desire of the
Political Agent, Colonel Farquhar- son was called upon to send the 40th Regiment on
emergent service, to proceed in pursuit of Nusseer Khan, son of Merab Khan, Chief of
Kelat, who fell on the storming of that place by Sir T. Wiltshire, but Col. F. found it
impossible fully to comply with the wishes of the political authorities, owing to the very
important station Karachi had become, and which required a much stronger force to retain
it than there was present. But notwithstanding its littleness, he directed the Right Wing of
the 40th to proceed, being one-half of his only European Force—and Europeans do not
figure very small in an enemy’s country, for an Affghan once told me, when asked what he
thought of the Feringees, (Europeans,) that he looked upon an Afghan to be Worth four
Sepahee’s, or Sepoys, (native soldiers) and an European to be worth four Affghans. So
much; for our discipline and courage, which have, many a time made an enemy quake at
even the thoughts of meeting us.

The Right Wing was ordered to Tatta, to embark in boats and sail up to Sukkur. This was,
at all events, a commencement, and promised fairly to be followed up with hard
campaigning. A striking incident happened at this time, which, although it may not
directly be on the journey up the Indus, yet as it occurred prior to the final arrangement for
that expedition, I feel persuaded it will not be considered by my readers unworthy of a
place. A dispatch duty had to be performed to the Presidency, and being done, the ship
“Stalkart” was ordered at Bombay to receive on board a detachment of fifty European
Troops, six officers, two hundred followers, and cargo of camp equipage, and ordnance
stores, including about three hundred tons of powder, for the magazines and stores at
Karachi. We sailed from Bombay, and had been about five days on board, wending our
way through the unconscious world of waters, and stemming the trackless deep most
peacefully. AH was light and comparatively happy; the troops enjoying themselves in the
merry strain of a song, or tale, on deck ; the natives were, as is very common with them,
indulging freely in smoking the hookah and relating their Arabian stories.—The mode of
smoking the hookah is, no doubt, well known: it is, amongst the common classes of natives,
formed of a cocoa nut-shell, many are made of glass, silver, and sometimes gold for the
more affluent, and filled with water, with two holes bored in it; in one is placed a long tube,
on the top of which is a bowl to contain tobacco, and is usually half filled with the weed,
and filled up with red cinders of charcoal, and a small pipe from the other hole enables the
smoker to draw the smoke from the bowl through the water. This certainly makes the habit
a greater luxury, and far more pleasant than imbibing the essence of tobacco directly from
the- crucible, as it were, and it must be confessed, considering our being so far in advance
of Asia, that they greatly excel us in the use of tobacco, purifying it through rose or spring
water, and consequently receiving it cool and free from that oft-complained of burning
effect produced by the use of the common pipe or cigar— not that I recommend the
practice of smoking at all. The natives being such incessant consumers of tobacco it will not
be wondered at, that the accident I am about to relate occurred.
It appeared that, owing to the hurry in stowing, boxes of powder, tents, shot, and
provisions were all placed irregularly together, or rather, not properly separated, and it
happened that one afternoon as the officer whose duty it was to issue provisions, was
getting out more from below, a native close to, let a cinder from his pipe fall down amongst
the powder in the hold—it passed between some of the boxes and could not be seen; an
alarm was immediately raised that fire had got among the powder, and the ship was
expected every moment to be blown out of the water. Every hand was on deck—some
screamed, some prayed; none knew what was best to be done—each looked for that
moment to be his last, and every voice uttered cries of appeal to the Great Giver of life. At
such a- time, or such a crisis, a million thoughts come into the mind. Every cheek lost its
color, and many clung to the shrouds of the ship, unconsciously, as though that was safer
than in the hold itself. There were several females and young children on board, and you
may picture the situation of a mother then. I remember sitting on the step of the gangway,
awaiting the looked-for explosion of the powder, and imploring that mercy so bountifully
promised and held out to us, wondering what had lest be done.—Several minutes elapsed;
it was well known that the powder was covered with pitched canvass, and a wrapper over

that, and it was conjectured that the cinder had fired the wrapper, and that it was making
its way, and although no explosion had yet taken place, it was fully believed one would
very soon. Never was a scene so horribly depicted, or the career of human life so near its
end! it would baffle all possibility to describe it, and I must, therefore, leave it to be
imagined, which no doubt it can be, by my readers, who will naturally like to know the
upshot of the affair. We waited for nearly twenty minutes, when I proposed, nil desperando,
to go down with the Purser, and if possible, discover what was likely to be the result—at
first it was negatived; if a draft was admitted, explosion was certain, but down we went,
and after removing box after box, we discovered the cinder lying on the top of one, and on
examining it, it appeared that when it fell and rested, it (as is usual with charcoal)- became
immediately covered with a white ash, and thus was almost harmless.
I carefully picked up the “leetel“ thing that had caused so much uproar, brought it on deck,
and found even then, on blowing it, that it revived, and was not harmless; but it was soon
hurled overboard, and all hearts leapt for joy. I must say, I was never in so peculiar a
predicament in my life,—that is an acknowledgment, although I have been in several
disasters at sea, for on my first voyage to the East, the unfortunate ship I sailed in, the
“Morley,” was twice dismasted, her provisions short, and all hands on board, for a
considerable time, obliged to live upon salt beef, and water, every other kind of provision
fore and aft, having been consumed—and in all, in addition to being six months and a half
in making the passage from England to Bombay; which on another occasion, in the ship
“Forfarshire,” we effected in less than 100 days—-and the natives, who are naturally black,
most certainly depicted an inclination to change color on this occasion; and it was the first
time I had ever seen a Black nearly white in the face through fear. We, however, soon got
all tranquil, and arrived at the Bay of Minora, and landed at Karachi, with an incident in
each of our lives, never to be erased, at all events, from mine, and I think I can venture to
say the same for the rest.
Before the small force proceeded on the duty allotted them, our authorities had not
forgotten the calamity that befel poor Capt. Hand, and had been using every possible
means to discover the perpetrators of so treacherous a piece of villainy. The Chiefs had all
been warned that unless the fugitives were forthcoming and that soon, that Government
would take other means to find them out. It soon occurred that three of the party were
brought in, and were tried by order of the Ameers of Sindh; and it turned out that the party
who attacked the two unarmed men were six infatuated miserable beings who lived in the
hills, and were part of the Brahoe Tribe; and, as usual, were influenced by their Faqueer,
who commanded and directed the plan of attack. This despicable object of the European’s
wrath was one of the three arrested, and was sentenced to be taken to the spot where he
had-ordered the murder to be committed, and there to be hanged in the presence of the
majority of the troops. And never was the installment of a revenge more welcome to those
present; the wretch himself seemed to think nothing of launching into eternity; the rest
were to work in chains for life. The other three were not discovered, and there is every
reason to believe that they, and other parties of their Tribe, were hired to take every

opportunity of annihilating small parties, as will be seen by the sneaking unmanly tricks
practised on us.
The wing, on the 10th August, 1840, marched for Tatta, via Goojun, which was the first
day’s march, about twelve miles ; the camp was pitched in the centre of a cluster of tall
shady trees, with here and there a large Banyan tree, whose noble arms spread and formed
a canopy for a hundred- it was bordered by a beautiful lake, whose clear and murmuring
streams added much to the pleasantness of the scene, and seemed to lull the soldier to
sleep on his cold and flinty couch of war; the lake hemming in on the one side the loveliest
orchards, and watering the grounds of Goojah, which is the ruin of a once noble place, and
even yet has traces left of its Eastern grandeur, and overhung by the lofty Lucknee
Mountains, that run, intersected with lovely vales, from Dera, Himaylle, and Herat. The
sun seemed to have lost its power, and shone as it were merely to renovate the air, and add
to the magnificence of the view around, which would have done justice to the most choice
portfolio. But whatever the beauty, or however satisfactory to the mind, the thing is but
momentary; it passeth, and the campaigner must move on, hoping for change to meet his
wishes, and lend its aid to make each scene as lovely as those already thought so; for in
such as that first day’s march would make one say, we’d like, “To live and die in scenes
like this, with some we’ve left behind us.”
Here, however, as is almost universally the case, it may be truly said, that God made the
country and man the town. A more wretched, miserable, and filthy combination of
miscalled dwellings, it has never been my lot to see; no, not even in Interior India, that
region of miserable villages. I left this spot the following day with a silent but heartfelt sigh
of regret. About one p. M., on the 15th, we arrived at Tatta; the roads were good but the
way was long, and the sun’s power intense. Just before we reached the place of
encampment many became exhausted from over fatigue and from the effects of the sun’s
overpowering rays: numbers fainted; many became sick; and all suffered more or less. This
harassing march was fortunately the last we had to undertake, for some time at all events,
us on our arrival at Tatta we found three small steamers, and a number of boats waiting in
readiness to convey us up the Indus, and we embarked on board them, the same day.
Captain Boscawen, and his company, in the steamers, and the other companies under the
command of Capt. Adamson,

CHAPTER IV.
Tatta; Its appearance from the Indus; The River Indus; Its Inundations, like the Nile; Danger of
being overpowered by the Current; Whirpools; Curious modes of Swimming and Navigation;
Description of Jerrick; Dreadful Catastrophe; Burning of Dr. Hibbert and two others, British
Officers, by Firing the Jungle; Impossibility of Escape; Surmise as to cause; Shikarees or Hunting
Grounds of Ameers of Sindh; Appearance of Hyderabad from Indus; Lucknee Mountains; Pleasure
Boats of the Ameers; Description of Workmanship; The Ameers of Sindh; The Power and Scource of
Revenue; Lake of Harran; Larkana; Arrival at Bukkur; Conjunction of Troops; Description of
Sukkur; Fortress of Bukkur: Its Situation and Employment; State Prisoners; The Prince of Shawl
and Grand Vizier of Kelat; Strict Guard on them; Their Treatment and Allowances; Short History of
the Prince; Release of the Prisoners; Their Employment by Government; Ross Bell, Esquire, Political
Agent; Captain Bean; Defeat of Lt. Clarke’s Force; His Death; Dreadful Loss of Stores, &c.; Awful
situation of Troops in Sukkur; Preparations for War; Press for Cattle; Effect of the appearance of
British Troops; March of Troops to Shikarpoor; Equipment of the Force; Appearance of Shikarpoor.
Tatta is built upon the site, and contains many striking remains of a city of ancient
grandeur, particularly a large round mausoleum, which stands near the centre of the city;
several ancient temples, although now partially in ruins, are still beautiful, and exhibit
many splendid specimens of skill in the art of sculpture. These temples are built of brick,
and covered with a sort of glazed or enameled square earthenware material, of different
designs, and though rude, their decorations show evidently that much labor was bestowed
upon them. The larger dwellings are built also of brick, but the workmanship very so so;
the smaller dwellings are, as elsewhere, of mud. This was the last city taken by Alexander
when he invaded that country.
The fact of the earthenware being enameled, struck me that the art existed at a much earlier
period than may be at first supposed ; and the designs introduced were very similar to
ours. Blue, green, and red, were the principal colors used; and their style of gilding,
although inferior to those of finer European taste, is really most delicately carried out. Their
general ideas of drawing are coarse, and amount to a daub, having no idea of perspective.
The bricks are commonly sun-dried clay or mud, mixed with chopped straw, and are about
eight inches square, and two or three thick. Wood, though small, abounds here; and the
natives are principally Murrees.
The general appearance of the town is noble, and even elegant when seen from a distance,
but when its realities are “oculis subjecta fidelibus” that impression rapidly fades away, and
the whole place is seen to be disfigured by the filth, wretchedness and poverty of its
interior, which may be considered as a reason for the virulence of the attacks of cholera and
fever, to which this town in common with many others is subject. The 26th Native Infantry
were stationed at Tatta, during the time we suffered from the cholera at Karachi, and
dreadful were the ravages committed among them by that fell disease; it was reduced to a

perfect skeleton, and was removed to enable the number to be again filled up. I found,
upon enquiry that trade at this time was in a flourishing state at Tatta, and the traffic up
and down the Indus very extensive, it being generally considered as the mart of the Indus.
Our sail from Tatta to Sukkur, in the boats, occupied twenty-eight days; there were twenty
men in each boat, and they carried thirty days’ rations each, in the same boat with
themselves.
The Indus is in many parts very wide, and in others very narrow, and it has many
tributaries, some of them being very noble streams. The Indus, like the Nile, is subject to
periodical over flowings, which are looked forward to with great anxiety by the natives,
and revered with a feeling nearly allied to veneration. This inundation is the most apparent
cause of the vast inequalities in the width of this mighty river, as the weight of water
frequently so much weakens and emaciates the banks that they fall into the channel in vast
masses, and are afterwards rapidly swept away by the strength of the current, which in the
summer season is very great, when the whirlpools are very numerous, and very
dangerous, sweeping away in their vortex the ablest and strongest swimmers; inevitable
destruction is the certain consequence of being once caught in the range of their centripetal
force. As the whole of many parts of the country are entirely overflowed, the natives have
to remove, and return when it has subsided.
Alligators and porpoises are very numerous, and attracted a great deal of attention during
this long voyage.
The various modes of native navigation are very curious, and to strangers would seem
particularly dangerous, from the vast swarms of alligators to which I have alluded, but I
did not learn that accidents often happened from their extraordinary aquatic tactics; one
plan is to take the skin of a sheep or goat, as whole as possible, and making it into a bag,
which they ingeniously contrive so to stitch that it is completely air tight, and which is
inflated when required for use. It is then laid on their breast, and the two fore legs are
brought round and fastened together behind the neck; in like manner, the two hind ones
are passed round the waist and tied behind the back, the basket or parcel which they carry
is fastened either to their shoulders or fixed on their turban, and they then lay themselves
down upon the water, and propel themselves by their arms and legs at a very rapid rate.
This mode of travelling is common to the couriers, the fishermen, and even to those who
may occasionally require to cross the river. There is another plan equally strange and more
surprising to the European traveler, which is by means of a large earthenware vessel of a
globular form, with an opening at the top; the traveler places this primitive argosy with the
opening against his chest and the air contained within it, as sufficient to bear up him and
his fishing net, and he boldly swims or sails—I know not which to call it—up and down the
river, propelling himself by his legs, and casting his net most dexterously. I have seen few
things any where which more excited my wonder than these two extraordinary floats, or
buoys, —for they are nothing more,—and the ease and rapidity with which the navigators
darted from point to point was truly wonderful, particularly to the stranger. The natives of

the east are most certainly a clever race, and require but to be cultivated in the higher
branches of art, to make them eminently so. There is one general feeling I ever observed
amongst them—which is, they seldom can be prevailed upon to alter their old plans,
although it may be in the clearest possible manner proved to them, the great advantage to
be derived from a change—for instance, in cleaning their grain, they never thrash it;
because custom says, let the oxen tread it out,—and they still uphold it—and innumerable
other things, of which I shall say more anon—they adhere most devotedly to the laws of
Moses.
We passed Jerrick, or Dhyjrik, which stands on a rock, facing the river, and presents a very
formidable appearance—this place recalled the melancholy fate of three officers of the
grand army, when stationed here, in 1839. They went out on a shooting excursion, and got
into the jungle; they had penetrated a considerable way in, and found themselves
completely hid in the underwood and bushes; they suddenly saw a large broad sheet of
devouring flame, sweeping onward in the direction in which they were, somewhat in the
form of a half-moon, and each moment it seemed as if some gigantic genii of fire were
approaching them, with extended arms, to catch them in their terrible embrace. On, on it
came, cracking, roaring, thundering, and stretching far and near for miles, the extremities
now so nearly meeting each other, and at no distance from themselves, that all attempts at
escape were utterly impossible; in the course of a very short time the flames had entirely
encircled them, and they all fell victims to the devouring elements. One was Doctor
Hibbert, the names of the others I forget. It is unknown if this terrible calamity originated
in design or accident; we were inclined to think the former, after poor Hand’s affair, and
knowing the love they bore us; although its rapid progress must have been greatly a
increased from the long droughts and intense heat which had prevailed for some time
previously.
The hunting grounds of the Ameers of Sindh, were in the immediate neighborhood of
Hyderabad, to which we were now rapidly approaching; they are walled for upwards of
fourteen miles, lie close to the Indus, and abound in game, being preserved by keepers,
called Shikarees, much in the same way that these matters are managed in England. I am
happy to say, however, that game laws there are very different from those which in Britain
are the fertile source of so much cruelty, tyranny and crime.
There is something magnificently sublime in the panoramic scenery of Hyderabad and its
environs, where we arrived without accident. We passed close under the termination of a
lofty range of mountains which reach to the banks of the river, on the summits of which
stand several splendid mausoleums or tombs of the great, the warlike, and the noble! Their
lofty magnificence, at such an elevated position, made them appear to be strikingly grand
to the admiring traveler, and renders them an interesting picture from whatever point of
view they may be observed.
The noble and sublime mountains sweep away far as the eye can trace their swelling
mound on both sides of the river; they are intersected by many roads and plains. On the

bank of the river stands a range, known as the Luckuee Hills, over which Sir John Keane
led his forces; and a painful, wearisome, tedious, and dangerous march it was, the road
being long, steep, and narrow; its summit could not be less than 1200 feet above the water.
And the road which wound about its sides seemed like some great serpent crawling up its
almost precipitous slopes. The pleasure boats of the Ameers are kept in little covers near
this place, and being built in a very curious and highly ornamented style; give a very
flattering idea of the taste and skill of the artificers. They are built similar to our ancient
state barges, and the workmanship exhibits the great patience they are endowed with. A
considerable portion of the work in the saloons is perforated, and whole doors, windows,
ceilings, are formed of carved wood, in small pieces, perhaps not more than an inch and a
half long, some not a quarter the length, ingeniously joined together, without the aid of
composition or glue, other than the fitting of the joints ; the carving is extremely delicate,
and must have taken an immensity of labor and time; besides, the tools they work with are
so rude; seldom indeed, do we see a carpenter with more than three or four coarse chisels,
a saw, and an adze, which is also his hammer.
The Ameers govern the whole of Sindh, and the larger proportion of Belochistan, and
derive their revenue from an impost laid upon the possessions of every individual in their
widely extended domains; this impost appears to be very oppressive, and also very
rigorously exacted. There are eight Ameers, brothers, Meer Shadad Khan, Meer Hosein AIi,
Meer Nusseer Mahomed Khan, Meer Mahomed Khan, Meer Sobdan Khan, Meer Roostum
Khan, Meer Ali Morad Khan, and Meer Shere Mahomed Khan. These brothers are divided
into the various portions of Territory, having one Rais or head, to whom they look up as
arbiter, but they are continually at loggerheads, owing to jealousy in their divisions of
power; the turban or crown being allotted to one by right, and the chicanery practiced by
these Ameers, or Lords of Sindh, will be more fully pointed out in the concluding portion
of this narrative, when I have to speak of the conquest of Sindh, in 1843, who resided in
and near Hydrabad, in all the luxurious indolence which is so characteristic of the Eastern
regions.
After leaving Hydrabad we came to Sehwan, which is in no wise distinguished from the
generality of Sindhian towns; its market was abundantly furnished with excellent fish,—
and its trade seemed to be in a flourishing state. After a few hours sail up the river from
this place, it opened into a wide expanse, which is called the Lake of Harran —another of
these delightful spots the eye loves to rest upon, and the memory to recall; as we sailed
along, its lovely banks rose at first beautifully, and then as they receded into the distance,
swelled magnificently until the clouds of the horizon seemed to rest upon the bright clear
outline of the deep blue summits. The breeze from the shore came redolent, and laden with
the perfumed sweets of the wild violets and the indigenous roses; the melodious warblings
of the singing birds, as they hopped from sprig to sprig, among the thick branches of the
gigantic forest trees which formed the undulating foreground; the waving play of the lofty
cedars as they gracefully yielded to the gentle breeze, just permitting the azure tints of
heaven sometimes to gleam between them, and gleaming from point to point, the dazzling
tints of the bright and refulgent sunbeams, lent a charm to this lovely spot, which fixes it on

the mind as one of those efforts of nature, which are created to be once seen, and never
forgotten,
We passed on to Larkana, a place of extensive trade, and in which is held a noble bazaar,
and is a mart for all the surrounding country. We made no stay here, but started on to our
destination, Sukkur, which we reached on the 13th of September, heartily glad to know
that, for the present at least, our voyage was at the end, for although the banks of the Indus
are marked by many and great beauties, the intense heat of the sun, from whose scorching
rays we were defended only by a matting roof, prevented us feeling the delight we should
otherwise have had in beholding them. Our boats too, being very small and uncomfortable,
did not tend to make the passage more convenient or agreeable. On our arrival we found
that the two companies which had preceded us, had all arrived safely, and re-union with
them was a source of mutual satisfaction. Our number of sick was now very small, and the
prevalent disease was fever, from which India is scarcely, if ever, free. A few days was
quite sufficient to render the right wing, now wholly engaged at Sukkur, perfectly efficient
for field service.
Sukkur stands on the left bank of the river, Roree on the right, and the fort of Bukkur
stands on a small island almost amid channel, and between the two other towns ; access to
this fort is sometimes, owing to the force of the current, very difficult, if not altogether
impossible. It is a very desirable position, and, garrisoned by Europeans, is quite capable of
offering the most complete resistance to any native force; it had, therefore, been established
as a complete arsenal for the accommodation of our forces, and at that time contained an
immense store of ordnance, provisions, ammunition, and other apparatus of war. And
what was still more necessary, a very large amount of treasure— that oil, without which
the wheels of any machine, however perfect it may otherwise be, will not long continue in
working order. It also contained the State prisoners, the Prince of Shawl, and the Vizier of
Kelat; the former was taken prisoner when leading his troops to the assistance of the chief
of Kelat, and the latter at the storming of that place by Gen. Wiltshire. These being two very
influential persons in Belochistan, their safe custody was of very great importance to the
British Government, and they were, therefore, kept in close arrest. As in one or two
instances lately, means had been found to forward letters and even weapons to them, by
their friends outside, the charge of them was transferred to the Europeans, with strict
injunctions that they should be strictly guarded and closely watched, for which purpose
two sentries simultaneously mounted guard over them every two hours, with imperative
orders that they must never both have their eyes off them at the same moment, that they
were to accompany them whenever they moved, and never permit them to make use of
any writing materials whatever, or to retain in their possession any knives or any thing else
which they could in any manner render available to effect their escape. They were at first
allowed one and a half rupees, equal to three shillings each per diem, for their subsistence,
but after a time, the allowance was reduced to one and a half rupees for both, which at best,
was certainly but a sorry allowance to maintain the dignity of princes, prisoners though
they were.

They used occasionally to receive small presents, such as a telescope or other small articles
of that description. They each had one, and were agreeably surprised at their powers, as
they sat and viewed from the fortress the boats coming up the Indus; and more than once
has the Prince expressed his anxiety to see Lonedone (London,) which he used to say must
be very great.
The prince of Shawl at length became so familiar with our men that he learned to speak
tolerably good English. I gleaned from him that he was a great warrior; he showed to me,
and to many others, eight wounds which he had received in different battles in which he
had been engaged, with several hostile tribes. The last was through the hand, from a
musket, in a combat near Kelat. He told me, also, that he had a son, who was in command
of about 2000 men, formerly belonging to Merab Khan.
Mahomed Hassan, the Vizier, who bore a very noble and aristocratic appearance, was
tenacous and proud, was seldom seen to speak to any one, and wore a very dignified air.
His beard was long and black. He seemed to pride himself much in his hair, had it often
dyed; his nails were stained red, being a mark of superiority, and, in short, his gait would
at once impress the stranger with his lofty station; he was subsequently released, and sent
on a mission with an officer of our service into the interior of the country; and about the
same time the Prince of Shawl was also liberated, and, having entered into terms of amity
with the Company’s officers, he was appointed contractor for camels and other carriage to
the British troops in Belochistan and Sindh, receiving an advance of 6,000 rupees, to enable
him to carry on his new office, which he managed with great tact and ability. There were
some other subordinate Beloochee prisoners in the Fort of Bukkur, who were afterwards
also released.
The Fort of Bukkur is capable of being rendered one of the strongest in India, and is of very
ancient origin; it is the one mentioned in history as having been taken by Alexander the
Great; but is now, however, fast going to ruin, and some of the walk have actually fallen
into decay.
Roree on the right bank of the Indus, is very thickly populated, and serves as a great
support to Sukkur; it also fell into the hands of Alexander’s pervading power, but was
restored to its people.
The Fort standing on an island in the centre of the river, speaks much of its commanding
situation. It contained several hundred houses, and was capable of affording protection to
upwards of 20,000 people; the citadel was of immense strength, and in itself would contain
a large army.
The Political agent at Sukkur was Ross Bell, Esq., and Captain Bean was his Assistant.
Captain Bean is the officer, who, with his lady, encountered such dreadful hardships
during the siege of the Fort of Kahun, which he so long and so gallantly defended.
Lieutenant Clarke, who was wounded at the time Captain Hand was murdered, a brave,

but unfortunate, young man, was conducting a convoy with succours to Captain Bean,
when he was attacked and overpowered: as soon as he saw himself attacked, he boldly led
on his valiant troupe sword in hand, but, with one or two exceptions, they were all left
dead upon the field, yet not until, encouraged by the valorous daring of the unfortunate
Lieutenant Clarke, they had made a terrible example of their enemies: a solid mass of dead
bodies marked the spot where this heroic young man breathed his last; in the true spirit of
English Chivalry his men fought around him whilst he lived, and covered his remains with
their dead bodies when he was no more.
The weather in September was excessively hot during the day, the thermometer standing
often at 110° and 115° in the shade; but we suffered far more severely at night, for the camp
being between some chalk hills, which, becoming intensely heated by the sun’s rays,
retained them till the evening, when they returned as to the atmosphere, rendering it
excessively close, sultry and oppressive. In these regions the animal frame recovers in the
coolness of the night from the exhaustion of the day; but this unfortunate circumstance
prevented all hope of rest or sleep, and induced such a feeling of languor that our food was
very often left untasted, or taken in pure desperation. An attempt to eat the smallest
portion would at once throw us into a state of the most extraordinary perspiration; to leave
it uneaten, left the un-recruited frame in such a state of weakness as rendered it totally
incapable of performing any of the duties allotted to it. No one could lie down on his
mattress without immediately falling into a state of perspiration, which entirely saturated
his bed and bedding, rendering him obnoxious to the severest cold from the most gentle
breath of air which might pass over him. To make matters worse, at this hot season of the
year, a rash very commonly breaks out over every part of the body, marked by small red
pimples, filled with water, and attended by a very severe and uncomfortable irritation. This
rash is forced out by the great heat, and is sometimes so bad that men who put on a clean
shirt at eight o’clock in the morning, after taking it off at eleven, to change, were in such a
state, from the rash, that large flakes of flesh would come away with it: so dreadfully
painful is the burning irritation of this disease, that men often, although conscious that it is
at the imminent risk of their lives, would go down to the river and sit up to their neck in it,
for the sake of a few minutes of temporary relief.
The political functionaries were unremitting in their endeavors to procure troops from all
points, and detachments were daily pouring into Sukkur; the 38th Regiment of Bengal
Native Infantry arrived on the 9th of October, in perfect field order; the right wing of the
40th that same day received instructions to hold themselves ready for a like duty at the
shortest notice. Sukkur now became the scene of active preparation, and everything now
wore the appearance of immediate war. Some difficulty having arisen in the procuring of
transport, in consequence of resistance having been offered by the native Chiefs of Roree to
the parties sent out to procure camels and carriages, Major Forbes then commanding,
ordered the Grenadier company of the 40th, two companies of Sepoys, and two 6-pounder
field pieces to proceed at two hours notice into the Roree District to enforce obedience and
compliance. The whole party returned the next day, followed by vast numbers of camels,
which, it is presumed, were sent in consequence of the sudden appearance of the British

Troops, for their march scarcely attained the importance of a demonstration, and of
enemies they certainly saw none. My experience in the eastern nations has taught me that
there is something in the prestige of a British Force, before which the bravest of the Native
Troops constantly quail.
Had it been a suite of their own countrymen, who so peremptorily demanded carriage,
doubtless, there would have been much bloodshed, but I have ever seen that when the
British wish to affect an object, they seldom or never fail.
On the 10th of October, the 38th Native Regiment marched from Sukkur under the
command of Capt. Burney, and on the 12th were followed by five Companies of the
Queen’s 40th, under the command of Capt. Boscawen, who was ordered on his arrival at
Shikarpore to assume the command of the whole, as a Field force, having been joined by
about 200 irregular cavalry and two field pieces, then stationed at that place, which was
three days march from Sukkur. Immediately on our arrival active measures were adopted
to organise the whole force into the most perfect and efficient order—each man equipped
for active service, and furnished with extra rounds of ammunition, to be carried in his
pack; his allowance of baggage was reduced to twenty-eight pounds weight, including bed
and bedding. Each soldier carried his kit, weighing about eighteen pounds; his musket on
his shoulder, his accoutrements, bayonet and pouch, containing forty rounds of ball
cartridge—a havre-sack containing his knife, fork and spoon, with sometimes two or three
days’ rations, and also, a tin pot to drink out of; and, in addition to all these, a small
wooden canteen, or round fiat keg somewhat the shape of a Staffordshire cheese, but not so
large in circumference, holding, and to carry, about two quarts of water—a tolerably good
load for a long march.
The general appearance of Shikarpore is very pleasing, but too close inspection shows the
prevailing vices of the country, filth and misery. It apparently carries on a flourishing
trade, and contains a very extensive depot of government stores, for the use of the troops
employed in Sindh, Belochistan, and Cabool. Food was very cheap, and fruit 01 many
kinds very beautiful, and plentiful.
We had here an extensive godown, or store for grain, &c., and owing to the great supplies
brought into this town’s market, our stocks were kept up at a cheaper rate; the plans
adopted by the Indian Government were excellent, and, as practice makes perfect, so did
they improve, although the expenditures from the coffers of the East India Company were
vast indeed. I shall give a brief account of the enormous outlay of several departments,
which will give an idea what the total would be.

CHAPTER V.
Description of a March in the East; Extreme Change of Weather; European Constitution; Young
Officers; Their Praiseworthy Conduct; Preparations for Active Service completed; Departure of
Force; Destination ; Dadur; The Enemy; Nusseer, the Youthful King of Kelat: His Mother, Beebee
Gunjan; His Uncle, Gool Mahomed; Their Efforts to Annihilate Small Forces; Attempt to recapture
Kelat; Lieutenant Loveday, Bombay N. I.; Massacre of his Force; His life ransomed by two Banyans;
Becomes a Hostage; His Treatment; Nusseer’s unsuccessful attack on Dadur; Three times Defeated;
Arrival at Rojan; Fatiguing March across the Desert of Sindh; Confidence of Captain Boscawen in
his Men; Certainty of British Velour; Enemy Encamped on the other side; Arrival at the Spot;
Decampment of the Enemy towards Kunda; Cavalry dispatched after them; Movement of Force to
Kunda; Appearance of the Enemy; Battle; Description of Scene; Private Feelings; General
Acknowledgment; My First Battle Field; Prisoners taken; Arrival of Nawaht Mahomed Shereave;
Sentence passed on Prisoners; Mahomed’s Manner; Anecdote of an English Rifle; Night Alarm;
March to Oodana; Want of Water; Encampment on a Barren Plain.
Having fairly got on the march, it perhaps will not be out of place here to give my readers
an idea of an army on the line of march in the field, in India as it materially differs from
that of one in England, where the soldier, surrounded by countrymen and friends, halts at
some town the same day, weary enough, I dare say; still there is a billet, a bed, and a
comfortable meal, although he has often a long way to go ere he finds out his resting place,
owing to some very great mismanagement in the arrangements of billeting in Europe.
However, the march in the field proves a very different scene. Picture the bustle, confusion,
and excitement of an army on the march, being preceded by the skirmishers and advance
guards, accompanied by the Quarter-Master General, who, in the most systematic manner,
on the arrival at the destined encampment, proceeds to calculate the relative distance
required for each corps and department, and allots it to the parties attached from each
regiment, for their further division. They from practical arrangements, measure the
necessary distance for each individual and tent, marking the spot, and awaiting the arrival,
which quickly follows. The main body reaches the ground, and each corps marches at once
to its quarters. The individual to the site of his palace for the day. Shortly comes the
numerous train of baggage, carried by camels, elephants, mules, horses, asses, bullocks,
carts, &c. &c, many thousands in number, and followers far exceeding the number of
troops. The followers attached to the various portions of baggage proceed at once to their
spots of ground. The tent and its baggage arrive together, and all is prepared to “Pitch
Camp.” A signal is given, and as if it were by magic, a town, a fort, and a strongfold is
formed in a few minutes. Guards are mounted, pickets arranged, and sentries placed, and
all is quiet and settled for the day. The Commissariat proceeds to kill the cattle, and issue
the provisions. The baggage cattle are all sent out to graze under strong guards. The
bazaars (one to each corps) open their stores of merchandise, and expose it for sale, at an
enormous and extortionate profit, of which I shall speak more fully in some future chapter.
The authorities at the head are engaged in the arrangement of the objects in view;
emissaries are sent out; chiefs are received and negotiated with for the supply of

provisions; the weary soldier, after smoothing down for his domestic comfort his parlour of
twenty-one inches by six feet, lulled by the aid of that refreshing genius, sleep, beguiles the
long dreary hours of the day, filled with anxiety, and overpowered oftentimes with the
intense heat, rendered more so by the trifling protection under canvass- At length comes
the night, and every precaution having been taken, all is prepared for a fresh start, the
cattle are placed in front of their tomorrow’s load, each soul devolves into that earthly
heaven, which soon relieves the mind from the world’s anxiety and care; at the dead of
night is heard the trampling of the patroles carefully visiting the guards and piquets, and
the reliefs cautiously challenged by the watching sentries. And shortly after midnight are
heard the shrill trumpets and bugles arousing the tired soldier from the midst of; perhaps
dreams of the happy hours of boyhood and home. The sound carries with it a volume of
directions; and in a few minutes all is again confusion—yet regularity is there; all on a tip-
toe of bustle—yet all is steady, and each at his place. The camp appears as one blaze of fire
from the darkness of the night, and bushes or piles of brushwood collected, being fired to
give light to enable the packing and loading to be carried on; and should you stray a dozen
yards perchance it will take you half an hour to find your place again. And I have often
seen from the dream of the sleeper to the movement off the ground of more than 20,000
souls and cattle, not more than half an hour elapse. Long ere day dawns, all are again on
the march; the keen morning air striking chilly, through the wearied soldier, disturbed
from refreshing sleep, and forced to trudge along an unknown path ; all passes on in
silence, nothing is heard, save the neighing of the horses and the heavy measured tread of
the moving mass of men ; line after line of connected camels and cattle, move on, carefully
guarded and guided by the troops and followers, each eye heavy from broken rest, and
looking anxiously for the opening of the distant horizon to admit the day, and distribute
the welcome rays of the sun, which at first are pleasant in the extreme, but ere a few hours
are passed, become even more oppressive than the midnight air. All this it is which has so
much astonished the natives of distant lands, and placed our system at the top of the tree.
Within a few days the weather had undergone a very complete change, the mornings and
evenings were so cold that our wooden canteens, when we arose at day break, were
covered with, I had almost said a thick coating of ice; the mid-day sun was just as hot as
ever, and the extreme transitions were very trying to the European constitutions, although I
have no doubt even this extreme degree of cold was not without its attendant advantages.
I have often been surprised, when on service, to behold how the officers, particularly the
younger ones, endure the hardships and privations to which they are often and suddenly
subjected: many of them are carefully and tenderly nurtured to within a few months of the
period, when they may be all at once deprived not only of the luxuries, or comforts, but
even of the absolute necessaries of life. The hardships to which the warrior is subject may
be told, but not comprehended by those who have not experienced them, and it has often
been to me a matter of great astonishment that their minds and energies do not quail before
the fearful phalanx of evils, exceeded by none which flesh is heir to. It seems as if nature
rises with the difficulties which present themselves, and by taking arms against a sea of
troubles, end them indeed; but in a very different manner to the rule laid down in Hamlet’s

canon. I, myself, have been as tenderly brought up as most in my class, have been educated
in a manner to teach me to make the best of every thing, and yet at times a leetle inclination
to regret my fate has floated through my mind; I have striven to overcome it, and have
generally overmastered the feeling. But if such were my sentiments, is it not wonderful that
those who felt, and must have felt, their physical privations to be greater than I felt mine to
be, should have succeeded? It was truly gratifying to see how cheerfully our officers-
submitted to that same measure of comfort which was allotted to the men; cheered by their
example, the best effects resulted, and the soldiers, prompted by the zeal and energy of
their officers, set to their toilsome duty with earnestness and good will, and discontent was
lost in the eager hope to be among the first, whether on the battle plain or mounting the
imminent deadly breach.
Every preparation being now perfect, we were in hourly expectation of immediate and
active service, which we were taught to expect would be severe, and most certainly our
anticipations were not belied. On the morning of the 16th we accordingly set forth, our first
destination being Dadur, a temporary fort,in which Sir John Keane had left a small
garrison, our direct progress to which, as will be seen, was however casually delayed. To
understand the cause of the sudden movement it will be necessary to digress a little from
the thread of my narrative.
Nusseer Khan, son of Merab Khan, the chief of Kelat, who fell in the defence of that place,
was a youth of sixteen years of age, and had been placed by his mother, Bebee Gunjan,
under the guardianship of an uncle, Gool Mahomed, who having been, with the rest of the
family, driven out of his possessions at Kelat and its vicinity, acting under the advice of his
uncle and guardian, as well as his mother and the other chiefs, who continued to share his
fortunes, had resolved to take up arms, collect all his followers, and endeavor, if possible,
to restore the fallen fortunes of his house. He proceeded to attack the British out-posts, and
had resolved, if possible, to cut them off in detail, hoping by this means to clear the country
of its unwelcome invaders. He had gathered a force of about 5,000 men, all armed, and
many mounted. His first effort was to retake Kelat, which had been left with a very weak
garrison—one company of Sepoys, commanded by Lt. Loveday, 6th Bombay N.I. Though
up to the moment of attack, everything seemed peaceable and quiet in Kelat, the arrival of
Nusseer Khan and his forces was the signal for a general revolt:—every British soldier was
slaughtered on the spot, and Lieut. Loveday was only saved from the same horrible fate,
because, if preserved, the chiefs thought that he might hereafter prove a valuable exchange,
and, moreover, great intercession was made for him by two Banyans;2 he was, however,
detained as a prisoner, closely watched, and ignominiously dragged about from place to
place as a spectacle. seer’s next object was to destroy Dadur; for this purpose a large
proportion of his force, which was daily increasing, took up an excellent position, about
two miles from the fort, and immediately commenced the siege. Three times had he tried to
take it by assault, and as many times had he signally failed. Three hundred British troops
2
A Banyan is a man of peace. He deals in every kind of merchandise, and is generally a Hindoo. The Banyans
are always exempted from taking up arms.

were sufficient to repel every attack of his numerous hosts, and the siege was turned into a
blockade, and they succeeded in cutting off all supplies, as well as preventing the
transmission of any correspondence, either to or from the fort. At length the commanding
officer succeeded in forwarding, in safety, a dispatch to the political agent, Lieutenant
Postens, then at Shikarpoor, requesting him to send immediate help and supplies to Dadur.
It was in consequence of tin’s requisition that we received our sudden but not unwelcome
route. Nothing is more agreeable to a soldier than variety—give him a change, and he cares
for no more.
We left Shikarpore on the 16th; on the morning of the 17th we reached Rojan, an extensive
village bordering on the Desert of Sindh, known as the Gundavie run, which next
presented itself to us; and news was received by Postens that the enemy were encamped on
the other side at a place called Bushera. The distance across this wild expanse of dusty,
drifting, stormy plain, was by the nearest cut forty-five miles, and we had then marched
seventeen, notwithstanding our commander called our attention to the service required at
our hands; and although it was contrary to his wish to harass his men by forced marches,
yet he felt sure that every heart would leap with approbation when he informed us that our
enemy was so near, and that it was necessary for the safety of our comrades stationed
beyond them, to at once remove the insurgents; why needed our captain for one moment to
imagine a single instance of unwillingness ?—it was doing an injustice to the brave heart of
a British soldier, for had the distance been thrice multiplied, and he called upon to go, who
dares to question our acquiescence ? None will, and with such a commander too as Capt.
Boscawen, I firmly believe that had difficulties of the most intense nature presented
themselves, calling upon them to proffer every heart, aye,—and had each had a hundred
hearts, all would have been devoted to him and his cause. So on the evening of the 17th, we
commenced the march across the barren plain, light as air,- and as no water was procurable
on the road, each man replenished his canteen, and several camels were laden with
mussocks (leather bags) filled for our use. The night fortunately was illumined by a
beautiful moon, whose rays aided our guides to navigate the trackless space, and our
march passed off in comparative quietude, and about noon, on the 18th, having reached
the desired spot, we discovered that the enemy had left a few hours ago, evidently having
been aware of our approach; we found their fires yet unextinguished, and the natives of the
village reported that they had proceeded to Kunda.
Capt. Boscawen immediately dispatched our cavalry to dislodge them if possible, and
further because Bushara produced very little water, not sufficient even for the infantry, for
we had to dig small holes, and filter the muddy water through towels, and drink it as thick
as milk with clay. And after a march of seventeen miles, succeeded immediately by forty-
five more without rest, it need hardly be commented on by me, the exhausted state of the
troops, who had scarce half pitched their tents when every eye was closed in sleep, save the
sentinels, who were relieved every hour, to enable them to gradually refresh themselves
with rest.

If any of my readers have ever been really fatigued, weary, and nature almost exhausted,
they can easily enter into the feelings of this little band; and it is only those who have
experienced these trials, who can truly appreciate the sufferings of those thus situated; it is
all very well to undergo trial and privation, when there is a source from whence you can
back it up with refreshment and care, comforted with friends and home, but when the
same prospect is before you again and again, without comforts, it is then the soldier feels
sympathy of the smallest kind to be great.
On the morning of the 19th we resumed our march for Kunda, not without expectation of
being intercepted by the enemy, who, we had reason to believe, was mustering in strong
force before and behind us. We, however, greatly to our satisfaction, reached Kunda, our
halting place, about nine, A. M., and immediately set to preparing the ground for an
encampment. The guards had just mounted, and we were full of activity in our labor of
love, when our ears were suddenly assailed, and our senses astonished, by hearing the
bugles of the out-posts sound the alarm, instantly answered by those of the main body
sounding the assembly. In a few moments every man had donned his clothes and an
accoutrement, and, having seized his arms, was seen hurrying to the rallying point of his
company. Less time was taken to form and tell off the respective corps than it would
occupy to describe. Well for us it was that we were thus readily prepared, for immediately
we were drawn up, the enemy was in sight, crowning the summit of the hills in front of us,
in considerable strength. The cavalry was dispatched to keep them in check, and the
infantry were moved forward to the strongest position which the suddenness of the attack
would permit us to select. As all the baggage of the detachment was on the ground, the
38th Regiment (Native Infantry) was ordered to form square around it for its protection.
Our right wing was then moved forward to support the cavalry, which was divided into
two divisions of one hundred each. We advanced in double time over uneven and rugged
ground, taking the enemy in front, whilst the cavalry moved by divisions to either flank,
narrowing the space as we approached the enemy, until it became evident to himself that
our intention was to hem him in, and, if possible, to prevent his escape : this brought him
to a pause, and as we advanced very close to his front, the cavalry dashed off into a rapid
charge, and assaulted him on both flanks, and we, of course, not being idle in front, gave
him a much warmer reception than he had anticipated: about one hundred and eighty of
them were cut down; the rest perceiving the fate of their friends, being well mounted, and
doubtlessly deeming discretion to be the better part of velour, instantaneously wheeled
about, and, owing to the excellence of their horses, were soon safely out of all risk of
pursuit, which, owing to our long march, and our ignorance of the face of the country, it
would have been extremely difficult for us to make. We were, therefore, ordered to halt:
five prisoners only were made upon the ground, one of whom, offering considerable
resistance, was killed, his head being struck off; the other four yielded quietly, and we
returned to our encampment. As we re-crossed the field of strife, I counted, and was
obliged, in propria persona, to stride over upwards of fifty dead bodies of the enemy. I stood
for the first time on the field of slaughter, and I think, ages of ages, should I live so long,
would fail to obliterate the sensations of those few minutes. The fierce and angry feelings of
the strife had passed away. I stood upon the ground on which those, I could not call my

enemies, for we had never met he- fore, and who a short time since, had stood in the proud
array of battle, full of hope and full of confidence; and where were they now?—scattered,
dispersed, dead! It is a strange situation to be in, to stand calm, cool and collected, amidst
the dying and the dead, who have fallen by our own hands, and against whom we have
not had one angry feeling, save a country’s right,—and that is much. It is well for us
soldiers that we feel that sensation but once; the constant recurrence of it would unman us
quite.
It is not every one who will confess this, but I think I may venture to say, if every soldier
whose lot has led him into a similar situation, will confess to himself the true sentiment of
his heart, he will I am sure consider with me, as regards the feelings, which is far from
being daunted or overpowered by fear, but nature will give vent at times.
As we halted, to re-form in our original position, previous to our resuming the march to
our encampment, there they lay around us—the scene of death in every direction was
awful: there lay, the young, the brave, the beautiful; the son, the sire, the brother and the
friend: headless—limbless—dead and dying ; some groaning in the agonies of extremity,
and thirst—others, in the last stage of ebbing existence, too weak even to wail, or to
weep,—too exhausted to ask that drop of water which they would have freely bought, had
they the means, with the world’s wealth. This was my first action; wonder not that I
shuddered at the scenes which on every side met my sickened gaze; and wonder not if,
even in the moment of victory, and the excitement of success, I paused to contemplate the
horrors which on every side met my aching sight; fancy not that it was fear—the time of
fear has passed when the first shot is heard: hundreds, thousands, have quailed before the
fight, scarce one has quailed in it. The thunder of the cannon, the roar of the musketry, the
shouts of the combatants, the braying of the trumpets, the rolling of the drums, the
neighing of the horses, and the cries of the wounded and the dying, leave no time for fear.
The excitement of the battle hurries along the coward and the brave: the latter is sometimes
distinguished by his presence of mind. Even in the midst of that fearful scene, a sweet,
delightful vision rose up to mind’s eye, and, as I stood there amidst the mangled and
bleeding bodies of my foes, my feet upon their native soil, death, misery, and desolation all
around me, I could not repress the thoughts which rose to my mind, in deep and (bright
contrast to the sad scene around me, and my mind dwelt in anxious suspense for the future
on the land of my birth, and the home of my childhood. And I could not but feel too, that
for me years must elapse ere that loved scene could again shed its balmy sweetness to greet
my returning footsteps; haply that I was doomed never to see it again, never to meet the
cheerful and happy greetings which ever welcomed my return, even from the short
absence of- my boyhood’s school seasons. If these feelings did obtrude, if they did obtain
the mastery, it must, in excuse, be still remembered that I then stood on my first battle-
field.
We had now leisure to complete our encampment, and to survey the surrounding country.
Kunda was a small town, and at a short distance, which, as well as all the surrounding

villages, we perceived to be almost entirely evacuated; they formed the principal
residences of the force by which we had been attacked, and their ill success was soon well
known in every direction.
In the course of the afternoon a Nawab, a petty Governor, named Mahomed Shereave, of
one of the more distant of the neighbouring villages, and who was an ally of Sir John
Keane, came down to investigate into the affair.. And as we had, during the day, succeeded
in discovering several of the enemy who had secreted themselves in huts in the town, he
immediately proceeded to enquire into their conduct. A small hovel was speedily
converted into a justice hall, and Mahomed sat there, and began to examine and condemn
the prisoners, brought before him, and after mature deliberation he ordered about eleven of
them to be put to death, and this sentence was speedily carried into execution. When the
executions were over Mahomed Shereave offered his services and the aid of two hundred
men to Capt. Boscawen, which were readily and cordially accepted, and it was agreed that
he should accompany us to Dadur on the 22nd.
Mahomed appeared to be a man of letters, and exhibited a degree of dignity and command
not to be resisted by those over whom he exercised authority. His figure was commanding,
his height being over six feet, and his form robust, he was armed with an English
manufactured rifle, a scimitar sword, a solid shield, attaghan, &c. His rifle excited
considerable attention, and many were the surmises as to the manner in which it came into
his possession; there were not wanting many who did not hesitate to attribute to him a
wrongful possession; for although he professed himself an earnest and faithful ally of the
British, still he was a Beloochee, and therefore belonged to a class it was very unsafe to
trust. Several very exaggerated reports obtained currency; some were of opinion that it was
a prize taken from some murdered officer of the British Army, some were charitable
enough to surmise that he might have obtained it by traffic; but the real fact came out at
last, that it had been presented to him by an English officer of the grand army, for some
former services which he had rendered the British force. Our loss in this short but brilliant
affair was one man killed and four wounded; we had also two horses killed. We captured
eighty camels of first- rate quality which were sold, and the proceeds added to the prize
money gained by that action.
The Government being at that time greatly in want of cattle ordered fifty of them to be
selected for the Commissariat Department.
As the night closed in we received orders to sleep on our arm?, and a numerous chain of
sentinels surrounded the camp, as it was the general opinion that the enemy would make
another attack upon us at night. We were not disturbed, and remained recruiting our
strength until the 22nd, when we marched on towards Dadur, via Oodana, and a long and
dreary march we found it to the latter place, where we were to halt; but finding no water
we had to continue our march beneath the burning rays of the sun, until we could meet
with a stream or spring. The heat was so intense that many of our men fainted by the way,
and it was seen that the whole force would have to wait until the evening set in. To march

in the heat of the day is, in India, fatal to many, and it would have been a great risk to
sacrifice the Europeans, on whose intrepid courage every thing in this expedition
depended. About one o’clock, P.M., Mahomed Shereave discerned, in front, a pool of
water; fortunately, indeed, although in the midst of a plain of the most apparent destitution
and barrenness, an immense plain of dried clay—sun-parched, and cracked by the over-
powering heat—was all that presented itself. We, however, soon arrived at the spot,
pitched our camp, and halted until the next day. And glad indeed we were.

CHAPTER VI.
Another Retrograde Movement; Interesting Account of one of the Banyans, who ransomed the Life
of Loveday; Curious Discovery in the Merchant; Sudden Metamorphosis into a young Englishman;
A brief History of his career; March to Kotra; Re-appearance of the Enemy; Straggling Shots; 25th
Regt., N. I., left at Kotra; Welcome of the Force at Kotra by the inhabitants; Havoc made by the
Insurgents; Situation of Kotra, with the Gundavie Pass; A Blockade; March to Sunnee; A Night’s
March; Distressing Route; We reach Seran; Mysore; Departure; Sudden Route; Arrival of
Dispatches from Dadur, announcing a Grand Attack on the 2nd November; Necessity of a
Reinforcement at Dadur; Dreadful situation of Troops; Seven weeks on sentry; Orders to force
march to Dadur; Detention of Couriers for Guides; The Mysore Puss; Midnight; Description of
Pass; Previous Position; Sudden Alarm; Suspicions of Treachery ; Route Intercepted; Discovery of
ravine flooded; Impossibility to proceed; Night 1st November; Interrogation of the Guides; Their
protestation of innocence; Another very long Route discovered; Determination to proceed; Troops re-
formed; Serious reflection; Miseries of the night; Credit due to the Native Troops; The break of day;
Poor progress made; Energetic advancement; Determination to accomplish; Dadur in sight; And
happy welcome.
One of the Banyans who ransomed the life of Loveday for 2,000 rupees, was a young
Englishman, an outline of whose extraordinary adventures I must give here, in order to
simplify my tale. He resided in Kelat, in the character of a Hindoo dealer, unknown to all,
and finding that an insurrection was rising, which would most probably result in the
massacre of Loveday and his men, he waited upon him, still disguised, and informed that
officer of the rumors afloat; the officer treated the humble Hindoo merchant, as he thought
him, with contempt, and rebuked his audacity for even hinting at such a matter. M.
remonstrated in vain, and at length left Loveday; but next day visited him in another form.
After a few words on the subject, M. addressed him in English, to the great astonishment of
the officer, and at length matters were disclosed. And although it was then too late to
prevent the unfortunate result that happened, still he said that it was agreed to ransom his
life. He informed him that he was not known as an European, or he should most certainly
share the same fate—and that it was his intention to proceed down the country to the
Presidency, there to arrange his own matters with the Government, in whose secret employ
he had been for some years. Lieutenant Loveday gave him a letter to Captain Bean, then
resident Political Agent at Quetta, about ninety miles distant, which place he would have
to pass.
It appears that this young man, in the earlier part of his career, enlisted in the Artillery of
the East India Company, remained a few years with them in Bengal, and acquired an
extensive knowledge of the manners, customs, and various languages of the natives of
Hindostan, but, from some unexplained reason, became dissatisfied with his position, and
ran off. He made his way, in the character of a native, for many hundreds of miles, towards
the Seikh country, entered the service of Runjeet Singh, but soon after left it, and then
commenced a tour in the passes and mountains along Hemaylee and Bameau, to Bokhara,

begging his way as a “Faqueer.” This seemed his delight, and he made some excellent
researches, being a tolerably well educated man, and kept a note book in short hand, as in
his travelling character he could not carry an extensive office. In 1836, when Sir Alex.
Burnes was Envoy to the court of Cabool, and passing that way, he thought it would be as
well to make himself known to Sir Alexander, who entered minutely into his affairs,
examined his reports of the country, and after a strict interrogation into other matters, was
highly gratified with the information he received. The consequence was, that he remained
for some time with the Baronet, who wrote to the Presidency, forwarding his opinion, and
obtained for him a pardon for his misdemeanor, and a salary of 400 rupees per month, to
continue his travels, and reconnoitre the country for the benefit of Government, on which
mission he left Cabool to proceed towards Herat and Persia. It so happened that on the
road to the latter place, he was attacked by sickness, and lay ill for some time, and after his
recovery was detained a close prisoner for a very long period. Now, about this time a
report was rife that the Russians were likely to attempt to invade India, via Herat, through
Affghanistan, and Sindh—what an absurd idea 1—and shortly after this, the affairs which
compose my chapters occurred. All this time nothing is heard of him, further than reports
are received that he is in Russia, Bokhara, and the surrounding countries, and in
consequence of his, probably somewhat indiscreetly, discontinuing to correspond with
Government, it was suspected that he had engaged with the Russians, and was acting as a
spy for them. This impression was intimated to all the political authorities about, and all
were on the alert; nothing more was heard of him until the disclosure made by him to
Lieut. Loveday, who I mentioned as having given him a letter to Captain Bean, which letter
was nothing more nor less than an order to arrest him as the Russian spy, which Captain
Bean did; but he succeeded in refuting the foul imputation, and being released at once, he
proceeded down the country towards Bombay, called at the different posts occupied by the
British troops, and amused the messes and men with most interesting details of his really
hazardous undertakings. This I had from his own lips, and, but that it would digress too
much from my story, and would take up too much space, I would say more, but perhaps I
may at some future period, and more so, if I thought it would at all add to the amusement
of my friends. He, however, reached Bombay in safety, was received most graciously by
the authorities there, and appointed to a situation sufficiently lucrative to enable him to do
well; he was also appointed a member of the Royal Asiatic Society. He is now in Europe,
and has figured highly in the literary world, since his return.
We resumed our march, our halting place being appointed at Kotra, which we reached
without much inconvenience, except a few random shots fired at us by a flying enemy,
who hovered around our front and flanks; but as we had sent out a strong party of active
skirmishers, we kept them at a respectful distance, and moving steadily on, entered our
place of encampment, little delayed by their unwelcome attention, and with no loss. On our
arrival at Kotra, we found orders awaiting us, desiring that we should remain there until
joined by the 25th Native Infantry, and two field guns, under the command of Major Smea,
who made his appearance with his forces on the 24th.

We found that an attack had been made on the fort of Kotra by the enemy, who retired on
our approach, having first, however, plundered and destroyed the place, leaving the
inhabitants totally destitute of the most common necessaries of life.— The inhabitants
welcomed our arrival with every demonstration of joy and gladness, kneeling and lifting
up their hands to hail our approach, and to implore our protection. We had come too late;
the wolf had fled with the lamb, and pursuit would have been fruitless.
On the 26th we again set forward, leaving the 25th Native Infantry, and the two guns to
defend the place, being a position of importance, as it was situated only six miles N. E.
from the entrance of the Gundavie Pass, which lies between very lofty and rugged
mountains, and it was not unreasonably supposed that the enemy had wisely secured that
narrow, and easily defended defile, where he could with little effort, and less risk, offer a
most effectual bar to our further progress in that direction; and as our force was so small
that it would have been almost madness on our part to attempt to force it, it was resolved
that we should proceed by another and a more circuitous route, leaving the forces named,
at Kotra, to prevent the enemy from leaving the Pass, should they be posted there.
We proceeded to Fort Gundavie, and afterwards continued our march to Sunnee on the
29th: this march was very harassing; we moved all night, a distance of eighteen miles,
through a narrow defile in the mountains, and, shortly after day-light, when we expected
to be at our encamping ground, we found we had to traverse five miles of a hot, dry, arid
plain, covered with loose stones, such as the English roads are paved with. It is almost
impossible to describe the fatigue of such a journey, to men who had marched without any
refreshment whatever. The men and cattle were quite knocked up, after having gone
twenty hours in heavy marching order. On the 29th we proceeded to Seran, another long
march of seventeen miles, but not so harassing as the last, because the roads were much
better than those we had travelled to Sunnee.
It may be easier imagined than described—the condition one would be in to travel across a
road like that to Sunnee, a vast plain of loose stones presenting itself, and no alternative but
to traverse it, with tender feet, from excessive marching, and fatigue from loss of rest; but it
is impossible to know what can be done, until tried; had it been kid out to me what I have
undergone by way of fatigue, I could never have been brought to think nature could
overcome it; it is well we don’t know what is before as.
On the 1st November we arrived at Mysore j as it was a short march of about six miles, we
were there about seven, A. M., and had a very grateful and refreshing rest. There
Lieutenant Postens received a communication from the officer commanding at Dadur, to
say that the enemy had made another attempt to overcome him, but had failed; he was
anxious for assistance, as he expected that another, and the grand attack, would be made
on the 2nd, and entreated him to urge with all speed to their succour and defence, the
enemy having now very greatly increased in numbers: he also stated that the soldiers in
garrison had not been in bed for seven weeks, and that they were constantly under arms :
and every effective man on sentry, posted double, in order that whilst one watched the

other slept beside him; the enemy so constantly hovering around them that they on the
piquets did not dare to retire to their tents or guard-rooms.
Captain Boscawen immediately issued orders that we should march that evening for
Dadur, and that the Tappals, (Couriers,) who had brought the intelligence from Dadur,
should accompany us as guides for the route, it having been ascertained that they had
come the nearest way. At four, P.M., we commenced our march, and, after having gone
three miles, we entered the Pass of the Mysore, which is also situated between two lofty,
rugged, and craggy mountains, with butting rocks overhanging the narrow way beneath,
threatening death and destruction at every stride : the Pass was so narrow in some parts,
that the camels could not pass along without rubbing against the rocks on either side ; and,
as the shades of evening were now beginning to mantle around the pathway, gloomy, even
at mid-day, our progress was slow, and became almost nothing when the darkness of night
closed around our weary, unknown, and dangerous road.
Oar position was anything but agreeable; we were in an unknown country, led by two
guides equally liable to lead or to mislead us, and within a short distance of a powerful
enemy, from whose attacks we were in no way secure ; if they opposed our onward
progress we were no match for them, aided as they were by their intimate knowledge of
the localities, and we should be totally without the means of resistance, should they assault
us, as it was most probable they would, if in no other way, by rolling down upon our long
array vast portions of the superincumbent rocks, which would be to them a work of little
labour, and to us one of utter destruction.
We had set our lives upon a cast, and we felt we must stand the hazard of the die, for we
had but one path before us, so we boldly kept our onward way, in spite of, though not
inapprehensive of, a fatal result. We were there to face danger, and in good sooth face it we
did, for every deep and heavy measured tread of our advancing force, seemed to shake the
very rocks beside our path, and more than once we were alarmed by the accidental fall of
some previously half detached boulder which came rushing, dashing and bounding down
the steep and rugged rocky precipice.
As we thus pursued our doubtful and weary way unguided, as it so happened, by even
one fitful star, the bugle attached to the advanced guard suddenly and unexpectedly
sounded the “Halt;” and we soon learned that our progress was stopped by a deep and
wide stream of water, which dashed and burst across the road in the depth of the wild
gully we were then descending. This unexpected obstacle, of course, raised suspicion
against our guides; they were immediately stigmatized, and, in our minds, convicted of
treachery, and it was at once concluded that they had brought us hither to delay us, and
thus enable the enemy to act upon us from before and above simultaneously, and whilst
our column was in confusion, more than one voice demanded their instant execution as
spies, and traitors. Lieut. Postens, however, who was very conversant in their native
language, proceeded to examine them, when they positively declared that when they
passed the defile in the morning the water was not more than two inches deep;—it was

now more than ten feet, and had increased proportionally in breadth, and with a very
strong current to boot. They attested the truth of their assertions, by swearing by the most
binding of their oaths, by the stars, and by Mahomet. When Lieutenant Postens found them
thus pledging their truth by the most sacred oaths, he felt half inclined to think with them,
that the flood had been turned through the Pass by the enemy, to prevent our progress,
should we attempt to move towards Dadur by this route, and as it is a national
characteristic to turn the floods of their various streams in many different directions,—and
which to them, owing to the nature of the soil, is not a very difficult task,— this explanation
seemed so much like the truth, that it was resolved to retrace our steps, and by another but
far more circuitous route. We did not abandon the attempt until several ineffectual efforts
had been made to cross the stream; for could we* have succeeded, the Pass would have
given us very great advantages in our attempt to relieve Dadur. The road lay quite close
under the mountains, between which and Dadur, lay the camp of Nusseer Khan, and it had
been chosen to enable us to get into their rear; this would have exposed them to an attack
from the Dadur force in front, and by ourselves from the rear and flanks, by which means
they would have been most certainly entirely defeated, and perhaps totally annihilated.
Our mortification at being obliged to return was very great, for we were at most not more
than six miles from them, when we were thus unwelcomely checked.
Our situation was now one of great and anxious difficulty; we could not safely conclude
what steps to take, whether to turn, or what to resolve upon. In this state of uncertainty,
one false step might prove our destruction; and if the enemy had really turned the water
course across our path, we had reason to believe that they would take equally effective
means to prevent our advance by any other route towards Dadur. The darkness of the
night, and the difficulty of the Pass, had all but destroyed our formations; each soldier had
lost his comrade, and like an ill-assorted pack of hounds, we had no confidence in the
advice of those we knew not. Captain Boscawen perceived this easily-to-be-remedied
difficulty, and ordering the buglers to assemble each company by its own call, order was
very speedily restored. The men thus again surrounded by their old familiar comrades
soon recovered their confidence, and whilst our leaders were anxiously engaged in
discussing the most eligible plan of future operations, the men began to amuse each other
with their reckless wild wit and uncouth practical jokes, thus giving a striking proof that
even in doubt, danger and difficulty, circumstances cannot effectually daunt the heart of
the British soldier, and gives an additional proof that however trying his position, his
courage and resources always rise with the surrounding dangers.
The guides having been carefully re-examined; one still pertinaciously adhered to his
opinion that he could lead us safely to Dadur by another road, and although we were
informed that it would be adding twenty miles to our march, the confident assurance was
received with a truly British cheer, and every man was impatient to proceed.
The buglers sounded attention, the strictest silence was observed, and we received, in short
but clear orders, what would be expected from us, and although we had then marched
sixteen miles in the darkness of night, and over roads of uncommon difficulty, we

proceeded at once to obey. The “Advance,” or rather it should have been the “Retire,” was
sounded about midnight, and we yet hoped to reach Dadur early in the forenoon.
Many an anxious eye was turned to the point from which the day should dawn, as our
small army slowly dragged its weary length along. After some time the moon rose clear
and bright, above the dark outline of the gloomy rocks : her welcome rays shed a bright
beam upon our path, which enabled us to make far better progress than we previously had
done—they gladdened our hearts, and called forth that energy and buoyancy which ever
accompanies the light, and we trudged on with redoubled vigor, enabling us by increased
activity to resist the bitter coldness of the night, which was almost too much for the native
troops, who, however, deserved the highest praise for the courage and exertion with which
they struggled against that which is to them the most unendurable of ills this mortal flesh is
subject to—the night cold.
When the day light broke upon us, and the welcome and cheering rays of the sun began to
glow over the sublime scenery, we were all far better able to encounter the fatigues of our
march, but they revealed to us the unwelcome fact that we had made but little progress.
However, we reached Dadur about eleven o’clock, A. M., on the 2nd of November, to the
great joy and relief of the force, holding possession of the fort. They consisted of a few
companies of native infantry, with four guns manned by native artillerymen, (Golundauze,)
who made speedy arrangements to join us in attacking the enemy, who had so long held
them in durance vile, and whose camp we could see in full preparation for the forthcoming
conflict.

CHAPTER VII.
Preparations for Battle; Energy of the little Drummers; Conjunction of the Darlur Force; Position
taken up by Mahomed Sheresive; Captain Boseawen’s arrangement; Young Malcolm’s Cavalry; The
Advance; Position, and Movements of the Enemy; Discovery of a Trick; Sudden Retreat of the Foe;
Admirable Practice of our Artillery; A Noble Cavalry Movement; The decampment of the Enemy;
Retreat into the Bolan Pass; Vexatious Scene; Advance to the Deserted Camp; Appearance of an
European Tent; Distressing scene; The Discovery of the murdered body of Loveday; His last breath;
His servant; His situation; Story told by him; Brutal treatment; Gool Mahomed, the instigator;
Feelings of the Troops; Two of the Enemy found secreted; Effects of drunkenness; Hints to Soldiers;
Dangerous position; Slight wound; Too much sanguinity at times dangerous; Necessity of implicit
obedience in the Service; Ability of Commanders; 38th Regiment, N. I., left in charge of Prize;
Encampment; Dadur; Its situation with the Bolan; State of the Troops; Burial of Loveday;
Description of British Stronghold at Dadur; The severity of the climate; The effect of the water;
Painful malady; Scarcity of Provisions; Annoyance of the Enemy; Troops always under Arms;
Original recipes for cooking; Precaution of Major Boscawen; 38th Regiment ordered up the Pass is
weather hound.
We were immediately deployed into line, piled arms, and lay down to take a few moments
rest, whilst the plan of operations was discussed by the principal officers. There was not
one in the whole detachment, who would not have slept gladly for a few hours, but an
important task lay before us; at a distance of something less than three miles, the enemy’s
camp was seen stretching from the north to the west. Their forces were drawn out and
preparing to move towards us, and the approaching sound of their torn toms (drums) was
heard; but I doubt if they inspired the courage of the enemy more than they aroused that of
our forces. Britons do not love to be challenged, and it is difficult to restrain their
impetuosity when they behold an advancing foe. At the first sound of their torn toms, our
officer gave orders to our drummers to sound the fall in; and in real earnest the little
fellows laid on, as if they thought victory alone could be won by the energy of their
response.
Anxious as the moment was I could not help recalling to mind Faulconbridge’s Dauphin:
_________ Start
An echo with the clamour of thy drum,
And ev’n at hand a drum is ready braced
That shall reverb’ rate all as loud as thine.
Sound hut another, and another shall,
As loud as thine, rattle the welkin’s ear,
And mock the deep-mouth’d thunder.
Shakespeare : King John.

We were speedily in order of battle, and obtained from the fort, if fort it could be called, the
assistance of the few cavalry attached to their garrison, and two of their guns, the former
under the command of young Malcolm, who was an officer in the service of Shah Shoojah,
and a promising youth he was—and seemed delighted with the prospect of being freed
from his prison, and if possible, giving his oppressors a sound drubbing. We awaited the
slow advance of the enemy with great impatience ; at length their advancing line halted,
and their cavalry moved a short distance to their front, to cover as it were some intended
operation, which seemed to have for its object a more ready communication with the Bolan
Pass, which was somewhat more than a mile to the rear. Orders were immediately issued
to Mahomed Shereave to advance, accompanied by a detachment of infantry, to a small hill
which commanded the entrance to the Pass, and whence he could proceed to attack the
enemy, should he advance, or to annoy him should he attempt to retire into the Pass. The
bugles sounded to the main body the welcome sound to “Advance;” and the object of the
enemy now being evident, as he had brought his cavalry to keep us in check whilst his
infantry,-or rather rabble, secured their retreat by the Bolan Pass, Capt. Boscawen ordered
the artillery to play upon the retreating masses of infantry; at the same moment we
advanced to the attack of their cavalry line, and Mahomed Shereave to that of their
retreating infantry. The conduct of Mahomed’s force was admirable; they took advantage
of the confusion which the hurried retreat of the infantry had thrown them into, and which
was greatly increased by the dense crowd being jammed into the narrow defiles. The
number of dead found after the action amounted to nearly 300, and all in a narrow space;
indeed they were slaughtered in heaps—the dying falling upon the dead!
In the meantime we advanced cheerfully and eagerly, but slowly, towards the line of
cavalry, as we had to cross a plain intersected by deep and strong streams of water, and
broad “nullas,” or ditches, which greatly increased the harassing nature of the ground over
which we had to pass. And as we did, the enemy’s cavalry still continued to retire before
us, at intervals, and very slowly. By the time that we had come within musket range they
perceived that their object had been attained; their remaining infantry had gained the Pass,
and they immediately faced about and fled with the rapidity of a route, leaving their camp
equipage entire, and a large quantity of treasure. It was, however, not without vexation
that we beheld the majority of the enemy we had taken so much pains to get at, thus
scampering off almost unharmed, and unscathed, dashing up the, to us, apparently almost
inaccessible sides of the mountains; our guns played at intervals with grape and spherical
shot, admirably aimed, so as to burst and meet the ascending foe on the sides of the cliffs,
and it was the only satisfaction left us to see them fall by dozens on the explosion of each
shell, as they were driving furiously into the Bolan pass by a route which secured them
from the attack of Mahomed’s cavalry, even had they been strong enough to venture upon
a pursuit, which they were not in anyone particular, principally owing to the long and
fatiguing march which their horses had performed the night before. Our skirmishers, who
consisted of about one third of the Europeans, being called in, and who, we were glad to
find, had met with little loss, and being once more together, our attention was now turned
towards the deserted camp, in the midst of which we perceived a very handsome European
officer’s tent, which had met our gaze on our first set out to wards their encampment, and

which we supposed to be one taken in the overthrow of some small force, which was now
become a daily occurrence. On our arrival at the deserted camp, I with two or three others,
ran immediately to the tent, and alas what a spectacle presented itself! There lay the body
of poor unfortunate Loveday with his throat cut, and who had about that moment breathed
his last. A native boy was weeping across his mangled body, who turned out to be his
servant, the only one allowed him, and that in consequence of his being a Mahommedan,
and who used to cook for him, which none of the Brahoe or Murree Tribe composing the
enemy would. This native, who had faithfully followed and served his master in
oppression as well as in affluence, gave a most melancholy narrative of the treatment of Lt.
Loveday during his career as a prisoner in their hands. We found the body in the tent laid
on a small piece of carpet, with nothing to cover him save a pair of cotton “pajamas” or
drawers. He was barefooted, and his ankles were lacerated, owing to the friction of the
chains then upon him. Two pieces of paper were near him; one was addressed to his dear
sister, and the other, a partly written one, to a friend.
It appeared from the tale told by the servant, that every time the enemy moved their camp,
poor Loveday was placed on a camel, a most uncomfortable beast to ride, and taken with
them, well watched, and often had to walk in the state mentioned, except that his man
sometimes gave him his turban to protect his head from the heat of the sun. Often after
arriving in camp has he been exhibited in the bazaar, and buffeted by new comers of their
tribes, and beaten if he attempted to remonstrate. And often has he expressed a sincere
wish for them to serve him as they did the small force he commanded at Kelat; but as often
they refused, and seemed to take delight in being insolent and oppressive. He uttered
exclamations of delight when he heard the report of the shots from his friends, and his
heart throbbed with joy at the prospect of being so soon amongst them, little dreaming his
fate was allotted, and the assassin in waiting, so barbarously to take his life; for it was
arranged, on the appearance of our forces in the front of Dadur, that should they prove
victorious, Loveday should be killed; but the servant stated positively that Nusseer was
against the murder, Gool Mahomed being the sole instigator, for early at the time of our
advance, Nusseer, with his mother, were the first that fled into the Pass, and Gool gave
directions that the last leaving the ground should cut the prisoner’s throat, which was most
peremptorily carried into effect; a deed of double shame on the perpetrators of so foul, and
cowardly an act. Revenge seemed to call aloud from every breast, and although upwards of
forty-four hours had passed since they had tasted food or slept, and were of course
extremely fatigued, and, in fact, almost exhausted, they would cheerfully have pressed
forward had they been called upon to join in the pursuit of the ruthless, and cold blooded
murderers. In the same tent were found four boxes containing valuables, which, together
with the camp military chest, &c., were seized upon as prizes.
On emerging from the tent we began to reconnoitre the captured camp, and I and a serjeant
of the force were proceeding to a small tent, or rather a rug thrown over three crossed
sticks, when from amongst a heap of bundles rushed out two of the enemy, overpowered
with opium, and other intoxicating drugs, who, in consequence, had become so stupified
that they were unconscious of their dangerous position—I regret to say, as is too often the

case amongst soldiers, who forget their duty, and seem to take a pleasure in rendering
themselves unfit for it by inebriety. In a future chapter, I shall have to speak, much against
my will, of the awful consequences of drunkenness amongst the soldiers in the field, the
relating of which, if read by a soldier, will, I am sure, cause him almost to shudder at the
result. How careful should the men be of that simple virtue—sobriety! when they know
that the safety of their comrades, the honour of their corps, and the maintenance of their
country’s fame, depend on the conjoined steadiness of the army at large ; and how terrible
it must be to the consciences of those men, in their sober moments, to reflect, and find, that
in consequence of their dissipation, they have been not only ciphers and useless members
to aid in the duties required of them, but a burden to those who were called upon to
perform the duty, which their sovereign requires.
I shall, however, forbear here to dwell much on the too many serious consequences of
drunkenness amongst the soldiery, as it will shortly occur, that the relation of certain
incidents, immediately connected with this subject, will call for the remarks, which I would
otherwise give here, and would fain find it out of my power to give at all. They attacked us,
and one succeeded in cutting down the sergeant, by a blow with the sword, which
penetrated his cap and cut his ear; the blow was scarcely given when the giver lay lifeless,
for at that moment I fired, and the ball went into his head; at the same moment the other
unfortunate wretch, who had just risen from a drunken sleep, and knew not of the retreat
of their force, had lost his sword, and seizing upon a large knife, some twenty-eight inches
long, rushed at me and made a blow, which I guarded with a musket I had in my hand; but
1 received a slight cut in the left hand, as I held the piece at the charge, and I inserted the
bayonet, which went quite through him, and forced him down, never to rise again. Several
seeing the danger we were in, incautiously fired at them, and though we were so near
them, they very fortunately missed me, though one ball grazed the Serjeant’s epaulette.
Though no damage was done, it gave a lesson, that soldiers, although it generally is good
to be sanguine and valiant, should wait for the orders of the officers over them, whose
superior judgment in the time of need, I have, in nine cases out of ten, seen to be used most
effectually, with sound judgment and reason. And although there may be many a Nelson
and Wellington in our lower ranks, still, when command is entrusted to one, who
convinces all of his ability to act, let every soldier study steadiness, and strict obedience,
forbear rashness, and put implicit confidence in his officers, whose intrepid conduct I have
proved to be most praiseworthy.
The 38th Regiment was ordered to remain on the ground until the whole camp taken as
prize was taken to Dadur, near to which, the remainder of the force was removed, and they
formed their encampment. Each man took some hasty refreshment which the native cooks
were preparing in the stronghold during the affray, and within two hours from the firing of
the last shot, save the guards, and those on sentry, there was not a sleepless eye in the
whole encampment.
Dadur, situated about four miles from the entrance of the Bolan Pass, is a rude town, and
has but little traffic; it contains about 5000 inhabitants; the fort is an unimportant work,

being simply a breastwork, erected to protect some store-houses, with the additional
security of a surrounding moat, or trench. The enemy had plundered the town, and all the
surrounding villages, of every thing they could remove, and in some instances had
destroyed their dwellings, leaving the inhabitants in a perfect state of destitution, which we
could pity, but were unable to relieve.
Lieutenant Loveday was buried on the following morning, with every military honor our
capabilities would afford, for we could not spare powder for the due form on these
occasions, and the whole force saw the last rites paid to him with feelings of profound
grief, as they laid him down, to take his last rest in a soldier’s grave. There was something
peculiarly painful and distressing to see a noble-minded youth thus cut off in the day-
spring of life, by murderous and felon hands; there was something inexpressibly sad in the
reflection, that he who had been beloved and cherished by the kind, the good, and the
gentle, should be thus consigned to the dark shade of the valley of death, unwept by one of
all those who had known and loved him in his infancy, and in his childhood. That of all the
friends and relatives who had watched his dawning years, there was not one who could
know that he was dead, until months had elapsed since the hands of strangers had
deposited his mutilated body in a solitary grave, in the midst of the wild deserts of a
distant and foreign land.
“We thought as we hallowed his narrow bed,

And smoothed down his lonely pillow,
That the foe and the stranger would tread o’er his head,
And we far away on the billow.
“Lightly they’ll speak of the spirit that’s gone,

And o’er his cold ashes upbraid him—
But little he’ll reek, if they’ll let him sleep on,
In the grave where a Briton has laid him.”
Wolfe.
Our camp was now arranged, and all made as secure as possible. The force had suffered
much in the breastwork, which had been erected as a depot for grain, &c., for transmission
up the passes—it was nothing more than a hard wall, about eight feet high, and
surrounded by a trench about twelve feet deep and twenty wide—in this there was erected
a temporary citadel, for four guns in the centre, a barrack for about two hundred men,
stabling for about fifty horses, and rather extensive granaries for stores. During the
repeated attack of the enemy for the last five months, the men had never been
unaccoutred—were continually under arms, and for seven weeks previous to our arrival,
had all been posted as double sentries, one sleeping beneath the wall, whilst the other
watched, and waking his comrade to relieve him at the appointed time, as mentioned in the
last chapter. Every one was alike, and most unremittingly did they labour, and succeeded
in keeping possession—and how gladly were they relieved when we approached! Their

first trial became as nothing, and all was again free. After a few days the enemy began to
re-appear, and alarm our guards at night—the weather, too, began to grow very cold, even
so much so, that by the end of November, although the heat of the day would raise the
thermometer invariably to 125°—I have seen it 139°—the same night would bring ice on
our kettles of water, and was, indeed, very trying to the constitution of us young
campaigners, having no other protection from these varied powers than the canvas tents.
The water we procured, issued from the mountains by which we were surrounded, and
was from a spa, the rock producing much lead and copper, and occasioned much
unpleasantness amongst the troops, in the shape of large boils breaking out over the body,
and our hospital tents became crowded with men in sound health, but disabled in
consequence of this painful malady. Almost nightly would our troops be turned out three
or four times, owing to some straggling shots being fired at, and exchanged by our pickets,
and in consequence all men fit for duty were constantly accoutred. From the 10th
November, 1840, until the 13th of January, 1841, they never knew what a sound night’s rest
was, nor free from being equipped and lying on their arms. Food was extremely scarce, the
Commissariat supplies being very so so. The men, for want of tea or coffee, used to hum
small biscuit crumbs black, pound and boil them, and make a sort of wet and warm
mixture, minus taste or sweetness—but hunger knows not delicacy. When biscuit became
scarce, we had to grind wheat with a hand mill, mix up the coarse flour or chaff, add a little
bitter rock salt, &c., like alabaster, and in order to bake it, dig a large hole in the ground, fill
it with ashes, throw in the dough, and after it had been in the fire for some hours, it became
not a bad though coarse loaf. Our original ideas of cookery were much practised, and many
a lesson was learned. A mode of cooking a fowl has since assisted me often when
travelling, and is certainly very simple: kill the fowl, enclose in clay, feathers and all
together, put it in amongst hot ashes, much the same way as the loaf, and in an hour it will
turn out, plucked and deliciously cooked. So much for experience. Thus we carried on for
weeks, during which time our small corps of cavalry were always booted and saddled, and
our few guns loaded ready for action.
The precautions taken by Major Boscawen, (who just now got his promotion,) to prevent
surprise, were most admirable, and were carried out in a manner that proved the
confidence we all felt in our leader. The quiet, gentle, and systematic manner In which
Captain White, 40th Regiment, performed the duties of staff officer over our little army,
will not be soon forgotten by those who were present at Dadur in November and
December, 1840, and January, 1841; he showed in this his preliminary step or outline
service, which was most fully appreciated by the Government, how most deserving he was,
and it will be seen ere I leave off this narrative, that Captain White proved himself a
thorough soldier, and worthy of all he afterwards gained. When the enemy became tired of
his ineffectual campaign, he again retired into the mountain fastnesses, and the 38th
Regiment Native Infantry, which had been relieved by the 2nd Grenadier Regiment, was
sent up the passes to Candahar, but were weather bound by the snow, which completely
blocked up their route.

CHAPTER VIII.
Sojourn at Dadur; The Kotra Force; Nusseer still determined; Lieutenant Chamberlain; Colonel
Marshall at Kotra; Encampment of the Enemy near Kotra; Secret Expedition; Silent preparations for
Battle; Midnight Surprise; Glorious Victory ; Escape of Nusseer ; Dreadful loss amongst the Enemy;
Colonel Stacy at Quetta; His Directions to Negotiate ; Unjust liberality of the British; General
Brooks; A large Force for further Exploits; Evidence of another War; Assembly of a Grand Army at
Sukkur; Its March to Mungal Ka Shier; Left Wing 40th with the Grand Army; Orders for the Right
Wing to join Head Quarters; Second Grenadier Regiment left at Dadur; March to Muugal Ka Shier;
Arrival at Aji Ka Shier; Route thereto; Night marching; Defile; Arrival in Camp at Midnight;
Commissariat lost; Bad lookout; Camp Surprises; Recollections of Major Clibborn’s mishap;
Dispatches to Dadur; Collection of a meal; Arrival of a lost friend; Conjunction with the Grand
Army; State of the Country; Position and Power of Political Agents; Demand on Kojuk for Tribute;
Peremptory Refusal; Attempt at a Breach; Colonel Wilson defeated and wounded; Rascally conduct
of the Sepoys; Daring Exploit of fifty European Artillery; Serious loss; The Storm; Fall of its
Commander, Lieut. Creed.
As we are sojourning here some time, I cannot do better than collect the exploits of the
detached portions of our force together, and let my readers know how they got on. It will
he remembered that the 25th Regiment of Native Infantry, with two guns, were left at
Kotra, to hold the entrance to the Gundavie Pass, which Nusseer took care to keep ; and
finding himself overcome by the Dadur party, he worked round by a route over the
mountains of the Bolan, towards Gundavie, and practised several maneuvers to annoy us,
which to a certain extent, had effect, inasmuch as they harassed the troops in the manner
described in the last chapter,—and Nusseer, not willing to give himself up to the British,
and let his misled force return to their homes, resolved to annihilate the small force at
Kotra. The few men there, after we left, had been increased by two troops of Skinner’s and
Haldinc’s Local Horse, one commanded by Captain Haldiae, and the other by Lieutenant
Chamberlain. The valiant, noble, and courageous conduct evinced by the latter officer will
be seen in several future chapters. The whole was under the command of Lieutenant-
Colonel Marshall, 25th Native Infantry. Nusseer took up his position here similarly to the
one taken up at Dadur, i.e. betwixt the hills of the Pass and the Kotra camp. Major
Boscawen, who left no means untried to procure information, learned from his emissaries,
Nusseer’s intentions, which he communicated to Marshall, who also had received
information, and had already arranged his plans to attack the camp of the young Prince,
and, if possible to take him. Colonel M. ordered the majority of his force to prepare to
march that evening, or at a moment’s notice, without tents or any camp equipage, or
baggage whatever—to carry some provisions with them, and to move as silently as
possible. Nusseer was to arrive at his ground at sunset, and to pitch camp four miles N.W.
of Kotra, in a valley approaching the Pass. Marshall directed his force to move at dusk, and
all proceeded without a word; they advanced by a somewhat circuitous route, and every
word of command was passed down the ranks in almost a whisper; every precaution was

taken to prevent the glittering of any of the arms or appointments ; and after the night had
well set in, and the guns were brought up, they continued to move on, until they came in
sight of the fires of the enemy, who little suspecting a foe was so near them, were busily
employed cooking their victuals, and others, with the exception of a few of their anything
but alert sentries, had retired to rest for a few hours as, at midnight, it was intended by
them to have surprised Marshall’s camp. The Colonel, after having satisfactorily worked
round, arranged his force so as to cover as much as possible the whole length of their camp.
The cavalry were posted so as to effect a charge; but the danger lay in this movement as to
whether they might not kill each other, if they came into a personal contact with the enemy,
in the dark; all being the same color,—for it must be made known to my readers that the
Local Horse having no precise uniform,—it would be somewhat difficult to distinguish
them, so situated; however, they flanked, and the artillery were well supplied with grape
and shell. All was quiet and prepared—the very horses seemed conscious of the project,
and forbore to neigh,—and the Colonel at length got within musket range, in ambush,
leaving the cavalry a short distance in rear. He at length gave the word, and let fly into
them a volley from all pieces in the front ranks, and in another minute a second from the
rear ; the whole being immediately reloaded, they charged into the camp. The enemy were
so stunned, and taken so much by the surprise they had intended for us, that they knew
not their duty, and many suffered themselves to be cut up without offering even resistance;
and few, indeed, escaped to tell the tale of woe. The exact numbers killed on this occasion I
cannot say,—but I know it was several hundreds, with but one casualty on our side.
Nusseer on this, as well as every other occasion, managed to elude the vigilance of the
attempts to secure him, but how or where it could not be ascertained; however, this havoc
and mishap caused him to reflect and see the probable result of so foolishly attempting to
overthrow the British Forces. He took to the hills and fled towards Quetta, and the few
remaining of his force left him and returned to the villages which they had deserted in their
country’s cause. The gallant Marshall returned with his brave little band to his camp,
crowned with a victory worthy of being recorded in our annals to the world’s end; for
never was the overthrow of a treacherous enemy so completely accomplished as that by
Lieut. Col. Marshall’s small force of the 25th Native Infantry, Local Horse, and the Native
Artillery at Kotra.
Colonel Stacy, then at Quetta, received intimation of the flight of Nusseer, who, though a
boy, had caused so many disasters, and wrote to the Government on the subject, who
directed that he should endeavor to negotiate with him, and bring him in, under promises
of protection and other advantageous terms. The Colonel made several attempts after him
with a mere guard, and several times came in sight of him, but could not affect an
interview, and at length returned to Quetta.
Oh, John Bull! thou art too liberal to thy foes: the fable of the woodman and the viper is
very applicable to thee.
Major-General Brooks was busily engaged assembling a large force at Karachi and
Sukkur— consisting of two Brigades, the first commanded by Brigadier Valiant, and the

second by Brigadier England—to be in readiness to proceed to the upper provinces. From
these proceedings it was evident that the war in Affghanistan would be very shortly
resumed in good earnest;—and in December, General Brooks assembled his whole force at
Sukkur, whence he moved by easy marches to Mungal-Ka-Shier, about twenty-four miles
from Dadur. We were now full of anxious anticipations, and were greatly surprised that we
had not received a letter of readiness to rejoin our head quarters, which we understood
formed a part of the newly organized force. We had no wish to be left longer to rusticate—
or rather, I should say, to rust, at Dadur, and it was with a deafening and an enthusiastic
shout of joy that we responded to the order of readiness that was promulgated to us on
parade on the 1st of February, that we must be prepared to march on the 2nd to join the
Left Wing, and to leave the 2nd Grenadier Regiment in charge of Dadur.
Our baggage was soon in marching order, and on the 2nd of February, full of joyous hope,
and eager anticipation, we commenced our route to join the army via Aji-ka-Sheer; the-
march was long and tedious, as we had to pass through a defile six miles in length ; the
roads were very stony, and resembled nothing in nature that I had ever seen, except a stone
quarry immediately after a powerful and extensive blast; huge masses of stone were
strewed upon the path in every direction, and the dismal and hollow echo of the measured
tread of the advancing troops, in the dead hour of the night, did not much contribute to
make our progress either more easy, pleasant, or agreeable., “Time and the hour run
through the roughest day,” arose to my mind, but brought little consolation ; I remember I
once repeated it to my comrade, and parodied it by saying, “Would I were time, or the;
hour, in this rough way!”
Patience and perseverance, it is said, will do wonders; on this occasion they worked what
may be called a miracle, for they brought us through the defile, and when we gained the
open country, we got on better, as the road greatly improved, but it lay through a jungle of
large extent, and there being no regular cut roads, the different detachments lost each other
in the dark.
When the day dawned, we fortunately found ourselves at no great distance from the
appointed halting place, but some of our companions were not so fortunate; at length all
arrived except the most important department of all—the Commissariat— the department
which could be the least spared of all. —Like Shakespeare’s Hal, there were few of us but
could have said, “I could better spare a better man.” We had been marching all night, and
we had, of course, carried a very small portion of refreshment with us, and that small
portion had been long since dispatched, and thus we were depending for our supply upon
that, which was not yet come. Every one asked our Commissariat officer, where are they?
And hungry men, as echo, cried where are they? Men were sent out in different directions
to look for them; they fired off their muskets and pistols, they hallooed and shouted, and
called, but the more they hallooed, shouted and called, the more they would not come.
Their continued absence gave eclat to all sorts of surmises and suppositions; it was
supposed that some active party of the enemy’s cavalry had succeeded in cutting them off,
but then, this could not be, for we had not heard a shot fired, and would Britons yield

without one struggle? Oh! no—that could not be. It was then conjectured that they had
confided in some treacherous guide, who had misled them, and placed them in the power
of the rebels— here, then, treachery could be suspected. This was, indeed, a more
reasonable conjecture than the former, for we called to mind the sad and unfortunate affair
of Major Clibborn, of the 1st Grenadier Regiment, Native Infantry, who, when conducting a
large convoy of stores and treasure from Sukkur, engaged two guides, who proved to be
spies, and led the force into the very mouth of the foe, who succeeded in cutting off nearly
the whole of his men, and capturing upwards of six hundred camels, bearing the baggage
and treasure besides ; his Sergeant Major, and a warrant officer named Shean, only
escaping. This sad reverse of fortune will ever be remembered with regret, as the
difficulties and the improbability of success are so numerous that they cannot be imagined,
unless by those who suffer by it—and let it not be judged harshly or unwisely, but bear in
mind that circumstances alter cases. Mean time it was discerned that conjecture and
supposition were no substitutes for provision and arrack, and that talking only made men
more hungry, and it was resolved to dispatch a communication to Dadur, stating the
predicament we were placed in, and to request that two days supply of provisions might
be forwarded immediately, and at the same time, Major Boscawen proceeded to the town,
near to which we were halted, and purchased as much food as he could procure, for our
present pressing necessities,—which he immediately issued out to the men, who at once set
to, to make up for lost time—and having first solaced the inward man, with the more solid
comforts of this world, they next sought for happiness and enjoyment in that land of rest
and quiet, which soldiers call the Land of Nod. When we awoke, we were delighted to see
that the first supply from Dadur had arrived in camp, and the Quarter-Master and his
assistants as busy as they possibly could be, making arrangements to issue out a fresh
supply to the troops; his operations had scarcely ceased, when our own Commissariat
came in sight, wow indeed, like a useless Alexandrine, dragging its weary length along.
Never, perhaps, did the arrival of the Commissariat and its stores in the jungle or desert,
cause so little sensation as this did, so far as rations were concerned, and never, perhaps,
had a Commissariat been honored with so many kind and anxious inquiries, as were made
upon the present occasion j one man’s reply was very curious—he told me, when asked the
cause- of their late arrival: “We have been wandering like an ill-tempered comet.”
On the evening of the 3rd, we resumed our march to Mungal-ka-Sheer, and on the morning
of the 4th, were met a few miles from that camp by many of our companions of the Left
Wing, who had come thus far to welcome us home to Head Quarters. About nine, A. M.,
we reached the camp, and an imposing sight it was ; the army consisted of 9,000, and this
fine body of men, combined with all the pride, pomp and circumstance of glorious war,
made a great impression upon me, as we drew near, having never seen so large a force
assembled before. We found on our arrival that the dreadful note of preparation had even
now begun, and that immediate and active operations were speedily about to commence.
Since the campaign of 1838-9, almost every territory in that vast region into which we were
now about to enter, indeed had in reality entered, had been made tributary to our
Government; it will be readily believed that the petty Sovereigns of those diversified

realms, were ill-disposed, save upon compulsion, to pay a tribute, which pressed so heavily
upon their revenues, amounting in many instances to nearly one-third of the whole, for the
aggrandizement of one nation, and that nation at a great distance; a nation, too, said some
of them, which had no claim whatever upon their territory. Many of their native princes,
miscalculating their own power, or misjudging that of the British, refused to comply with
the demands of our Political Agents for their respective tributes. In almost all those places
in which we had a considerable force, there was also stationed an officer, acting as Political
Agent, whose duties were very various, and very onerous; he had to treat with the Chiefs;
to make contracts for the Government; to lay fines and duties upon all traffic; to collect the
tribute, imposed upon the native chiefs by the orders of the government, or by treaty. The
Agents in fact were kings, in all but name; I had almost said despots. Whenever they
moved abroad they were always accompanied by a strong guard; and it has often
happened, that when resistance has been offered to the collection of tribute, they have not
hesitated to take immediate and summary proceedings against the whole State.
Ross Bell, Esq., our Political Agent, having to receive tribute from the Chief of a
neighboring territory, Rojuk, sent to demand it; compliance was refused, and the chief
went so far as to say that if the Feringees wanted it they must come and take it if they
could; as they were determined to resist its collection. This was an affront to his authority,
which Mr. Bell could not submit to, and he accordingly proceeded to give them a specimen
of Feringee authority; and a force, consisting of the 3rd Regiment of Light Infantry, six
guns, and one troop of Bombay Horse Artillery, with the 21st Native Infantry, were placed
under the command of Lieut.-Col. Wilson, of the 3rd Cavalry, who had instructions that
would justify him in attacking the town and fort, should they still persist in their refusal to
pay the tribute.
On arriving before the place, Col. Wilson made the proper demand, which was most
peremptorily refused; upon which he placed his guns, and attempted to make a breach, but
without effect. The Cavalry and Infantry surrounded the fort, and did their best to return
the destructive fire which was kept up from the walls of the fort. Their defence was so
obstinate, that Col. Wilson’s sole hope of success lay in a sudden and violent assault, and
accordingly orders were issued to storm; but here an unforeseen difficulty presented itself.
The 21st Regiment, on receiving the order to charge, most unexpectedly and most
provokingly hung back; their officers vainly urged them forward, but they had no stomach
for the fight. The Europeans attached to the Troop of Artillery, about seventy, volunteered
to accompany their officers, and alone to make the attack. The event, with such a small
force, seemed inevitable failure; there was now no time for hesitation, and, therefore,
leaving the smallest possible number to take care of the guns, the remainder were formed
into a column of attack, which, however, rather partook of the nature of a Forlorn Hope,
and were place under the immediate command of Lieut. Creed; they dashed forward
gallantly, and made an attack upon the principal gate, and they were greatly surprised to
see the women in large groups, sitting on the walls, holding the Koran in their hands, and
pleading for mercy and forbearance. Our little heroic band advanced; they gained the
gateway, and a long and desperate struggle ensued; they at length effected an entrance, but

as soon as the soldiers entered the narrow and winding way they were cut to pieces by the
defenders, till at length, after a desperate and terrific rally, they rushed in, and
overpowered the immediate defenders of the gate, but were again driven back, and whilst
re-forming in front of the fort, the remainder of the enemy, taking to flight, left the fort by
another entrance, and sought for safety in the neighbouring hills, leaving us to enter and
take quiet possession of the fort, dearly purchased by the death of the gallant Creed,3 who
fell in the first assault, having been the first to effect an entrance into the gateway; his loss
was generally and greatly deplored by the men and officers of his Regiment. Col. Wilson
was carried back to the camp wounded; seven of the Artillery was killed, and several were
severely wounded.
3
The father of Lieut. Creed is the esteemed and universally respected Secretary of the London and
Birmingham Railway Company.

CHAPTER IX.
Retreat of the Enemy; Possession of the Fort; An attempt at swamping the Camp made; Admirable
conduct of the Troops; Prevention of annoyance; Old Proverb realized ; Dispatch sent to General
Brooks; Reinforcement ordered; Sudden March; Advantages and disadvantages; Threatening
thunder storm; Awful prospect; Description of scene; Precarious situation; A dreadful storm;
Miserable condition of Troops; Anxious prayer for day; Horrible attacks of Cramps; Indescribable
prospect; March resumed; Arrival at Kojuk; Loss of Cattle, &c.; Plunder of the Fort; Re-
establishment of a Commissariat; Mode of making dry ground; Soldiers never lost for means; The
Enemy disappears; Death of Colonel Wilson; March to Dadur; Preparations for Route through the
Passes; Appearance of a suspicious Camp; Destination of 40th is learned.
Having thus obtained possession of the fort, we were ordered to form an encampment, and
to pitch our tents. Whilst we were thus engaged, the enemy returned from the hills, having
being greatly reinforced, and their numbers far exceeding ours, they easily surrounded our
camp and proceeded to hostilities. The first effort at annoyance was to turn the water
course, at which all their tribes are very expert, their object being not to deprive us of a
supply but to give us too much; for, had they succeeded, our encamping ground would
have been converted into a marsh or bay. As soon as we perceived this to be their intention,
we set to work to counteract it— and every man in the camp at once provided himself with
the most fitting tools he could lay his hands upon. Some got picks, some shovels, and many
who could not find any other tools fitting for the purpose, took their copper or brass
dishes, plates, knives, and pieces of sticks, and zealously dug away until they had
surrounded the camp with a trench or large gutter, which carried the water past us, and
effectually foiled the attempt of the enemy; the only consequence of their endeavor being to
provide us with a plentiful supply of water, as we might say, even at our own doors. Of
course we could not but be very grateful to them for their kindness—our fatigue parties
were most especially so—and thus it often happens that the most evil intentions of our
enemies are, by a benign Providence, turned to our most unexpected advantage. A
dispatch was forwarded to General Brooks to acquaint him with the dilemma in which our
little force was thus unexpectedly placed, and urging upon him the necessity of an
immediate and sufficient reinforcement. The messenger was fortunate enough to outdo the
vigilance of the enemy, and arrived at our camp without hindrance or disaster. Immediate
orders were issued to the 40th Regiment, two Troops of Artillery, 300 Cavalry, and to the
25th Native Infantry, to be ready to march within two hours to reinforce the Troops at
Kojuk; and at four, P. M., the whole were formed into column of march, and set forward en
route.
We had had some very unpleasant specimens of night marching, and therefore had no high
anticipations of ease or comfort, but with the exception of a few camels and men going
astray in the darkness of the night, we had no very serious disasters. At two, A. M., we
halted for the day, and at four, P.M., we were again on the line of march. To prevent
accidents on this occasion, the Artillery were put in the van, and preceded the main body
for at least two hours. The road for some distance lay along the half dried bed of a river,
and afterwards stretched across a lovely plain, which was not intersected by a ditch or a
hillock, but the beautiful green verdure enameled by a thousand beautiful, and to me
unknown, flowers, seemed to cheer and gladden every step we took. There was a mild soft
southerly wind which just breathed upon our cheeks, and wafted on its zephyr airs that
calm refreshing glow which is the more welcome in those desert regions, because it most
often rises just after the passing away of the sun’s scorching heat. It continued to blow until
after the glorious orb of day had sunk slowly and majestically to rest behind the distant
and lofty mountain ranges of Belochistan, leaving us to plod our weary way beneath the
beautiful and glittering canopy of heaven. For once we fancied we should find a night
march might be pleasant; the breeze had now acquired more strength, and its refreshing
coolness was doubly welcome, now that we began to grow warm and fatigued with
marching. Encouraged by the delightful scenery and grateful odors with which the night
air was redolent, we pressed on cheerfully, some of the men singing a gay and merry
stanza, in which all joined in the full and hearty chorus with right good will, by which
many a weary mile was beguiled of half its distance.
Full of joyful anticipation, with no thought but of the dismay our presence would cause to
the enemy on the morrow, we were still moving on at a very brisk pace, when we were all
at once surprised to find the breeze suddenly die away, and the light and fleecy clouds
which had been flitting along before, becoming slow, heavy, and dull. The bright blue of
the heavens gradually became dimmer, until it presented one deep, dark, unvaried mass of
murky gloom ; the bright stars became more and more dim until they began entirely to
disappear, and one by one, star after star, went out, and all was night.
The column, which but a few minutes previously had been moving along proudly, safely
and joyously, was now scarcely able to advance at all, every foot being set, for fear of
accident, cautiously, and doubtfully; each restless eye being involuntarily turned upward,
in earnest and anxious dread of what might next come. We were not long left in surprise,
for far, far away, in the horizon, we heard the first low rumbling murmur of the distant
thunder, which gathered strength as it rolled along, and came terribly on—until at length,
it broke over our heads in one wild, fearful and tremendous crash, seeming to shake the
very ground we trod upon. The clouds gathered low and thick round about us. Lightning
in terrific flashes, and thunder in awful bursts, alternately smote our eyes and ears. Owing
to the intense gloom, numbers of the men and camels were lost, and every now and then,
between the rattling and roaring of the deep-mouthed thunder, the bugles of the main
body were heard, shrilly sounding to recall the wandering footsteps of our straggling
companions; still we contrived to advance, tracing our pathway by the frequent flashes of
the lightning, the rain still continuing to hold off.
The dreaded storm at length came—large drops of water fell at intervals, a sure precursor
to those who are acquainted with the storms of the east, that ere long, the flood-gates of the
heavens would be opened upon us; and in good sooth, within half an hour, we were
marching in a flood of water, that spread over the whole plain, and reached above our

ankles. We contrived to advance in this state for some time, until the water became so deep
that to proceed would have been impossible; we were ordered to halt, and gather as close
to each other as we could, and in this state we were compelled to await the dawn of day. It
is now impossible to describe the sufferings of the men during the interval, until morning
came. Some were seized with the most violent cramps, which attacked many in the limbs,
and others in the stomach. So painful and acute were their sufferings that many fell down
struggling into the water, and shrieked aloud with agony. The medical officers rendered all
possible assistance, and the officers, many of whom carried a small quantity of brandy with
them, generously placed it at the disposal of the surgeons, although they knew not but that
they might be the next victims. The conduct of the officers was most praiseworthy.
About five o’clock, A. M., the day began to dawn, and seldom has it dawned upon a more
miserable spectacle than that on which it dawned that day, and seldom by any beings,
however miserable they may have been, has it been welcomed as we welcomed it on that
occasion, although it lighted us to a scene of misery, devastation and despair. Far as the eye
could reach, we looked forth upon a flood of water. It was impossible to behold it, and not
to remember that beautiful verse in the eight chapter of Genesis:
“The dove found no rest for the sole of her foot, and she returned unto Noah, into the Arh; for the
waters were on the face of the whole earth.”
With the returning light our energies seemed, also, to a certain extent, to return; but we
were more than half paralyzed by cold, wet, hunger, and fatigue, and what was worse than
all, in the prospect before us, there was nothing to encourage hope, that friend to all, when
every other friend forsakes. Effie Deans said, “Better sit and rue, than flit and rue;” a wise
saying and a true one, under certain circumstances; but wise as it may be, it would have
been anything but wise in us to act up to its spirit on the present occasion, so we at once
prepared to move on, if our crab-like motion could be called moving on at all.
I have seldom seen a more distressing sight than I beheld that morning, and much as the
men suffered, the cattle suffered much more, for many of them, after staggering and
floundering about for some time, would at last fall, and where they fell there they lay and
died. To render them assistance was an impossibility to those who were unable to help
themselves, and thus we continued our march, and at the expiration of ten hours we
reached Kojuk, at least as many of us as formed the main body; but we had neither
baggage, tents, nor provisions.
Now and then a stray camel would arrive with one or two tents, and as the rain had ceased
at midday, or soon after, the waters began to abate, and here and there a small portion of
land would appear above the level of the flood; thither the experienced campaigners would
proceed, and digging up the spot, were enabled to procure a comparatively dry site by
turning the wet surface downwards, and on this they would pitch their tent. Those who
had no tents were glad to avail themselves of the invitations of those who had,

____________ to share,
Their lowly cot and humble fare.
There we were, thirty and forty men crowded into a small space some fourteen feet square.
Rest and comfort soon restore the equilibrium of a soldier’s temperament, and we were
now beginning to treat our late calamities as a jest, but when we began to overhaul our
stores, first we found our biscuits ruined; our flour made into paste, before the fruit was
gathered; our rice softened before the currie was dressed; our arrack so diluted with
muddy water, that Farady himself, I believe, would have been puzzled to analyze it; and as
for our cocoa, it was, aye! where was it? none of us could tell. We were very likely to be
somewhat in the situation of shipwrecked mariners on a desert Island; we had water
around us, and earth beneath us, and heaven above us; and lo! All we had. We had,
however, this advantage, our ocean was fordable, and at no great distance lay a newly
captured Fort, and one of us, not one of the sit-and-rue race, took it into his head that
where there had so lately been a marauding garrison, there would very probably be a
Commissariat store; he was not one of those deep thinkers, who make discoveries only for
themselves ; no, with him once to think, was once to be resolved, and he cried: “Hey, boys,
for a foraging party to the Fort; I’ll engage ye, we find something to eat there.”
Away he dashed, and a noble tail he had; their search was short, but minute and zealous,
and they soon stumbled upon a magnificent store of grain, cattle, and such other of those
creature comforts as the natives usually collect to preserve that union of soul and body
which some of us believe to be Nature’s first law, and some, I fear, the chief, perhaps the
only one, they care to obey.
We soon afterwards discovered a grinding-mill, and whilst some killed th6 cattle, prepared
food, made soup, &c., others ground the wheat into flour, and made cakes, &c., so that ere
long we were feasting happily and plentifully; and, as we had worked our newly
discovered mine to our own satisfaction, we failed not to spread the golden treasury to our
famished comrades. I trust, under all these circumstances, this little trifle of felony will be
overlooked, and that, for once, we may be looked upon rather as self-invited and famishing
guests, than as daring and reckless burglars, which we might be considered at other -times,
and in other places.
By nightfall the waters had almost disappeared from the face of the land; and the sun,
which, after a long and desperate struggle with the clouds, broke forth about four, P.M.,
shone brightly, gloriously and powerfully until a little after six, when he left us as happy as
though the night of the 21st of February had never frowned upon us.
The enemy, who had caused so much alarm at our camp at Kojuck, only waited the arrival
of our main body; and even in the miserable plight in which we were, on our arrival, we
could not help laughing to see them scampering away towards the distant mountains as
soon as they saw our colours and bayonets, without even staying to notice the swarm of
drowned rats we resembled, and who could scarcely have given them any annoyance, had

they but staid to try our metal; for our ammunition was saturated with water, and our
firelocks, in those days never the best in the world, were so much injured by the continual
deluge to which they had been exposed, that I think they would have missed fire three
times in five.
Colonel Wilson died of his wounds a few days after our arrival, and was buried with all the
honors the circumstances would admit.
There was no appearance of any enemy, and we were very anxious to return to the main
body of the force, which we had left at Mungal La Shier on the 20th, but this, owing to the
flooded state of the country, was impossible, as the roads were entirely impassable; in the
mean time that force moved to Dadur, and was ordered to wait our arrival at that place,
which did not happen until the 16th of March. We lay there for some time in a state of
complete inactivity, but we were exerting ourselves greatly in preparations for that coming
campaign, in which our young and inexperienced warriors looked out for that indefinable
something called death or glory. The again dull monotony of our existence was interrupted
by our perceiving one morning by the first rays of the break of day, that a large camp had
been formed during the night at no great distance from us, and of very imposing
appearance. Some of our men ran out hastily to reconnoitre, and if possible ascertain if they
were friends or foes, and what was their object in coming so near to us; their sudden and
unforeseen appearance caused much excitement in our camp; but we were not long left in
doubt, for it was soon ascertained to be an encampment formed by the inhabitants of some
of the nearer villages, who having been plundered or attacked, gathered up their treasures,
and had come to place themselves under the protection afforded by the vicinity of our
camp.
It was now for the first time ascertained that the destination of the 40th Regiment was
Quetta; and that we should have to traverse the Bolan Pass by the same route through
which the troops of Nusseer Khan had fled after they had been defeated by Major
Boscawen.

CHAPTER X.
Arrival at Dadur; Conjunction of Troops; Meeting of 41st and 40th Regiments; Active Preparations
for marching up the Country; Description of ground near Dadur, and the mouth of the Pass; March
of the First Division; Road to the Entrance; A Boar Chase, Description of first day’s March; The
Serpentine Stream; Soldier’s case; Sublime not always pleasing; Second day’s March; Continuance
of the stream; Soldier’s hoots; A three mile wade; Fatigue of the day; Third day; Appearance of the
Enemy; Halt at Bcbee Naunee; Capture by the Enemy of Cattle; Recovery of it; Destruction of the
Rebels; Precautions taken to prevent harassment; Fourth day; Ahi Gaum, or the Region of Hidden
Waters; Romantic appearance; Scarcity of firewood; Entire want of Forage; Fifth day; Curious
appearance; Awfully grand; Narrow defile; Power of defence; Sixth day; Narrowness and danger of
the Pass; Description of the Mountains; Length of Pass; Seventh day; Description of scene; Beauties
of the Valley of Shawl; Comparison; Emerging from the Pass.
On the 18th of March we moved to Dadur, and on our arrival saw a wing of the 41st
Regiment also marching into the camp, and many small detachments which had lately
been posted around in different directions. We halted here several days, and during that
time we were making great preparations for our expected passage through the different
and difficult Passes we were soon likely to encounter.
The ground between Dadur and the Bolan Pass is very irregular and uneven, and there are
a great many running streams which spring from the hills, and are perfectly chalybeate, in
consequence of there being several mines of metals of different descriptions. The right
wing of the 40th Regiment, during the time they lay here, I mentioned as having suffered
very much by these waters, and were not cured without great difficulty.
On the 25th of March a considerable portion of the force under the command of General
Brooks and Brigadier Valiant, with a numerous staff, entered the Bolan. The force consisted
of H.M.’s 40th Regiment, H.M.’s 41st Regiment; the 1st Troop of Artillery and several
Native Regiments were ordered to follow afterwards, as they should be directed from
Head Quarters.
The road to the entrance of Bolan Pass, for about a mile, was covered with large loose
stones; and the mountains forming the entrance are exceedingly rugged, of a light brown
colored sandstone rock.
We were highly amused, soon after we had started, by the sight of a boar chase, which
animals run wild about these regions; two of them were speared, and brought back to the
head of the column in great triumph. After marching up the Pass for about three miles, the
mountains began to rise to a much more commanding height, and the way, which had at
first been rather wide, began to be much more narrow. From time to time we came to a
small spot of verdure, but sterility was the general feature of the ground; and loose and
large stones still continued to strew the road in sufficient quantities to make marching
particularly inconvenient and disagreeable. A knee deep and serpentine stream runs
through the valley, or rather ravine; and in the course of nine miles we had to ford its
strong current not less than eighteen times. When we first arrived on its banks, preparatory
to crossing it, the men sat down and took off their boots, and having reached the opposite
bank sat down and put them on again; this agreeable process was practised three or four
times, but was eventually found to be so tedious and troublesome, that on all future
occasions they just marched on, as though no stream was there ; but I must confess our
situation was anything but pleasant, and the discomfort of having to struggle on, over the
continued masses of detached rock, tended very much to diminish our admiration of the
celebrated Bolan Pass. It was not for the first time in my life, however, that I made the
discovery, that the beautiful is not always the agreeable, and the sublime is not always the
pleasing; and I have no doubt that there were many who marched through the Pass, who
scarcely deigned to notice the vast region of nature’s fortification, or could even describe its
casual appearance. There are many amongst our soldiery, who misuse the opportunity of
making themselves acquainted with the beauties of foreign countries, oftentimes from
indolence or want of taste. How many there are who would gladly sacrifice much to get the
chance of seeing the world, as much as the soldier has.
Our next day’s march was to Gunnah, and we had to cross our wandering and erratic
friend eleven times, whence it will be readily inferred that we became much more intimate
with him than we could have desired, as we parted with him for the last time.
Our boots suffered very much in consequence of this continual succession of baths ; the
upper and lower portions parted company, and left our bruised feet to the tender mercies
of the rugged pathway we had to traverse; many of the men endured great pain and
annoyance, for they were only allowed thirty pounds of baggage, including bed and
bedding, save what they could carry on their backs, and therefore they could not be
supplied with a reserve battalion of boots, and less would not have availed to protect them
during such a march as this. In one part of this day’s journey, the Pass became so narrow
that for three miles the stream occupied its entire width, and we had to march that
distance, up the bed of the river, if it may be so called, knee deep in water, which was of a
very black colour and very offensive. The bed of the river was filled with large pebbles and
rocks, over and among which the water dashed, leapt and bounded, and made such an
impression on my mind and recollection, that I now never hear even one of our native
brooklets bubbling and foaming along its pebbled bed, without thinking of that terrible
three mile wade,—for it could not be termed a march.
At our next halt, at Beebee Naunee, a high hill in the centre, the Pass was very wide, but the
encamping ground, consisting of loose round stones, gave us great trouble in pitching our
tents, as it was almost impossible to drive the poles and pegs, and quite so without
blunting their points.
At this place the enemy again made their appearance, and did their best to annoy us; they
made an attack upon the sheep and bullocks belonging to the Commissariat, and

succeeded in driving off a portion of them. Our General, who could not at all understand
that any predatory band, at least of such like pretensions as that which had thus presumed
to beard the lion in his den, should do so with impunity, ordered the Grenadier Company
of the 40th Regiment, and two guns, to pursue them to their retreat. A straggler they met
with guided them through some mountain pathways to the cave whither they had retired,
after securing, as they thought, the cattle in a secret place. On approaching the cavern we
set fire to the grass, and threw in some shells and grape shot, which killed a considerable
number of them, and then, having recaptured the cattle, we returned to the camp at a very
late hour, and excessively fatigued, as we had been long out, and without food. The force
remained at Beebee Naunee the whole of the next day, to enable us to recover from the
effects of the great fatigue we had endured. Our horses, camels and cattle had as much
need of rest as we ourselves, and owing to the barren nature of the Pass, their condition
was the worse, as they had no chance of meeting with any green food during the march,
and in consequence many of them had died, and many more were likely to die. The
Commissariat alone lost seventy camels, during the three days, whilst the loss of the
Regimental Departments was fully in proportion.
As we should have to cross the stream again, the General ordered the Sappers to make a
temporary bridge, and a great comfort it was, for there was something very unpleasant in
crossing a strong stream as cold as ice, before day-break, and then to have to march
forward in wet clothes for many a long and weary mile, over tracts that deserve not the
name of roads.
On the 29th March we proceeded from Beebee Naunee to the region of the Hidden Waters.
It was called Abi Gaum, one of the most romantic places I had yet seen in the country. The
ground was strewed with a much smaller kind of pebble, and had much of the appearance
of gravel in its constituent parts. The running streams of water gave out a bubbling,
gurgling sound, which echoed among the high craggy hills, and died away in hollow
murmurs. All these water courses were invisible, but on removing the pebbles, and
scraping away the under-lying soil, to the depth of an inch or two, a most beautiful spring
of clear, cold and refreshing water bubbled up. This part of the Pass was very barren, and
even bare of any bushes that we could cut for fire-wood. Our fatigue parties had,
consequently, to seek at a distance, and bringing it home, most certainly justifying their
claim to the name of a fatigue party. We marched next day to Sir-i-aub-Bolan, halted in a
narrow part of the Pass, and pitched our camp in a very irregular form, as owing to the
nature of the ground all attempts at systematic arrangement were perfectly hopeless. Our
next halting place was Dungar, which we reached after a long and tedious march, the Pass
still continuing very narrow, and becoming more dangerous. The heights, on each side of
the Pass, presented a very formidable front, and often over-hung the way in such a manner
as to cause a well grounded fear that the slightest accident might detach them from the
larger mass, and topple them headlong down into the yawning chasms below. These over-
hanging masses greatly increased the gloom of the narrow and serpentine way along which
we had to march. The echoes were wonderful and startling, and a whisper often reflected
an unamiable sound.

Although the mountains of the Bolan Pass are not so lofty as first impressions would lead
us to believe, they are yet striking and grand; their near approximation at different parts of
the Pass, also, induce the belief that they have a greater altitude than they really possess;
their apparent height is also increased by inequality and irregularity. Nature has perhaps
made few places more capable of effectual resistance, and I have never seen another place
so fitted to destroy the advantages of numbers as some particular points in the Bolan Pass;
there the merest handful of men might maintain their ground against the advance of a host
more numerous than that of the Persian Warrior. In many parts of the Pass even a few
peasants, if tolerably resolute, and judiciously placed, might offer a very serious
obstruction to a most determined invader, by hurling down upon the advancing foe those
huge masses of rock which lie most plentifully along the summit of the hills, and which
also afford the most effectual cover to the defending forces. I have often been amazed at the
supine- ness of the leaders of the Native Troops in thus permitting us to prosecute our
march unmolested through one of Nature’s strong-holds. The Bolan Pass leads through the
mountains about seventy- five miles ; at the seventy-third mile we began to mount a very
large and very steep ascent, and on attaining the summit we looked down upon a most
lovely plain, which was spread far and wide before us, looking gay, bright and smiling. We
gazed upon it with the greatest rapture, inasmuch as for seventy-four miles nothing had
greeted our sight but sterile rocks and barren mountains. When we looked down upon the
bright sunny valley before us, the mind wandered, involuntarily as it were, to the regions
of Palestine, and I thought that there was something that strikingly reminded me of the
visit of Moses to the top of Pisgah, whence he surveyed the land ages before predestined as
a residence for that rebellious people, which, for their sins, he had been doomed to behold,
but never to enter. The face of Nature, when undisfigured by the hand of man, is always
lovely—is always pleasing. I cannot recall that I ever gazed upon a landscape which
awakened so many and such deep thoughts of holy reverence. It was impossible to behold
that region of sylvan beauty, and not confess with veneration and devotion, the hand that
made it is Divine. It was called the Valley of Shawl, and never a valley laid a juster claim to
the appellation. Its beauty and fragrance could scarcely be surpassed.

CHAPTER XI.
Arrival at Quetta; Uncomfortable prospects; Scorpions unpleasant companions; Effect of their sting;
The venemous Sentepee; Determination of Government to treat with Nusseer Khan; Colonel Stacy’s
endeavors; Quetta and its appearance; The British Residency; Government Stores; Preparations for a
long Campaign; A new Corps raised; Arrival of H. M’s 41st Regiment; Captain Blood’s Artillery;
Prospect of taking the Khan; Dispatch of a force; Harassing route; Spies; Forced marches; Wild
Goose chase; Sickness; Troops die in great numbers; Another failure; Feeling of the Troops; General
Brooks; His unpleasant position; His character; Who was to blame? Peculiarity of situation; Trying
circumstances; Forced to make the hest of had; Thunder storm; Miseries in Camp; Unexpected
arrival in Camp; The Prince of Shawl turned Traitor; Dreadful havoc through sickness; Fever, Ague
and Dysentery; Hospital Tents crowded; Insufficient accommodation; Scarcity of comforts;
Enormous prices paid for them; Indefatigable exertions of Dr. Me Andrew and Mr. Xavier, the
Apothecary; The probable cause of the sickness; Vast mortality; Death of Ross Bell, Esq. and Lieut.
Valiant; Removal from Command in the Field of General Brooks and Brigadier Valiant; Cause of
removal; Sad affair; New Commanders; Arrival of Nusseer Khan; Levee; Review; Appearance of
winter; Prospect of returning to Quarters; Preparations; Route changed; General Nott’s Dispatch;
Orders to march to Candahar; In Afghanistan.
The next day we marched to “Sir-i-Aub,” and from thence to “Quetta,” where we arrived
on the 2nd April. The first thing presenting itself for our comfort was the ground being
infested with scorpions, and we were cautioned to search well beneath the stones, and
remove them if any were discovered. They are the small light-green scorpion, scarcely as
large as a small frog. There are also the black scorpion, a most deadly reptile. The sting
creates most excruciating pain, and causes the part affected to swell and turn black: if the
hand or foot be stung, the whole arm or leg becomes inflamed, and swells twice its natural
size. The best remedy I ever found was the application of an onion to the part, or tincture of
opium. The ground was also thronged with sentapces, another dreadfully venemous
reptile; it is about half an inch broad across the back, and varies from three to ten inches
long, is of a greenish brown color, with about forty legs; the sting, as with the scorpion, is
in the tail, which issues from a small bladder filled with the poison; and which on the
insertion of the sting, is diffused. These creatures are commonly found in beds, and clothes,
very often in boots; it is therefore very necessary to be exceedingly cautious, and examine
everything, not only here in Quetta but in all the Eastern climates. Persons often suffer
much when stung in the jungles, some distance from aid, as the pain being so great,
overpowers, and the result has often been known to be fatal, owing to the want of
assistance.
Government receiving dispatches of this and so many other disasters, occasioned by

running after this child, Nusseer, considered it better to try to negotiate, and offer some
advantageous proposal in order to bring him in, for as the old adage goes, “prevention is
better than cure.” Colonel Stacy, then in the Political Department, was directed to treat with
Nusseer, and with a strong guard went after him; but as often as he came near Nusseer,

Nusseer again fled, for he could place no confidence in the British, inasmuch as his uncle,
Gool Mahomed, who was with him, was the headsman of Love- day; he therefore looked
upon it as a trap to catch them, in order to be revenged for that officer’s death. However,
leaving the Colonel after his object, and to return to Quetta; nothing of note occurred by
way of fighting or annoyance for some time, save now and again, some robbers, I should
call them, would meet parties of our followers out for forage, &c., and murder them, and
other trifling outrages of this kind. The weather was extremely hot, and we still being
under canvas, made it still more uncomfortable and oppressive.
The town of Quetta is of mud, rather large, and very irregularly built; it has two entrances,
and few of the houses are more than kennels, to enter which you had to stoop, and sit
down when inside. The surrounding country was lovely and fertile; grain and fruit were in
abundance. The hills surround the whole of the vicinity, about seven miles from the Camp;
within one mile and a half from the town stood the British Residency, a beautiful building,
of mud, but covered and ornamented with white plaster. Capt. Bean, Ross Bell, Esq., and
other public functionaries resided here; the Camp stood about two miles south of the
Residency, and about midway was erected a large store, with high mud walls, about two
hundred yards square, for the purpose of containing our Commissariat, provisions, &c.;
and as Quetta was in the heart of Belochistan, surrounded with plenty, Government
directed that supplies should be laid in for about two thousand Europeans and five
thousand Natives, for two years, as a store to be kept up. Accordingly, contracts were
entered into, granaries were built, cattle were sent to a distance, with Natives, to cut
firewood, (there are no coals,), and in fact Quetta became one scene of business; a new
corps was raised and disciplined, called the Bolan Rangers, and were employed in
attending convoys to the interior of the Passes, and other intricate parts of the country.
Quetta is described as being very hot, but what is somewhat surprising, about twenty-
seven miles east lies Moostoong, which climate is most delightful, the Thermometer never
exceeding 90°. About a month after our arrival, the Brigade left below the Pass arrived, and
Her Majesty’s 41st Regiment proceeded to Moostoong, and Captain Blood’s 3rd Company
of Bombay Foot Artillery marched on to Kelat, which, by the bye, in consequence of its
being evacuated by the inhabitants, who had gone with Nusseer, was again taken
possession of by us.
Colonel Stacy had got some clue to Nusseer, who it appeared had again collected a
considerable mob, and determined on attacking and retaking his city, “Kelat,” as he had
assembled in its vicinity ; the rumor was well founded, so General Brooks ordered a strong
force to be in immediate readiness to proceed after the enemy. And it was reported, and
authentically too, that there was a large portion of treasure with them; this is what we
wanted, as a few lacs would have been very acceptable to John Company, to make up for
the many losses he had had in the rupee way, with Major Clibborne’s, Lt. Clarke’s, and
several other defeats. The force ordered, were Her Majesty’s 41st Regiment, eight pieces of
Artillery, 1st Regiment of Native Infantry, and followers 5 after some delay on the part of
the heads, (which delay did not benefit the expedition) waiting for some further
intelligence from Colonel Stacy, the force marched on the second of June, when the season

was at the highest of heat; the thermometer stood in Quetta, in the shade, 110° in the
hospital, which is of course the coolest possible place. The enemy gained intelligence of our
approach, and proceeded two or three marches ahead; the)* kept a line of communication
from post to post, and thus gained information, and though our troops made forced
marches, making three into two, and sometimes two into one, still the enemy kept in front;
they pressed at length- at some village all the camels they could, and two soldiers mounted
on each, and getting them into a trot, made the best of their way, beneath a sun hot enough
to broil a steak; all was of no use, the enemy’s spies were out in every direction, and being
better acquainted with the country, rendered it dreadfully harassing to the force, making a
complete wild goose chase, at the risk of killing every man with the heat.
It must here be observed that a campaign in Sindh or Affghanistan, in which country you
are compelled to remain, and on whose tranquil inhabitants you are depending for
supplies, that to discover spies was almost impossible and in fact seldom looked for. The
enemy’s spies could bring us supplier, in the shape of fowls, milk, fruit, &c., reconnoitre
the camp during the sale, and go round with them, without the least interruption or direct
suspicion; nay your very follower or servant might be one, and how are you to know it?
therefore it is not to be wondered at them getting so much information of our positions,
strength and movements; many plans were devised and tried, to prevent them from
entering our camp; Major Boscawen, I remember, issued an order that no native was to be
seen in the British camp without a blue belt, which he issued to every one connected with
Government. Other officers have issued orders for only certain castes or religions (for any
native knows the difference of each other) to be admitted, but it was useless, in they used
to come, in the garb of a villager, probably some of the very Tribes allowed, who had
become outcasts to society, and so forth, would be amongst the first to enter your camp as
spies; it was through this that the harassing chase was caused to the force in question; they
were misled, and after a dreadful toil of twenty-nine days, reached Noosky, where they
were obliged to halt; the weather was so oppressive) that it brought on the fever amongst
the men and to a very great extent; it grew worse hourly, and nearly every man was laid up
; it continued, and raged like a plague ; the men died in numbers every day, which
continued for about a month, and in July they managed to return without success, reduced
to a complete skeleton, with scarcely one man in health; this shewed itself in the eyes of
several judges, rather unwise generalship, and raised a feeling amongst the Troops of
something in the shape of want of confidence on the part of our General; he blamed Ross
Bell; Bell blamed somebody else, and somebody else, nobody knows who; but here it
ended—a second failure in the short career of General Brooks in the field; it is not for me to
enter into the private character of the General, as he was always considered to be an able
one, when he commanded a station in Quarters, and when in the field his character as a
warrior bore to all a brilliant aspect; had he been properly tried in battle, and had the same
opportunities as others had, I feel fully persuaded, from his manners, that he would never
have been found wanting in British velour. But several individuals, through the exigencies
of the service, were thrown into very arduous and powerful positions—such as were quite
inexperienced in such important matters as life and death; and have, in several instances,
from errors in judgment and otherwise, subjected themselves to censure and sarcasm, by a

world that is too prone to err in judgment, and cannot appreciate the intrinsic feelings of
moments like those I refer to. It may be truly said, why did not Government make more
certain arrangements? Select more experienced men? Adopt more Wellington-like plans?
and such like; true, but how could a Government make such, when our army was in the
heart of a country, surrounded by a treacherous foe, whose object was cutting off
correspondence, and thus, very very often, dispatches, &c, never reached their destination;
and what was to be done in the mean time ? Why, to make the argument short, do as they
do in France in such cases, u as well as you can.” Quetta resumed somewhat of a more
tranquil appearance; a temporary race course and cricket ground were made, which
formed the bulk of our pleasure. About one mile west of the town is a curious spot, formed
by nature; it is a spring or well, about two feet deep, has a floating bottom of loose sand;
the water above was crystal and clear, and nothing would sink to remain below that
floating bottom. I have thrown in huge pieces of stone, or part of a camel’s skeleton; all
would descend past and through by the force of throwing, but rise again and float; several
men have dived down, but could find no bottom, but stated, immediately after passing the
loose sand, there was a clear well of water. On the 28th of July, a dreadful storm of rain and
dust visited Quetta, blew down several tents; this was a common occurrence, but I mention
it for this reason, the camp was pitched in a valley, and the rain that fell in the mountains
lodged there for some time; we had got comparatively dry, when the waters burst from the
hills, and flooded the whole of the valley below, and the road from camp to town, for some
days was rendered impassable, and the reader may judge the misery of the Troops, in tents
at such a time; to describe every immediate circumstance connected with these little
catastrophes would be laughed at by a soldier, as his life is one complete chapter of trials ;
but those who rest beneath a roof, at home, and on a soft bed at night, in a land free from
jeopardy, cannot dream of the sufferings the soldier undergoes to secure him those
comforts; it is for this reason I wish to point out a few of the most glaring; at the same I
must say that the innumerable unmentionable privations of a soldier’s life on a campaign,
would of themselves strike terror to the minds of the inexperienced. Shortly after this, an
escort came into camp of about two hundred men, bringing with them no other than the
“Prince of Shawl,” whom I mentioned as having been released from the Fort of Bukkur,
and appointed a Government Battle contractor. He had been detected holding an
intercourse with the enemy, and was taken, conducting, I believe, a convoy of stores,
treasures, &c., to Nusseer Khan’s force, he at the same time being in our service; he
remembered many of the 40th, and after remaining some time in prison was released for
want of sufficient evidence to prove his traitorism.
Sickness I regret to say made its appearance at Quetta, and rapidly increased; the hospital
tents began to fill—it was thought well to change ground—we did—still it grew worse, two
and three dying each day ; few who fell sick lingered more than a week; the whole force
began to look dejected and pale; the spirit of the 40th Regiment grew quite abashed ; our
Brigade Major, Lieut. Henry Valiant, son of the Brigadier, and Lieutenant in the 40th,
died—then Ross Bell, Esq., and several other officers died. Early in September there were
one hundred and sixty bedfast in hospital, and about as many convalescents. The regulated
number of hospital tents was found insufficient to accommodate the sick; so there was one

or two taken from each company, to hold their sick. Fever and ague, followed by
dysentery, was the prevailing disease, and I must again here mention the unremitted
attention and kindness of the surgeon, McAndrew, of the 40th, and Mr. Xavier, the
apothecary. Their exertions were great; night and day did these individuals attend over
their charge. The doctor used every effort to procure and administer every and any comfort
the country and stores would afford. Comforts at this time, such as wine, beer, spirits, &c.
were extremely scarce. Some few enterprising Indian merchants, had followed the army
thus far with a few supplies; but they were sold at most enormous rates. Government, in
order to meet the demands of the medical officers, for comforts for the sick, had to pay as
high as six and seven shillings sterling for each bottle of beer, from twelve to twenty
shillings a bottle for wine, and so on. If Government had to pay so much for comforts,
taking large quantities, what of the poor soldier?—they were unknown to him. Those who
could afford it paid most dearly; not less than a thousand, or even much more, per cent, on
every article. The men had to pay live or seven shillings for simply putting on a pair of
soles to their boots—-finding their own material; and every thing in like manner. Such was
the state of the times at Quetta, misery depicted in every countenance, and scarcely one
free from sickness. Not only to the improvement of the sick, but for the healthy, did these
arms of valuable medical aid,, look to; and I can proudly and happily say that it is to the
indefatigable exertions of these, and other medical parties, headed by divine Providence,
that the troops at Quetta did even so well as they did, which in the best was bad. The
constitutional part of this was to be attributed to that dreadful night going to Kojuk, and
the exposure since to the different overwhelming climates and seasons.
As I observed before, the enemy made a practised of meeting our couriers, destroying their
packets, and murdering them ; thus it was mere chance when the correspondence reached
either party ; but however a dispatch arrived shortly after the death of Ross Bell, ordering
Major General Brooks, and Brigadier Valiant, K.H., to proceed to the Presidency, the latter
to command the Fort of Bombay, and to resign their respective commands in the field, to
the two senior officers then present, who were Brigadier England, K. II., then Lieut. Colonel
of H. M. 41st, and Lieut, Colonel Soppett; this order came from the Supreme Government,
and was promulgated from the Board of Directors, who, in consequence of circumstances
connected with the Court of Inquiry, held at Sukkur, to investigate into and opinionize on
the unfortunate affair of Major Clibborne’s defeat at “Noofoosk,” these two officers, one
President, and the other a member of the Court; and some injudicious conduct, contrary to
the custom of the service, in the eyes of Government, led to the withdrawal of them from
their commands in the field; there is now in print the whole of the affair, under the head of
the Clibborne Commission; and I would introduce more of the matter, but I am
necessitated to be rather brief in my details, as they are so numerous and connected; the
whole of the correspondence, &c. &c,, on that subject, may be found on reference to that
publication, which is one of a most interesting character.
This removal worked greatly on the minds of both these officers, and the few little failures I
have already shown would add to its weight. They parted with their force amid the well
wishes of all, I think; and Brigadier Valiant with his Regiment, with a full heart, having

anticipated glory and laurels by their aid—which to such a soldier as Valiant, was a rack
indeed.
The encamping ground was again changed, as the sickness still remained. About this time
Colonel Stacy sent in word that he had succeeded in winning over the object of his search,
“Nusseer Khan,” who, under the promise of protection, restoration of his territory, &c.,
would surrender himself to us; he vas brought into the camp of Quetta, on the 8th of
September; and much was made of him, he being by birth the heir to Kelat, and of course
the “Khan,” (king.) He held a levee, and all officers who Dished to be introduced, attended,
for the purpose of being presented to “His Highness Meer Nusseer Khan,” Chief of Kelat;
on the 10th, Brigadier England ordered a general parade, for his Highness, although the
majority of the men were in so weak a state as to be pronounced unfit for service ; but they
appeared very well considering; the artillery shewed him what we could do at a long
distance, and the general alacrity with which the men went through the different
evolutions greatly surprised Nusseer, who, no doubt, doubly regretted playing so long
with so fine a disciplined army as that of the British. The mother of Nusseer, Beebee
Gunjun, also came in, but his uncle, Gool Mahomed, fled; and would of course have been
put to death, if ever he had been caught. On the 20th of September, the camp was again
moved, for the change of air, but all of no use; the winter was fast approaching; even now
the snow appeared on the tops of the Hemayllee Mountains, and the weather was getting
very cold at night, but extremely hot in the day. The ground was again changed on the 30th
September, and back again on the 2nd October; the news of our sick state was sent some
days before to General Nott, commanding Sindh and Lower Affghanistan, then at
Caudahar, who directed Brigadier England to dispatch H.M. 40th Regiment, and all the
sick troops that could possibly be marched or carried, to winter at Candahar, in some
barracks that were just finished. This news was rather unexpected and unwelcome.
Already we were unable to march a day, and we had anticipated going down the Passes
towards Bombay; nay, so far was it arranged that even the stores and carriage were
prepared for that purpose but one day before this order arrived from General Nott, when
of course it must be obeyed, and the route was changed to go still more into the interior of
the enemy’s country—to leave Belochistan and enter Affghanistan.

CHAPTER XII.
March to Candahar; The foot of the Goths; The Kojuk Pass; Description of route; Troops greatly
harassed; The Desert; Arrival at Candahar; The Cantonments; Their unfinished state; Candahar; Its
people; Trade and state; Description of the City; Tomb of the Emperor, Ahmed Shah; Timor Shah;
Sufter Jung; Military force; Vicinity of Candahar; Ghuznee in want of succor; Major McLaren
dispatched; Is intercepted by the snow; Great loss; Unfortunate result; Winter sets in; Troops desert
to the enemy; Old adage; Appearance of an Outbreak; Alarming prospect; Troops continually under
arms; Dreadful news from Cabool; Orders to Evacuate; State of the Country; War rages;
Preparations for Battle; The City blockaded; Trade suspended; Precautions taken; The Enemy makes
a stand; Orders to attack; Craft of the Enemy; 7000 Troops proceed to the Field; March to the Fight;
12th January, 1844; Battle of Killa Shuk.
The preparations for commencing our march were completed, and on the 6th of October,
1841, we proceeded towards Gandahar. I must now state that I did not entirely escape a
share of the sickness. At Quetta I was attacked with the ague and fever, and was in a very
weakly state for several months— but thanks to that Being who governs all things, I
recovered. The road was not the worst we had travelled, but there was one great object
before us to be got over, which was to cross, the much dreaded “Kojuk Heights.” I must
here make it known to my readers that I was laboring from the severe sickness all the way
to Candahar, but, though sick, kept up my note-book as well as I could; therefore, the
description of the route to Candahar will be, in consequence, somewhat brief, and will, I
trust, be excused; suffice it to say that nothing of note took place, with the exception of
crossing the heights. En route to the mountains, we crossed the head of the Laharra River,
and on the 13th reached the foot of the Goth, where the camp was pitched in the valley,
and night came on; there was an advance force formed of the sick, &c. to enable them to get
over, ere the guns and the main body arrived. So on the morning we commenced the
ascent, which was very great, and the road narrow, and caused much difficulty in gaining
the summit; so steep was the path that we had often to stop to gain breath. Having gained
the top, the path led down a deep abyss; it was in the side of the mountain, and it perhaps
may be more fully understood if described as nothing more than a shelf cut in the
mountain; it was, from eight, to twelve feet wide; only one camel or horse could pass at the
same time,—on the right looked up to an immense height, and on the left into a dreadful
abyss, not less than from 1200 to 1400 feet below; there are several small valleys, occasioned
by the ruggedness of the mountains, which formed a sort of circuitous route beneath; the
great difficulty was to get the guns and heavy baggage over the height; to allow the horses
to draw them up would have been madness, for the least fright, on the narrow shelf, which
is the best name for it to be understood, would have brought destruction on the whole
connected with a gun, which would not be less than ten to twelve men, and should be
many more, and as many horses, for had there been the least slip, they would have been
dashed to pieces down the awful craggy precipice: the same with the camels, and many
instances occurred, of cattle falling down, and of course were destroyed; therefore the

whole of the Infantry had first to cross the heights, and having arranged their baggage, had
to return and draw up the guns, which rendered the march one of the most, fatiguing
almost possible; the deep ravine on the one side, and the craggy hills on the other, rendered
the scene very picturesque. The narrow winding of the shelf or path enabled those from the
summits to see the whole before, and as far as the eye could carry behind him—soldiers,
followers, camels, horses, bullocks, and every thing appertaining to an army, formed a very
imposing sight; the dreary appearance and echo of the pass, was dismal, and seemed to
inquire why we intruded through so secluded a path. In the mountains were small caves,
in which were a few individuals, who gained a livelihood by plundering travellers of
whom there were comparatively few, and in this case dared not venture to practice their
profession; they, however brought us out pomegranates, grapes, &c., for sale, which were
very acceptable, to refresh the harassed soldier. At length, after a very tedious march, (for it
was about twelve miles ere the foot of the Goths were reached, and our toil in dragging the
guns over,) we reached the bottom, and pitched our camp, tired and weary, and every one
glad to take a little rest,—the whole or lighter portion of the army’s baggage not getting
over till midnight; the force halted the next day, and the following was another long and
dreary march, across the Kojuk Desert, about twenty-three miles. The road was level and
light, which in itself was a treat, and with the exception of its extreme barrenness, and there
being no water, the march was not to be complained of; the next day we had to march to
our destination, Candahar, after eight- teen days on the route, into cantonments ; these
were three buildings erected for the Sepoys; but as the cold weather was setting in, and the
Europeans had suffered so much, they were ordered to take up their winter quarters, to the
great joy of every one,—for anything before canvass, to protect from the variable
inclemency of the weather in Affghanistan.
The principal part of the Troops left at Quetta, went down through the Bolan and via
Soomeanee, towards the Provinces, and the 40th were still in the field, to await some
further opportunity of distinguishing and adding to the established gallantry of the corps.
The Sepoy cantonment spoken of, in which we were quartered, was in an unfinished state,
and was built in three squares, each capable of holding one Regiment, or about one
thousand men; they were built of mud, the walls nine feet thick, about two hundred and
fifty feet square, arched roofs, no windows, simply a sort of embrasures as ventilators; the
rooms or barracks were ranged two on each side, and formed three entrances; they were
about sixteen feet wide, and the floors were nothing more than the earth rudely leveled, no
doors, and in fact was short of being a good stable; but even these were comfortable
indeed, when compared with the tents, in which we had been nearly three years, save in
the wretched huts at Karachi, and as the sickness of Quetta still prevailed, we hoped to rest
in obscure peace. This, however, was not to be.
Candahar is a city and fortress about three-fourths of a mile square, contains four main
streets, or bazaars, abounds well with trade, and has about 10,000 inhabitants ; traffic and
merchandize of every description carried on to a very great extent, and the adjacent
country appeared much to depend on its general market; almost daily convoys were

arriving from ‘ Kelat,’ ‘Cabool,’ and other distant places, and generally speaking, produce
was sold at a reasonable rate—and trade at this time was flourishing, as there could not be
less than 9,000 or 10,000 Troops, who, of course, had to be supported from their markets.
On the west side of the Fort stood a splendid (though almost in rains,) Citadel, the
residence of the Governor; it was well fortified, and afforded a fine refuge in the time of
need; it fronted one of the main streets, which led to a large dome that stood in the
immediate centre of the town, and formed a sort of exchange, and its rear formed part of
the west wall of the city. There are five gates or entrances to the city, called:—The Topah
Khana, or general entrance, the Herat, Shikarpore, Edgar and Cabool Gates. The first
named led directly to the cantonments, which were about one and a half miles from the
city; the Herat Gate was in the same side of the square of the Fort as the Topah Khana. The
other gates, Shikarpore and Cabool, were called so from their leading directly to the routes
for those places, and formed the entrances to the north and east sides; and the Edgar was
the one used by the Governor, as his private entrance on the north side, and was called so
from its leading to the Temple, where he worshipped; all the gates save the Topah Khana
and Herat were generally closed, and opened only on particular occasions. Near the first
named gate, inside the city, stands a beautiful Temple or Mausoleum, in which are interred
several ancient great families. Its entrance, like every other Eastern town, is rude, dirty, and
void of all taste; nothing more than a small gate in a narrow dirty lane, which opened into a
neglected though spacious court-yard, in. the centre of which stood the Mausoleum; about
nine large steps led to a fine portico, and exhibited a lovely piece of architecture, in the
exterior and interior richly carved and gilt; it had one circular domed roof, which was
peculiarly and beautifully knit together in carved wood, and terminated with a central
ornament, from which was suspended a large piece of solid gold; round the temple were
boxes for pews, in front of which were marble slabs, with Persian inscriptions, from the
Koran. Opposite to the entrance stands an altar for the sacred volume, on a pedestal, and
each book locked up, covered with scarlet and other cloths; the floor was covered with a
splendid Persian carpet. To the left was the Tomb of ‘Ahmed Shah,’ grandfather to the
present King of Cabool, Shah Shooja, and great grandfather to Timor Shah, then Governor
of Candahar; the front was of white marble, and covered with a crimson silk velvet pall,
edged with black; at its head stood the standard of the resting Monarch, with the sacred
symbol of their religion, an open hand. There were several other tombs, the details of
which I did not inquire into. In the streets leading from the Citadel, is a large building for
general assemblies, to which are attached the Governor’s baths, in which, also, are several
fine gardens; there are many other noble buildings in Candahar, and altogether I looked
upon it as one of the most flourishing and handsome Eastern cities I had seen.
Timor Shah, the Governor, and Suftur Jung, the Sub-Governor, his step-brother and son of
Shah Shooja, were present at Candahar; the latter looked after the dispositions of their
army, and the former governed the place.
Major General Nott commanded; Major Rawlinson was the Political Representative.
Captain Anderson commanded the Shah’s Artillery—Captain Leeson his Cavalry; and each
officer who commanded a Regiment of the Shah’s Infantry, had full charge of it, and it was

called after him. Shah Shooja’s Troops were in a very high state of discipline, and, if 1 may
he allowed the remark, I think their general knowledge of the use of arms, bespoke an
unwise and ungovernment-like act on the part of our authorities, to permit the Troops of
another, almost strange nation, to be instructed in our art of war; many times has this
proved itself a gross error. Shah Shooja, having been placed by us on the Throne, was
permitted to have a certain number of Regiments organized by British officers, and
instructed precisely in the same art as we practice; no doubt with a good intention, being
allies, &c. So far was this permission carried out, that Shah Shooja had not less than an
army of over 10,000 disciplined men.
About two and a half miles north west of the cantonment, in a low range of mountains, was
a narrow defile or pass that led to a fine fertile country called Babba Walle, and Killa Shuk,
on the right hand, and on the left a still finer country, through which ran the River Urgun-
Daub. Candahar was so completely surrounded by mountains that, turn which way you
would, you must enter the hills, and there appeared nothing but desolation and hardship
for the soldier.
The enemy up to this time had been pretty quiet. Dispatches were received from Ghuznee,
that Colonel Palmer, commanding there, was in want of assistance, there being very great
appearances of an outbreak. Accordingly, General Nott sent off a detachment, well
calculated to reinforce Chuznee, under command of that gallant officer, Major McLaren,
who commenced his march, taking with him provisions for the force at Ghuznee. He had
not proceeded far before the weather grew very inclement, the snow fell profusely, and the
country being very mountainous, and the roads in many places narrow and intricate, the
snow filled up the defiles in a great measure, and prevented their proceeding,, either
forward or even back to Candahar. The greater portion of the cattle carrying his provisions
were asses, and the remainder camels and bullocks;, the weather was extremely cold, and
there being no shelter for the cattle, and nothing more than. a tent for the Troops, the
expedition began to. look unfortunate, and the position alarming; the Major was anxious to
return, or to assist the need at Ghuznee, but could not; he was also anxious to refit his force
by returning, but could not; but had to remain several days in camp, in the most awful of
miserable weather; the consequence was, that the cattle died in great numbers; the
provisions, having no place to shelter them, became saturated with the thawing snow, and
were in great quantities destroyed ; the road in advance was well known to be worse than
that already traversed, and therefore the distressed Major had with extreme difficulty to
return to Candahar, in an alarmingly helpless state, with comparatively no cattle, and the
Troops sick and weak, having suffered great loss in everyway. Daily the weather at
Candahar grew colder, which was miserable for the Troops, particularly for the Sepoys, not
being able to stand cold so well as the Europeans. About this time several natives of a
suspicious character appeared in the city, and were arrested as spies; and, from intelligence
gained, a rumor broke out that all was not right, and seldom does a rumor exist in a camp,
but there is some grounds for it, though they may not immediately be discovered ; this
rumor was corroborated by occasionally small parties of soldiers (disciplined,) belonging to

the Shah’s Regiments, deserting, and more so by a circumstance which happened, which
the reader may judge for himself.
Suftur Jung, stated to be in charge of the Native Army, (not disciplined,) of the Governor, his
brother, and being of the same caste as greater part of the disciplined Troops of his father,
had made an agreement with numbers of these men, that they should desert and go with
him into the hills, collect the surrounding Tribes, join in one grand assembly with Akbar
Khan, and attack the British at Candahar: this was settled upon, and it got out. The
European officers, who commanded the Shah’s Troops, did all in their power to prevent
such a proceeding, but a number of them attacked two of their officers and killed them, and
afterwards deserted to the enemy; the greater portion of these were belonging to the Shah’s
Artillery, all more or less instructed in our art of gunnery, and disciplined by us, thus
bringing the old adage to bear—”You make a rod to beat yourself.” This of course greatly
roused the half-grounded suspicions of the Government in Candahar, and they
commenced to operate on matters as they stood. On the 25th of December, 1841, about
seven, P.M., a body of men were seen advancing towards the city, with the intention, it was
thought, of making an attack; the alarm was sounded, and in fifteen minutes every man
was under arms, and drawn up ready for action in any quarter. This was the first symptom
of warfare we had seen in Affghanistan, and from this hour our troubles commenced in
right earnest; but this was soon lulled by the disappearance of the body in question; the
night was dark, and no doubt from the sound of so many bugles, trumpets, drums, &c.,
they judged it wise to make off. The Troops returned to their quarters, but remained
accoutred, and lay on their arms all night. One thing bore out another; and led to the
conclusion that the country was up in arms. No mail had been received since the 10th inst.
and it was concluded that the enemy had adopted the plan of cutting off all
correspondence; everything remained in anxiety, suspense, and anticipated wretchedness.
The whole of the Troops were constantly under arms, the guns ready loaded for action;
provisions lay alongside the cattle, ready for loading; cattle were placed with each
Regiment and Detachment, ready to march at a moment’s warning; the Commissariat had
a month’s provisions prepared to place upon cattle; in fact everything was in uproar, but
order; and scarce any knew what was going on. Sentinels were placed in the most
advantageous places. Field pieces were stationed to fire in any and every direction, look-
out sentinels were placed by day, with telescopes, on the mountains near, and as night
came on, out-lying piquets and patroles were mounted, and the rest lay on their arms and
slept but for short periods; the distant, lonely sentinel, would probably observe from his
post some party in the distance ; shots would be exchanged, and this would of course raise
an alarm; every man would be roused and stand to his arms; this would occur many times
during a night, and thus was the rest of the poor soldier continually broken. About the
middle of January, 1842, a cossid (courier) having escaped the vigilance of the enemy,
arrived with dispatches from Cabool, giving an account of the awful catastrophe there—of
the total annihilation of the 44th Regiment and the army of Cabool. Orders were also
received from General Elphinstone, to evacuate Ghuznee, Kelat-I-Gilzie and Candahar, the
former to be made over to Shooms-ood-dien Khan, who would cause the Troops to be
conducted sale to the provinces. These orders were, it appears, under the direction of the

Envoy, M’Naughtcn, at Cabool, who found it necessary to evacuate Affghanistan; but
Major Leech, the Political Agent, and Captain Craigie, Commanding at Kelat-I-Gilzie, and
General Nott at Candahar, could not, under existing circumstances, comply with the order.
Of course obedience is the first duty of a soldier, but in this case it remains to be judged
whether such disobedience was discreet or not. The Troops still remained under arms; the
enemy was a great source of annoyance, which, with the coldness of the nights, and the
heat of the days, made the men weary of their existence. The awful intelligence was
corroborated by the arrival of another cossid from Cabool, reporting the murder of Sir
Alexander Burns, Sir Wm. M’Naughten, and several others, also of the taking of Ladies
Sale, M’Naughten, and a great many other prisoners. The loss of the British Troops was
said to be upwards of 12,000; this was dreadful news indeed ; the reader may no doubt
imagine the feelings of the Army at Candahar; the same enemy was en route to, if possible,
destroy every British Force in Affghanistan, and that enemy in numbers tour to one against
us. General Nott, however, was still in possession of Candahar, and issued an order that
every inhabitant must immediately lay in six months’ provisions at least, as be expected to
be besieged; all possible purchases were made, of any and every kind, for the Troops; all
valuable property, stores, &c., were placed in the Citadel, and everything was in readiness
for battle. General Sale had reached Jellalabad from Cabool before the out-break, and was
then similarly situated to Nott, with the 13th Light Infantry, and the 35th Bengal N. I., and
all waited the approach of the enemy. It appears that the insurrection was under Akbar
Khan, son of Dost Mahomed Khan, the late King of Cabool, and now a prisoner in our
hands at Calcutta. Akbar, finding that matters, in their present state, was all in his favour,
and having a strong army, determined to make the best use of it.
The particulars of this unfortunate affair, I will give in their own place, when I shall relate
the story of the days at Cabool, briefly, but sufficiently clear, to enable my readers to know
the principal features of the facts. It is impossible to describe the feelings of the Troops at
Candahar, at learning the sad situation of the ladies as prisoners—the women, the pride of
Britain, the joy of our hearts, and the only source of happiness in our worldly travail! Can it
be supposed we could evacuate the country in which they were incarcerated? I should not
like to be the man to say yes! unless I intended to war with mankind, and become the most
odious of my sex.
The state of Candahar, in January, 1842, was unenviable, and the Troops dreadfully
harassed, and in the depth of winter; but to proceed.
Suftur Jung, mentioned as having left Candahar, had taken the field and joined the rebels,
who had come down from Cabool, and collected themselves under Actar Mahomed Khan,
a general of Akbar’s, and who had dispersed them in several bodies hovering round the
vicinity of the city; they annoyed us very much by attacking our outposts, and small
foraging parties, destroying the mills and crops, murdering the work people, hamstringing
the cattle belonging to the tranquil natives bringing in supplies, turning off water, and in
many other ways; thus woe and misery were the ruling features ; the sentinel on his post at
the dead of night would be fired at, and alarms would consequently be raised. We had all

been under arms, booted, spurred and accoutred, since the 25th December, night and day;
twice, thrice, or even oftener, we would have to fall in ready for action during the night, in
consequence of the shots of the enemy coming into camp; the guns were distributed in such
a manner that, come which way they would, they confronted the enemy; this was, night
after night, and week after week, carried on ; our rest, little as it was, broken, and each
hoped with the dawn of day to see the enemy, in order to have a contest, and end the
miseries we were enduring; and at length our wishes were in some measure realized.
The spies our functionaries bad out, were continually bringing in accounts of the
movements of the enemy, who now appeared to have made a sort of stand, and taken up a
determined position at Killa Shuk, about eight miles northeast of Candahar.
General Nott, having become somewhat confident as to their numbers and probable
power, determined to attack them, and on the 11th of January, 1842, warned about 7000
Troops, including Artillery, Cavalry and Infantry. The 40th, being the only European
Regiment then at Candahar, of course became the base of the Army, and the General
remarked that every man with a white face was looked up to as the stronghold for the
support of Candahar. In consequence of the order to be in readiness to march at daybreak
on the following morning, all became bustle. The cantonments were to be evacuated. The
sick of all the corps, together with all heavy baggage and stores, were to be left in the
Citadel, where already our Commissariat, Treasure, Ordnance, and the Governor, were.
Four 18-pounders were placed in front of the Citadel, facing the dome, and up the principal
street. These were primed and loaded—ready for action—as it was surmised that, after the
Troops named, had left the city, no doubt the inhabitants would rise in rebellion and
attempt to take the Citadel. These precautions—together with the whole of the gates of the
city being ordered to be immediately blocked up with bags of sand, flour, rice, &c. in fact
anything brought by the natives,—were very praiseworthy.
The troops proceeding to the field were lightly equipped, taking nothing more than one
shirt and a pair of socks, also a towel and a day’s rations in their haversacks, ready cooked;
all the bedding and additional necessaries belonging to the men were thrown in a heap in
labeled bundles, and with the sick and unfits, were sent to the Citadel.
On the 12th, at daybreak, a very cold morning, we commenced our march for Killa Shuk.
The route led through a narrow defile, situate about one-and- a-half miles from the
cantonments, and from thence into a lovely valley, intersected with small rivulets and
nullahs; here and there was seen a village, and a few tranquil natives, driving their asses
and camels to our camp. As we approached, the country became more level, and in the
distance were seen small bodies of the enemy, and again came deep nullahs or ditches—
these had to be jumped or waded over. The sun had now risen, and shone upon an
immense sheet of water. This, it appeared, arose from the enemy having turned the water
over the land, with a view to swamp the country, and, if not intercept our approach,
greatly to annoy us. The country was in this state for about three miles—and, what with the
severity of the weather, having to wade up to the hips through water, and standing

continual!} or walking through it ankle deep—greatly tried the younger branches of the
force, who were just recovering from the awful effect of the late sickness. But this was not
to be considered when the enemy was so near, and we advanced as well as we could.
Having come sufficiently near the “field of fight,” though the ground would not admit of
the General making any very practical formations, we were drawn up in columns of
divisions. The force was in two brigades; we advanced and soon saw the main body of the
enemy in front, situated behind a bank or ridge of a dry ditch, in which position it was
impossible for them to lose many, and whilst thus situated they could rest their matchlocks
on the banks, and take uninterrupted and deliberate aims at us from the traverse. Seeing
our near approach, they commenced a heavy fire upon us; the balls whistled through our
ranks and over our heads, and each thought his time had come. General Nott threw out
skirmishers to the front, to cover the brigades during formation: they advanced in gallant
style, and kept up a fine irregular fire in opposition to the enemy. It was towards the left of
the enemy’s line a man, apparently a chief, sat, taking cool aim, with pieces loaded for him
by parties hid behind the bank. This chief, distinguished by a white turban, killed five, but
was at length popped off by a shot from one of ours, which hit him just in the head, and
soon quieted him. The brigade having formed up, the bugle sounded the retire for the
skirmishers, and the enemy, seeing this, and being unacquainted with our tactics, thinking
they had driven them hack, raised a shout, and waved their swords and banners to come
on. A buzz was hoard in our ranks, with an anxiety to get at them. The British courage
being roused at this shouting, Lieutenant Lee, of the 40th, wishing silence to be observed,
held up his hand to draw the attention of his men to his orders, when he received a shot
through the palm. Up to this time our loss was about twelve men. The line advanced, and
at length arrived at the river Urgun Daub, which we had to cross: the stream ran very
rapidly and with great force; its depth was about up to the hips of a middle-sized man, and
it was with great difficulty we got over. Several men were carried down the stream for
some distance. The shorter men were unable to protect their ammunition, and the artillery
was very hard to be dragged through the stream. Immediately any got over they were
thrown out as skirmishers to cover the landing of the rest, and at length having reformed, a
heavy fire was opened; the skirmishers were called in, our artillery played well on the
enemy and town hard by, which was thronged with men, women and children. The
General offered a reward of 5,000 rupees for Actar Mahomed, dead or alive; several more
haughty shouts came from the enemy. But we, exhibiting that splendid part of our
discipline, steadiness in the ranks, heeded not their cries. At length, after a smart battle for
some time, the General gave the word “Charge!” Every heart was filled with apparent
desperation; a rush ensued; the enemy flew like chaff before the wind; the guns played
with grape, shell, &c. The Cavalry and Infantry charged in fine style, and in the course of a
few moments, hundreds of the enemy lay dead on the ground, though many, principally
mounted, escaped; had we but had a Regiment of European Cavalry, not a man would
have escaped. The town was routed, and after a severe action of about four hours, a victory
was gained, and I am happy to say, with comparatively little damage on our side.

CHAPTER XIII.
The Return; Severe Weather; Miserable Prospects; Forlorn state of the Sick; Miseries of Hospitals in
India; Conduct of Native Servants; Followers cut off; Massacre of a Guard; Fighting for Forage;
Severity of the Winter; Enormous loss of Cattle in consequence; A Defeat; Great loss; Forage
procured; Sad news; The loss of Ghuznee; Treaty broken; Enemy still about; Preparations for hard
warfare; Seven days’ bivouacking; Description of Route; Narrow escape of General Nott; Skirmishes
too numerous to detail; Harassing attacks; Enemy Cowards; Unsuccessful journey; The Return;
Attack on the City; Valiant conduct of the sick; Bravery of the Troops; Noble conduct of an Artillery
Guard; Treachery of some Native Sentinels.
The Cavalry having returned, the force was ordered to march bade to Candahar, in
consequence of the extreme frost at night, and the men having walked and stood so many
hours in water; on reaching about half way, the advance guard saw another or the same
body of the enemy assembled on a hill to our left, but seeing us advance towards them,
fled, and we arrived at the cantonments about sun-set. Immediately after the sun went
down, the frost came on very severe; we repaired to our nominal rooms, tired and weary,
cold and miserable, the frost so severe that the woolen trousers of the men, being saturated
with the water, were frozen stiff round our legs; and to render it more wretched, the men
had no bed or change of clothes, as previous to marching to the field of fight, as before
stated, the whole of the baggage was sent to the Citadel, and thrown into a heap, so that it
was useless at that hour of night to attempt to find and distribute it; besides every man was
so weary and tired; no fire, no food, because that day’s rations were taken with them, and
eaten; in fact there was no comfort wherewith to nourish the poor harassed soldier, just
returned most miserable from the scene of death. Most awful sensation visited me, as well
as I may say every one, who, comparing our present situations with that of home and
tranquility, with friends to console and soothe our affections. It was oft in these extreme
trials that I have thought on by-gone days; but, it was but a thought, and ‘twas over; it
recurred to my mind I was a soldier, and it ill became me to give way to so weak and
disadvantageous ideas, and I have found myself raised by hopes that it would soon end,
and that I was serving my country.
Next day, every one was busily employed in re-fetching and regulating their few
necessaries.
The city during the battle of yesterday was all quiet; trade of all kinds was suspended by
order of the General, and those natives who were in the city seemed anxious to know the
result of the battle. The sick of our Troops were very miserably situated, suddenly removed
from off a still bed in the hospital of the cantonments, to that of a cold hovel, with every
privation, scarce attendance enough to perform the common necessities of nature, so weak
and forlorn; coarse food, badly cooked, none to sympathize, none to ask the soothing
question, “Is there anything you wish for, or that I can do for you?” none to administer

those little comforts so beneficial to one in a state of sickness; with a mattress of straw on
the cold ground, amid every kind of disturbance and uproar, unable to rise from off the
pillow, to even reach a draught, and afraid to ask, lest a reluctant and indolent native
attendant should feign ignorance, refuse or neglect. If there is one thing more than another
which ought to be strictly looked after and attended to, on a line of march, it is a sick
soldier. It will be almost impossible for any one unacquainted with the life of a campaigner
in India, to even conceive the miseries of an hospital in the field. A more dejected, lost
creature, does not exist, than a sick soldier on a long march in India; it must, nevertheless,
be admitted, that the allowances of Government to the medical branch of the Army in
India, is on a most liberal scale; surgeons, apothecaries, apprentices, stewards, and a most
extensive establishment of not less than three hundred attendants to each Regiment, are
allowed for the sick; no stint is given to the allowance, comforts of any and every kind at
the discretion of the surgeons; but it is the attention evinced by these attendants ; it
becomes a mere nominal duty to them; they are of different castes, Hindoos, Musulman,
&c., and they perform their respective duties to a certain extent, but do not enter into that
fine feeling of humanity towards the Christians, as is shown in an English Hospital. Let a
man be ever so sick, though in the last stage of life, if the Troops are ordered to march, he
must be carried in a palanquin, and jolted on the shoulders of four men a day’s march,
averaging about twelve miles. The chances are, on his reaching the new ground, through
the non-arrival of the hospital tents, that he may lie exposed to the heat of the Indian sun
two or three hours in the palanquin, perhaps in a high stage of fever or dysentery (and
several times have I seen when the palanquin has been examined, that the poor wretched
man was a corpse; none knew the exact time of his death; suffice to say, he was alive when
he left camp in the morning,) or on the arrival of the tent, tossed helpless into it, on an
unprepared bed, on damp ground, with perhaps bad brackish water, and have to remain
so, four, six, or eight hours, before the coarse meal would be ready, and when ready, issued
in a most rude manner; truly it may be said, every nicety of comfort cannot be expected in a
place like that, which will be readily admitted ; but it is merely to point out the absurdity of
our Government in India, in placing so much trust in these native attendants, whose
general idea is to plunder the allowance of the poor sick, and who, from a conviction that
the Europeans are in a sphere above them, and infidels in their belief, contrary to their
caste, and averse to the white face, feel an inward pleasure in privately (for openly they
dare not,) oppressing and filching at any little opportunity they can. I could speak at a far
greater length on this subject; but, perhaps, my readers may be able to form an idea of their
general conduct from what I have already said, and one cannot be found that could
exaggerate this subject; it may be said, does not the surgeon prevent this? Yes, would be the
true answer, when he can ever detect anything; but they are too cunning: who is there that
has travelled in India, but will agree with me in describing the general character of the
menial native, to be that of the most hostile to humanity, and whose extreme craftiness and
truly mean, dishonest disposition, render them almost hated? In short, the menial native
servant of every European feels a pleasure, and considers it a matter of course, that a
portion of anything entrusted to him, is his, and it is well known that an imaginary item in
a gentleman’s account of expenditure, is, so much pilfered by these servants; and there is
no evading it.

But to proceed. The day following the battle, all was arranged as before it, still the enemy
hovered in the vicinity of our camp; a few days after our Commissariat sent a quantity of
wheat to be ground at a neighbouring mill, accompanied by about seven men with twenty
camels. The enemy attacked them when there, destroyed the grain and mill, and took away
the camels and heads of the seven men, who were discovered next day.
A few days after this a small out-guard, consisting of a Havildar (Sergeant) and six Sepoys,
were attacked at dead of night, and all but one were beheaded; the one left was tied, to tell
the tale, and he would not have been allowed to escape but it happened that he was a
Mussulman, same as themselves; those that were murdered were Hindoos, and belonged
to the 16th Native Infantry. They were discovered when the new guard went to relieve
them the next morning. It was never known how they came upon them past the sentinels,
but it was surmised the guard was not as alert as it ought to have been, or an alarm must
necessarily have been raised, which would have been heard in camp.
On the 21st of February, a considerable force was sent out for the purpose of collecting
forage for our cattle, consisting of about four regiments, and five hundred followers, with
several hundreds of camels, mules, horses, &c., and on their arrival at the place, a village
about four miles south of Candahar, it was found to be occupied by the enemy in apparent
great numbers; the ground was a fine plain, and our troops formed a line, and the enemy
sallied from the fort and village, and attacked in a manner worthy of praise ; we kept up a
fine fire, which was opposed strongly by them; they endeavored to work round our flanks,
but without effect; a charge was attempted, but they retreated into the fort; they again
sallied out, and I regret to say that after a severe contest of about four hours, our force was
obliged to retreat, with the loss of about fifty Sepoys and one hundred and fifty followers,
together with a great number or nearly all the cattle. I watched the battle for upwards of
three hours, from the top of the mountain that I have already described as being situate
opposite the cantonments, and used for two sentinels, one European, and one native, with
a telescope; it was by means of a glass that I was able to discern the exact movements of the
battle; several others went up to look at the affray, and the whole camp was in uproar, fully
expecting that a reinforcement would be sent out; but the retreating force soon arrived in
camp, and sad indeed was the loss of cattle, because carriage of every description was
extremely scarce, and had we then to proceed on a long march, I question if we could have
moved with facility, for want of carriage. In consequence of the severity of the winter, the
number of casualties amongst the cattle was enormous; every morning would be seen the
carcasses of ten or twenty camels, besides bullocks and horses; the Commissariat, as well as
every other Department, lost nearly all their camels. To shew more clearly the extent of the
loss sustained in the Government cattle, out of the number of camels brought from Quetta,
in October, 1841, to Candahar, which were seven hundred and thirty, only thirty-three
remained on the 1st of March, 1842, independent of all the private and public cattle
belonging to other sources. The same epidemic appeared in all the stations of troops down
the country, such as Killa-ab-Doola, immediately below the Kojuk Heights, Quetta, Dadur,
Shikarpore, Sukkur, Hydrabad, Tatta, and Karachi; the total loss of camels, from the latter

place to Candahar, was not less than twelve thousand during the winter of 1841, besides
the loss sustained with the force which advanced on Ghuznee, under Col. McLaren, who,
in consequence of extreme inclemency of weather, it will be remembered, was obliged to
return; what those were in the Upper Provinces I know not, but if compared with these
now named, they must be very great; each camel costs Government from eighty to one
hundred and thirty rupees,—about thirteen pounds; the almost innumerable incidents that
occur to me, I fear too often draw my attention from the precise subject, but I trust I shall be
excused, as it is with a sincere wish to convey as much interesting matter as possible to
enable the reader more fully to define the situation of our troops.
After the failure of the foraging party, the General was determined to route the insurgents
from their rendezvous, and directed a still stronger force to proceed to the same place,
under Colonel Wymer, 38th Bengal Native Infantry; and great to have a good supply of
ammunition, and a reinforcement was held in readiness; they marched early in the
morning, and on their arrival found that the enemy had evacuated the place; but not before
burning and destroying all the forage and grain in the fort and vicinity.
On the 1st of March, another force was dispatched about four miles on this side of Killa
Shuk, and the 40th, together with a native Regiment, were dispatched in a hidden direction
through the narrow defile, as a reserve force, in the event that the party should be attacked;
several were seen hovering about at a considerable distance, and in order to prevent the
tranquil villagers from bringing in supplies, they used to hamstring their asses, and strew
their loads on the ground, and thus render them useless to all parties. Nothing of moment,
however, occurred, and about sunset, having got in a fair supply of forage, we returned to
camp.
Candahar still remained dormant as to the receipt of news; the Kojuk Heights, and the
various passes and routes from the upper country being in possession of the enemy.
Sometimes a casual cossid (courier) would arrive with a secret letter for the General or
Political Agent; the cossid must have escaped miraculously, for death was the lot of any
native found carrying any letter or succour whatever to us; it was by one of these secret
portions of correspondence, that we learned the fate of the force at Ghuzuee; news arrived
one morning from that place, and brought us the sad intelligence that the prisoners of
Cabool were still in the hands of Akbar Khan, and that Sirdar Shooms-ood-Deen Khan, a
General, and relative of Akbar’s, had been dispatched to Ghuznee, with instructions to
treat with Colonel Palmer, who had already received directions from General Elphin-
stone, to the effect, that he should give up Ghuznee to the Sirdar (General) on his arrival;
and that lie, the Sirdar, would see the force at Ghuznee safely conducted to the Provinces.
This treaty, it appears, was entered into by the parties; but on the Sirdar obtaining
possession of the fortress, instead of conducting the force, as anticipated, he caused them
all to be made close prisoners; kept the officers, and a lady, Mrs. Lumly, as state prisoners
in the Citadel, and numbers of the Sepoys, of the 27th Native Infantry, were sold as slaves
to the surrounding farmers.

This second act of treachery led us to conclude that Akbar was at the bottom. The bare idea
of entering into a solemn negotiation, and then with all the odiousness of an assassin to
break it, and become an oppressor, called forth the loudest acclamations of revenge from
every British subject in the country.
We also learned the fate of M’Naughten, at a greater length; he was killed by Akbar Khan,
at a hostile meeting, called for the purpose of furthering the subject of evacuating
Afghanistan. The particulars of this will be seen in a future chapter —treating on this
particular subject.
Killat-I-Gilzie, the stronghold in our possession, between Candahar and Ghuznee, was still
besieged, and the provisions there were reported by Captain J. H. Craigie, commanding, to
be about sufficient for four months.
The enemy still kept up that spirit of warfare, by hovering round the vicinity of the camp;
and so great was the annoyance, that it was dangerous to walk even a few yards from the
cantonments, as the chances were, that some infatuated few of the rebels would be secreted
behind a bush, and rush out with drawn swords or huge knives, and spite of the almost
certainty of being killed, would risk it by making a cut at a passer by.
On many occasions did this occur, and, of course, the consequence was that the wretches
generally, not more than two, were killed on the spot. So repeated were the acts of this
outrageous nature, that it began to open the eyes of the General, and he determined to rout
them if possible; accordingly he issued orders, to the effect, that he anticipated a movement
of the greater portion of the Troops for a few days, for the purpose of scouring the vicinity
of Candahar. His orders were very rigid, and his arrangements in the town, prior to his
moving, excellent. He prohibited any traffic or trade during his absence, directed all the
gates should be blockaded as before, and that a guard equal to two Regiments, composed
of parties of all corps, and also the sick and convalescents, to be left in the Citadel, where
the Governor, Timour Shah, resided; all the baggage, as before, was deposited there—the
Troops proceeding were to take no tents, only one blanket, (which weighed about two and
a half pounds,) and one change of linen, to enable us to meet any difficulty chance threw in
our way. Thus equipped, on the morning of the 7th March, the 40th Europeans, the 16th,
38th, 42nd, and 43rd Regiments Bengal Native Infantry, together with European Artillery,
(six guns) marched east of Candahar, and in full hopes of having a chance of soundly
drubbing the cowardly rebels, who had been the cause of so much harassment to us during
the last three months.
The emissaries had given information of the enemy’s position, and in short, everything led
us to hope that we should soon have the opportunity we wished for,
After marching about eight miles under a chain of mountains, already described as being
situated near Candahar, we halted ; this was about sunset, and in a village some half mile
in front of our bivouaked encampment, we saw the enemy thronging into it, and seated on

the walls. An attack was surmised; but the General was of opinion, that as it was growing
dark, we should defer it till the morrow, when, no doubt, they would be greatly increased,
and on the morrow, we should have a long day to thrash them in, and with a decidedly
better chance of a glorious victory. Our night’s rest was not to be envied. The force being
divided, formed a square, having the guns at the angles; each Regiment being in line, broke
into open columns; the rear rank facing to the right about. Each man had to lie on his arms,
in case of alarm: nothing remained to be done but rise, take up his piece, and closing the
ranks, every man was in his place, ready for any movement. Our scanty meal was cooked,
and we sat on the cold ground, in the dark, to partake of it; some sat up awhile to talk over
the various rumors in the camp, and in a short time, every one, save the guards, rolled
himself, in his martial cloak, and lay down to rest. The comforts and pleasantness of such a
bed, such a place, and such a position, may be easily imagined. The simple act of lying out
all night in the open air, and exposed to the heavy tropical dews— is nothing of itself, as a
hardship; but when coupled with the probability of a night attack of a treacherous foe, in a
country almost unknown, to any of us, rendered it alarming, indeed. So much for a
bivouac.
After a cold night’s rest we found the enemy had evacuated the village, and we
recommenced our march at six, A. M., towards the valley of “Kuk.” We came to a wide
plain betwixt the hills, when, about seven o’clock, on the left was seen the enemy
assembled in large bodies. The Brigades wheeled into line, flanked by Artillery and
Cavalry: the General ordered each Regiment to advance by echellon from the left.
The enemy seeing our movement, advanced also. Our skirmishers were thrown out at a
considerable distance to cover our advance. The enemy adopted our plan, and threw out an
advance to meet our skirmishers. The fire kept up by both sides was almost terrific. As we
came up, the enemy fired a volley, but happily without effect. We again formed line: the
skirmishers were called in, and our artillery played in fine style. Several mobs of the enemy
seeing us formed up, began to retire. We still advanced, and it was really amusing to see
the havoc our shells and grape had on the mobs here and there; about eighty or a hundred
would be assembled, when suddenly a spherical case shot, or small shell, would burst
immediately over their heads, and of course kill a number of them. They would scud away
as if frightened to death, and decamped, evidently with their weak nerves astonished. The
plain was, as usual, intersected with deep nullahs and ditches of water, the crossing of
which greatly affected our line, and those acquainted with military discipline can easily
imagine the difficulty experienced in advancing in line under such circumstances, as a line,
if possible, should never be broken; an irregular fire was still kept up at alternate periods
when opportunity offered, and at length we arrived on the banks of the river Urgun Daub,
which was wide, and its sides were too steep to get the guns over. The enemy had already
crossed, and we could not, with discretion. The General finding it impossible to get at
them, directed us to retire two miles and form camp. The baggage had been kept en masse
in rear of the line. We retired accordingly, but not without inwardly expressing a deep
regret at not having the satisfaction of thrashing the wretches who had caused us that day
so much fatigue. We had then marched about fifteen miles after them, nearly seven of

which we advanced in line, and with extreme harassment, and what rendered it more
galling, we could plainly see them entering a fort about a mile and a half from us on the
other side of the river.
They must evidently have suffered a great loss, but to what extent we never can know,
because, as usual, they carried off their killed and wounded. They will not permit their
dead to lie on the field, if there is the slightest possibility of carrying them off. Many tie
themselves to their horses, and, when killed, the horse scampers off and is caught by some
of them. As we came up we saw several horses lying dead, and two or three wells half
filled with bodies.
Having retired sufficiently, we again formed our gipsy camp about two, P.M. The sun was
very hot, so to shade ourselves, some piled their arms and threw a blanket over the
bayonets, to form a covering; others got bushes, jungle sticks, ramrods, in fact anything to
stick in the ground, threw their blanket over it to form a shade simply sufficient to protect
the head and eyes from the sun’s rays, in order to indulge, after so fatiguing a day, in a
little sleep. Having again regaled ourselves with the soldier’s sorry meal, the sun set, and
the usual precaution for the protection of the camp attended to, we lay on our arms to wile
away the night, ready again to proceed after them on the morrow, as the General was
determined, if possible, to drive them, or lose by it.
As day broke in the morning we rose and marched about six, A. M. We had not proceeded
far, say half a mile, coming under the brow of the mountains to our left, when about thirty
of the enemy were seen in a crag, one of whom fired his matchlock, and the ball whizzed
close past the General’s ear. I shall never forget the feeling that ran through the ranks,
fearing that our dear commander was wounded; but happily it was not so, and
immediately skirmishers were sent to man the hills. They were very steep and craggy. As
we advanced, several more small bodies of the enemy hide from crags in the dark hills, in
numbers of two, three, four, six, eight, and so on; and from the firing of our men,
distributed on the sides of the hills, the tops of the mountains soon became covered with
the insurgents. So lofty were the mountains that the men looked about two feet high, and
they evidently were taken by surprise, and no doubt were part of the enemy who had been
dispersed yesterday. The fire of our men told in fine order; every now and then would be
seen one or two dropping from an attempt to climb and escape. The body, when shot, if
only slightly, would roll with great violence down the precipice and be dashed to pieces.
The enemy kept up a fire into our ranks from their high station. They, however, at length
finding that British velour was not so easily overcome, managed to retreat to the other side
of the mountains ; and the General, unwilling to harass his men more than was actually
necessary, called in the skirmishers, and we proceeded on to Pang Wail. The loss on their
side was very great, and on ours vice versa. We marched in open columns, the road being
pretty wide, and on the right, about a mile and a half off, we saw .1 strong body of the
enemy approaching. Notice was not just now taken of them, and we proceeded to a fort
about eight miles from our last encampment. The fort was reported by our spies to be one
of the places of rendezvous. A short distance from this fort was a small hill detached from

the chain of mountains, which was occupied by about fifty of them. A company was sent to
dislodge them, which was soon done, and we took possession of the fort, which was found
to be evacuated. The enemy on our right made off in the direction of Candahar, it was
thought; but we were soon deceived, for suddenly we saw, by means of glasses, we were
surrounded by large bodies in every direction, and we of course formed up in the same
manner as yesterday, but divided into brigades; and as the enemy worked round into one
mass, we proceeded towards them with a view to attack them. They retired as we
advanced—and being principally mounted, the General considered it was useless to
attempt to follow them, as it would only be killing his infantry, and determined not to
harass his troops by hunting so dastardly a set of cowards, we repaired back to the fort and
formed camp round it. It was in a deserted state, not a soul occupying it. The roofs were in
a great measure knocked in, dirt and filth in every place. A few bags of wheat and barley
were found, and the dead bodies of two old men, who, apparently, had starved from want,
being too old to join the insurgents, and no one left to comfort them.
This was not the only fort that was evacuated, but every village or town we came near was
in like manner deserted. The lovely valleys whose crops were springing up in fine order—
the fertile lands were going to decay—buildings were destroyed—and every inhabitant
had left all to join the rebels, and would sooner serve an idolizing monster than tranquilly
work to cultivate their lands and homes, which, for want of care and industry, would be
entirely lost.
Our camp this night was much annoyed by straggling shots from the enemy at our
videttes. An extra piquet was placed .at some distance from the camp, and in short the
arrangements entered into for its protection cannot be too highly spoken of; but when we
remember that Major General Nott was the commanding officer, it is quite sufficient to
guarantee the correctness of the system; for where so brave a man as Nott acts under such
soldier-like principles, all must go right; and I think I may confidently speak for ever; one
who ever served under him, that a braver or more discreet, kinder and better man, could
not possibly rule over an army, in difficulties, and in the field; and I fervently trust that his
name may be honored with glories, and that the just meed due to such worthiness may be
showered upon him, for, in short, he was beloved and honored by all who knew him; but
alas! he is dead.
We may as well now, I think, advert to the state of Candahar. The majority of the troops
having left, it was strongly suspected that the enemy would attempt an attack on the town,
as they would very reasonably judge, from the strength of Nott’s army in the field, that few
remained in the city; and on the 10th it was attacked at the Herat-gate, already described as
being one of the five entrances, and at the same side as the “Topa Khana,” facing the
cantonments. The General, prior to his departure, had taken care to leave two 18-poundersr
to be placed in front of the Citadel. It was strongly thought that in the event of the enemy
attempting to storm the city, the inhabitants would rise in rebellion in the interior, open the
gates, and annihilate the British in the Citadel; but strict orders were given to the officer
commanding, in the event of such an outbreak, to open a destructive fire of grape and shell

from these large pieces of ordnance, and destroy all before them. Guards of artillery were
stationed on the ramparts over each gateway, and every available individual, sick or well,
if able to fire a shot, was placed at equal distances round the walls of the town, to expel the
enemy from the embrasures. It may easily be imagined what were the feelings of so small a
force, especially when it is considered that the majority of that force were weakly and sick;
but it is not in the heart of a Briton, I think, to scruple to lose his last drop of blood in
defending a cause that places the honour of his country at stake. Such was the case at the
time under our notice. The enemy fully determined to have possession of the town, but
finding that the gates were blockaded inside, they collected from their stores large dubbas
(bottles made of skin) of oil and ghee, (clarified butter,) and set it on fire at the foot of the
gate, with a view to effect an entrance by burning it down. The entrance to the gates I have
already described as being a somewhat circuitous route and the space would contain about
two hundred. About this number had assembled to rush in as soon as the fire had
sufficiently disabled the gate for them to force it down. Another party of them proceeded to
the government gardens hard by, and cut down the young trees, and made scaling ladders
to get over the walls, but were dispatched as fast as they attempted it, by the heavy fire
kept up from the sentinels placed round the ramparts. The artillery guard immediately
over the Herat gate, being unable, from that situation, to level their pieces down into the
body assembled there, got a large thirteen-inch shell, cut a fuze short, lighted it and threw
it down. It immediately burst in the midst of them, and dreadful indeed was the result. It
killed nearly one hundred, for it had full effect, and a great number were wounded: I
should say that in no one instance did ever a shell burst with greater effect. This of course
discouraged them much, and they declined any further attempt upon the town, but
decamped, taking with them as many of their wounded as possible towards the
cantonments. And much credit is due for the precaution taken by the guard over the gate in
dispersing, with so much advantage, an enemy employed as they were with every
probability of success, in forcing an entrance by firing the gate.
Nothing on the part of the native inhabitants in the city appeared to give rise to suspicion
as to their becoming hostile, though not a British subject placed the least dependence in
them; for there was scarcely a doubt that had the enemy effected an entrance they would
have joined them, and not one in the Citadel would have been left alive. I must here
observe that some persons among the native sentinels (who were principally Shah-Shooja’s
Infantry) acted most basely, and a suspicion arose that they were hostile to us; the fact of a
great number of balls being found on the ramparts and in the trench, on the following
morning, fully proved they had fired blank at the enemy and thrown away the balls. Such
facts caused a great deal of consternation, and could it only have been proved, the guilty
parties would of course have suffered for their treachery.

CHAPTER XIV.
Return to Candahar; Prospect of fighting for Quarters; A cold night’s rest; Our welcome in the city;
Appearance of the cantonment; The Herat Gate; Visit to the scene of death; Discovery of two well
known faces amongst the dead; Suspicion corroborated; Dost Mahomed’s remarks; Good Friday of
1842; Smart battle; Awful death of three young soldiers; Disgraceful conduct of their murderers; The
old shepherd; Situation of Captain Craigie’s force; Killat-I-Gilzie; General England; His advance on
Candahar; Route intercepted; Cowardice of Native Troops; Forced a retreat; Enemy victorious;
Severe loss amongst the Europeans; Probable cause of defeat; Genera England’s second and
successful advance; Arrival of a strong reinforcement; Abundance of news; More War; Sad news
from the Upper Country; Force dispatched to the relief of Killat-I-Gilzie; Description of route;
Candahar attacked; Bravery of young Evans; Another victory; Active preparations for marching;
Destruction of Ghrisk; General Nott proceeds up the country; General England down; Candahar is
evacuated.
The General, considering it useless to hunt after them farther, and looking upon it as a
wild-goose chase, at the imminent risk and great discomfort of his few men, directed his
force to return; but not before reducing the fort, around which we had taken up our
position, to ruin, and after a cold and dreary night’s bivouacking, had but one satisfactory
hope, that of returning to Candahar.
We had not proceeded far, before it came on to rain heavily, and there is scarcely anything
which adds greater misery to troops on the march, than rain, but onward we pushed, and
were met by a cossid, who stated that the enemy, after having been defeated at the city, had
taken possession of our cantonments, and made one into an hospital for their wounded;
therefore we had the comfortable prospect of having to fight for our barracks, ere we
obtained our hope of rest in temporary quarters.
The General did not, as was expected, proceed direct to the city; but pitched camp about
four miles south, and under the impression that a night attack would be made, it was
ordered that the cattle should remain laden, and all ready for a movement. Night now
began to appear, and with it came a keen wintry wind, and occasionally rain; we, after
walking and exercising the best way we could, being fatigued, lay down to make the
attempt to sleep ; the small gravel dust, driven by the strong wind, came like a battery of
small shot, and the limbs soon became numb with cold, and the morning was most
anxiously looked for, which, when it did appear, was, as oftentimes before, most welcome.
Many a time has this seven days’ bivouac been talked over; but it was no sooner over, than,
like all other privations to which a soldier is exposed, it became a subject for jest and light
conversation; but it has always appeared to me, that the British soldier is a child of
invention, and is a perfect dread-nought to difficulty and exposure; enjoying very little

comfort. A pipe and tobacco, generally speaking, are the only companions in such places
and cases, to many. The extortion practised on the soldier is beyond conception, but may be
easily calculated, when judged by the enormous rates charged at Quetta, for comforts, and
articles of merchandize; it was a common price to pay fifty rupees for a pair of imported
Wellington boots; eleven rupees a pound for tobacco, which in the presidency could be
purchased for as many pence, eight rupees a pound for English cheese, and so on; but the
soldier, unable to meet such extortion, was necessitated to content himself with his ration.
We recommenced the march to the city, and reached there without molestation, about
noon. On entering at the Cabool Gate, the natives seemed most heartily to welcome our
return. Each regiment went at once to its old quarters, we to the cantonment, which it
appeared on our approach had but just been evacuated.
Our barrack rooms, which, by the exertions of the soldiers, had been made somewhat
comfortable before, were now rendered almost unfit for use. The enemy had made stables
of part of them. The horses had raked up the clay floor, and the rascals had taken down
what few window frames and doors there were, which were in only four small staff rooms;
and the whole place was one scene of dirt and filth.
The other buildings had been formed by them into an hospital for their wounded, and here
and there were large patches of congealed blood, which left them very uncomfortable;
however, such trifles are not to interfere with the campaigner; he must take things as they
come, and right well they did, for in a few hours after our return everything looked almost
as if nothing had happened.
The next morning I, with several others, visited the scene of destruction occasioned by the
attack on the Herat Gate, and an awful sight presented itself; the space in the gateway had
been cleared, and the bodies killed by the explosion of the shell, had been brought away,
and heaped up some distance from the city walls. I counted fifty-two; the remainder had
doubtless been carried off, and but for our arrival these would also ; their appearance was
truly dreadful; some without heads, others without arms, legs, many with their skulls half
blown off, and their brains dragging in the remaining hair; more with their entrails trailing
after them, and lying in most agonizing positions. The majority of them were fine, tall,
noble-looking fellows, and on examining their features, we discovered two of the
inhabitants of the city, one a goldsmith, and the other a saddler; the former had his skull
shattered, and the latter had his left breast and arm blown off. These rebels, being natives
of the town, and very influential men too, went fully to corroborate the already well
grounded suspicion, that had they gained an entrance, the whole city would have joined
them, and there would not have been a British subject left to tell the tale.
Not only did the fact of discovering the bodies of these two men amongst the enemies
killed, prove the probability of the inhabitants of Candahar being connected with the
rebels, but many others were discovered,—that of a sentinel on the gate, some time prior to
the outbreak, whose duty it was to examine all parcels or cattle laden, entering the city,

discovering two camels, apparently laden with boosa (chopped-straw,) in which were
secreted, arms, matchlocks, swords, &c. Query, for what purpose? No doubt it will be
concluded, with me, that nothing was wanting but a breach, and all would have risen, and
acted in the manner of those at Cabool in the winter of 1841, and at Vellore some years ago.
Having now once again returned to cantonments, we fully hoped and thought that we
might in a great measure rest in peace; for after the very numerous conflicts, and arduous
attempts to convince them of our determination to conquer, and the awful manner in
which they had suffered from so triflin ga specimen of our force of arms and bravery ; it
might have been expected that they would retire to their homes, and as usual after peace
resume their tranquil labors ; but fresh hardships awaited us, and I cannot better account
for it, than by reminding my readers of the very numerous tribes, who seemed at home in
combining against a common foe; so extensive a country, and so numerous a people, are
not easily conquered, and Dost Mohammed, very sententiously, and somewhat wisely,
observed; “You may take my possessions, destroy my cities, and kill numbers of my
people, but conquer you never can, because my tribes are born to hardships, and inured to
difficulties; they can live in the hills, can sow and reap in almost barrenness, therefore the
mountains are their protection, where you cannot come, and where you could not find
means to subsist, did yon even reach them.” How true the remark of the Dost! None can
form a sufficiently strong idea of the intricacies of this mountainous country, whose high
and barren hills intercept the direct route through the vast territory of Affghanistan ; range
after range meets the eye of the traveler, and when compelled from service to crown the
heights of the lofty eminences bordering the route; the eye, when cast around, would fall
on dell and hill, as far as it can possibly extend, and would often cause the soldier to reflect
on the precarious situation in which he was placed, ‘mid the gloom of these regions,
inhabited by a race of beings, awaiting every opportunity to oppress and destroy us: it was
in these various regions that the many tribes were detached from each other, so that when
a few of them combined, warred, and were defeated, others would come in the same
direction, with the same view, to our destruction, and thus were our lives rendered those of
the most excited and miserable.
It was on Good Friday of this year, that another large body of the insurgents assembled
and hovered about the camp; it was of course necessary to remove them from their
position, and, as usual, a force, about 4000 men, was dispatched to attack them ; the scene
of action lay in a valley about three miles from camp, and on our Troops coming within
sight, a heavy fire was opened from our artillery ; we advanced, we met, and the battle was
kept up fiercely for some time; now would the enemy retire, and now, taking fresh
courage, advance on the attacking force; the weather being in the day excessively hot, and,
coupled with the overpowering numbers of the enemy, the battle bore the appearance of a
losing game; the commanding officer immediately sent off to camp for a reinforcement,
which was dispatched and soon reached the field; it had scarcely arrived when the fury of
the battle was much in our favor, the enemy were falling fast, numbers were seen
decamping, and after a smart, and indeed hazardous fight, of several hours, we all
returned to camp delighted, though greatly fatigued, satisfied though oppressed, at the

favorable result of our fracas. The Troops returned to the hovels, bearing the name of
barracks, and no wherewithal to appease or comfort the wants of those, whose very lives
had been risked so rigidly, save the small pittance of a told out ration, which, what with
being coarse in material, and worse cooked, was poor indeed!
It must again be observed, that the enemy, not choosing to remain in one body, hovered
about, in small parties, with a view no doubt of reconnoitering, and acquainting their main
force with our position, and would often in their trails, meet a few of our men, perhaps
strolling a mile or two from camp, to some neighbouring tranquil village, or in the fields
for recreation. It happened about the first of May that for some time previous, pipe-clay, an
article much used by soldiers, had become very scarce, and none could be got in camp for
money, save a small quantity, which two merchants brought from the Presidency, and for
which they charged a rupee-and a half a pound, (three shillings;) this of course was quite
inadequate to a soldier’s purse, and it was necessary that something should be got as a
substitute. It had been discovered, that in the hills about two miles from camp, a great
quantity of the article could be got, which, if manufactured, would do as well as the best,
and a deal of it was brought into camp ; three young men, thinking by going further, better
could be got, and they could have a walk in the fields, which was now a luxury,
unfortunately bringing to bear the old adage, “go farther and speed worse,” determined on
trying, and armed themselves with bayonets fastened to the end of sticks, but had not
proceeded more than a mile and a half, when they were attacked by eight of the insurgents,
who fired their matchlocks at them, and shot one ; they then flew at them, and the struggle
was very great; the two remaining men killed two of their opponents, when the other six
succeeded in disarming the two poor fellows, who by this time were quite overpowered,
and one who had received a severe wound, fainted from loss of blood ; these unfeeling
wretches tied the two soldiers together, and dragged them some distance, and kindled a
fire, round which they sat for some time, smoking and amusing themselves by stabbing the
two bound, miserable mortals, unable to defend themselves. They, not satisfied with
piercing them with their swords, thinking that insufficient torture for them, began to burn
them with fire-sticks, and after keeping them in excruciating torture for some time, the men
begging to be put to death out of their agony, were, according to their wish, killed, their
heads were carried off as a prize, and their three bodies left, as food for the beasts and
birds. It, however, fortunately happened, if fortunate it may be called, that an old man, a
tranquil shepherd, was watching his (lock hard by, and witnessed the whole proceeding.
At the cantonments, when the roll was called in the evening, the three men of course were
missed, next morning the same, and until the afternoon, of the second day, all kinds of
surmises were afloat, but none knew the right one ; several parties of men armed
themselves, and went out some distance, in hopes of finding their comrades, but returned
unsuccessful, till suddenly the old shepherd appeared with the three bodies tied on a
bullock, carrying them to the camp, and related the whole affair. There were several
versions of the tale told, but I managed to get the old man in the bazaar, and through the
medium of the Chowdry, (a petty magistrate,) who was an interpreter, I succeeded in
getting the exact detail, which I give as above ; the heads of the three men would of course
be a great prize to their chief, and would entitle the men to a large reward, though they lost

two of their number ; the old man stated that the three young soldiers fought most
desperately ; he could not say which of them killed the Affghans. On examining the bodies
they were found -to be awfully hacked and cut in several places; the whole were quite
young, and had not joined their regiment more than three years, this was another warning
to the men not to venture too far from camp, which was contrary to orders. Let the soldier
strictly obey orders, and he will be much safer; the old man was rewarded for his trouble,
and would no doubt have brought in the bodies much sooner, but was afraid he would be
detained as being connected with the massacre. I regret very much to say that this was not
the only instance of these acts of desperate cruelty, and but for such outrages the country in
our vicinity was now in a great measure tranquil, but this tranquility will be easily
accounted for, by concluding that the Affghans had gone to some other of our outposts to
try if no better luck attended them, than contending with the determined spirit of our
gallant Mott. The General had received secret communication from Captain Craigie, and
Major Leech, who still held possession of Kelat-I-Gilzie, stating that provisions were falling
short; that the enemy had surrounded the fort, and it would be impossible to hold out
much longer. With a view to explain the situation of this portion of our army, which
consisted only of a regiment, (one of Shah Shooja’s,; under command of Captain Craigie, a
few Sepoys, and some other Native Artillery in charge of Lieut. Cormick, and the whole
under the Political Superintendence of Major Leech, of the Bombay Engineers; it will be as
well to describe the nature and position of this fort or stronghold, which was indeed
worthy of the name, and will be recorded as one of the greatest moment. Killat-I-Gilzie is
situated on the top of a high hill, in the centre of the only main road from Candahar to
Cabool; the summit formed an oblong of about two hundred yards; near the centre there
was a large mound of chalk, from which issued a most beautiful fountain of water; the road
led in a serpentine direction from the foot to the height, which was upwards of 2800 feet
above the level; this oblong space was walled round, and rendered a complete fortification;
the soil that was dug from the interior was applied to building barracks, magazines, and
storehouses; these were tolerably well supplied, and the little force occupied it, protecting
that part of the country from all invaders. This post was formed by Lord Keane’s army, and
it may be said was a complete Alexandrian, for one of greater power commanding so much
space to so great an advantage could not possibly exist; it was in this fort that the enemy,
finding it impossible to get them out by storming, which they had tried several times,
determined to besiege it, and knowing well that their provisions could not last much
longer, anticipated a complete triumph. This was of course coupled with cutting off all
correspondence and supplies. Wheat, barley, and water, were the principal stores in the
fort, the latter being the grand and main thing. The little oppressed band remained for
some months unable to procure anything else, except on a few casual occasions, when the
enemy would retire a short distance, and a flock of sheep would be passing, a detachment
would venture out under the cover of the artillery, and capture a few, which was a luxury
indeed. It was on one or two of these favorable opportunities that the Commanding Officer
managed to send a courier with dispatches, to General Nott, at a great risk, and reward in
case of safe delivery, and from the extreme ease of the latter communication, the General
determined on sending a Brigade to release the force, and destroy the stronghold, and
directed the whole to return to join him at Candahar, but owing to the unsettled state of the

weather, the non-arrival of the correspondence from the authorities, the General thought it
better to await the arrival of Major General Sir K. England, who was daily expected to cross
the Kojuk Heights, from Quetta, with a reinforcement for the Upper Provinces, and a
convoy of stores, cattle and treasure. There being still no mail, we were quite in the dark as
to when his movement, towards Caudahar, would be made. At length a courier arrived
with news for Nott, and reporting the departure of General England early in February,
from Quetta, for Candahar, with a large convoy of cattle, &c., and a force consisting of
eight guns, three regiments of Light Cavalry, H.M.’s 4lst Regiment, 21st Regiment Native
Infantry, and eight light companies of different corps, forming a Light Battalion; the greater
portion of these troops, by the bye, were recalled when en route to the provinces, which I
mentioned as having left Quetta in 1841 for that purpose. It appeared that on their reaching
the second days’ stage, a strong body of the enemy, who had long held possession of the
passes and main road, intercepted their route.
Mahomed Shereave, who had been in our employ, had joined the rebels and headed a
strong force against us; and held possession of the Kojuk Heights, cutting off all supplies
and correspondence from both Candahar and Quetta. On the approach of General England,
he formed for an attack. The General directed the baggage to collect, and the 41st Regiment,
with a Native Corps, were ordered to advance up a hill which was held by Mahomed’s
force. The light company of the 41st was commanded by Captain May and Lieutenant
Evans; the line advanced a short distance, when the Sepoys began to lag, and all but
refused to advance; spite of the entreaties of their European officers, they still hung back.
The portion of the line formed by Europeans was considerably in front of the others, and
were in action long before the rest. Mahomed having possession of all the cover took
advantage of their approach, and several of the 41st were cut up. The Captain of the light
company was killed, and the command fell on Lieut. Evans, a gallant young officer. He
cheered on his men, and, I regret to say, the majority of the light company of that Regiment
fell; a finer set of fellows could not have been, and their loss was much deplored. The
success of the affray terminated in the favor of Mahomed. General England was
necessitated to affect a retreat with a severe loss, but I believe nothing could be more
praiseworthy than the conduct of the Europeans, and the greater portion of the Natives, on
this occasion. The 21st Native Infantry were much to blame, for it was believed that, had
they advanced to the charge with the 41st, victory was certain. The cause of this
catastrophe I never learned, further than the General was proceeding under the guidance
of the Political Agent at Quetta, a Lieutenant Hammersly, whose youth was much against
him. It is the practice of the Indian Government to place young men (who doubtless are
exceedingly clever in a scholastic view,) in charge of the political powers of certain portions
of the country, whose duties I have already detailed, and whose orders were always to be
considered peremptory. Now, when we consider the fact of an experienced General, like
England, Nott, or Pollock, commanding a large army, and necessitated to act under the
directions of a mere boy, whose negotiations with chiefs are likely to have been misled,
owing to their taking advantage of his youth or consequent want of practical knowledge,
the chances are ten to one against their success. Sir T. Wilshire would not listen to them,
nor did Nott. The force generally regretted the result, lest it should be said, or even

surmised, that anything was wanted to establish their velour. They acted nobly, and I was
told by Lieutenant Evans that the affair was most unfortunate; that the General had been
assured by Lieutenant Hammersly that the route was secure, and there was no danger of
being intercepted. He told me that the conduct of the men, except the 21st Natives, was all
that Britain could wish; and I must confess that whenever I saw the 41st engaged, they
always behaved most nobly and courageously. It was unfortunate, because it was the first
engagement Sir Richard had had an opportunity of commanding in the country, but he was
known to be a gallant officer from his earliest career. News was still a stranger to us:
correspondence was cut off in every direction; we were a completely ignorant mob of
beings. However, after a short time a courier arrived with the news to the General, that
England was to make a second attempt to advance on the 1st March;— and Nott, under the
impression that the enemy had got possession of the Kojuk Heights, dispatched a brigade
of two Regiments and four guns, to the pass, in order to act in conjunction with General
England, who was on the other side, and thus hem in the enemy, and at once capture him.
On their arrival, however, they found that the foe had disappeared, and the whole returned
to Can- dahar without even the risk of placing a spot on British fame. I would speak much
more on this subject, but my incompetency to judge the acts of fighting Generals further
than what I see, bespeaks I should not express my opinion; but this I must say, if General
England in this case was unfortunate, it was not for want of courage. When all were
together at Candahar, we mustered a force of 9,000 to 10,000 men, which, under such
command, were able to stand against almost any force the Affghans could raise. Amongst
the host of arrivals with General England’s force, were several camels laden with boxes of
letters, newspapers, &c., being the gatherings of upwards of four months’ European, mails,
which left us in possession of abundance of news. The press had been hard at work about
us, as none knew what had become of us. One paper issued an advertisement,—”Lost,
stolen, or strayed, the 40th Regiment,” &c. Amongst other parts of the news came the
accounts of the disastrous doings at Cabool, Ghuznee, &c., developing all the treachery of
the insolent Affghans, and the determination of the government not to permit British honor
to be trampled on so indignantly without being rejected. Orders were received to scour the
country from right to left, and it had been decided on sending a strong army into the
country to revenge the insults practised on us. A strong division was assembled at
Peshawur, at the mouth of the Khiva, under Major General Pollock, who was prevented
from immediate advance towards Jellalabad by the inclemency of the weather. Orders were
also received by Nott to move towards Ghuznee. A large army was forming at Ferozepoor,
called an Army of Reserve, under the command of the Governor General Lord
Ellenborough. The mails brought so much news that we were all on the tip-toe of
information, and many indeed were the different versions of the stories. Letters from
public and private parties all tended to add— and I must here remark the ecstasy that is felt
at receiving a line from dear friends must only be felt to know; for, true, indeed, it may be
said, that “Absence makes the heart grow fonder.” The press of matter now will, I fear,
prevent my entering too freely into the sentiment of feelings—as this part of the narrative,
up to the end, will be one series of successive trials, that they will alone, I feel persuaded,
speak for themselves. I will endeavor to point out the various places as we come to them,
as clearly as possible, but not so lengthy a description as I could wish, did space permit.

The first thing the General considered necessary was the relief of the oppressed force at
Killat-I-Gilzie, of which I spoke in a preceding chapter. Accordingly, on the 18th May, 1842,
a force, consisting of the 40th, the 2nd Native Infantry, and a brigade of Artillery, were
dispatched under the command of Colonel Wymer, to the assistance and relief of Captain
Craigie and Major Leech. The road from Candahar to Killat-I-Gilzie, which is, nine days’
march, was somewhat difficult, owing to the many ascents and descents met with. The
mountains on either side are particularly lofty—contain beautiful springs watering the
valleys, which were plentifully cultivated. As we passed through these beautiful dales,
filled with grain just ripening, and merely awaiting the hand of the industrious reaper to
collect a rich crop, we were obliged to destroy hundreds of acres in pitching camp and
grazing cattle: and thousands of acres remained this year ungathered, owing to the natives,
who inhabited the hills, having deserted them and joined the mob; our cattle, therefore, fed
most sumptuously on the neglected harvest of the foolish Affghan villagers. In three or
four parts of our route, where the springs from the mountains were hidden from our view,
the wells dug proved brackish, and tended greatly to discomfort us. On the 28th of the
month we reached the desired spot, and glad they were to see our approach, and happy at
the sight of friends once more; immediate preparations were commenced for evacuating
the place, and prepare to brave the field again with an auxiliary on whom they could
depend. It appeared that, five days before our arrival, the enemy, who had succeeded for
so long a time in keeping off supplies, and had rendered them in consequence most
wretched, and no doubt aware of our approach, made a general attack on the fort, making
several attempts to storm it, but were ably kept off. On the east side of the hill it appears
they made a noble one, having got scaling ladders, &c., up to the wall, but were not so
fortunate as they might have expected: the small band in possession, seeing their drift,
waited an opportunity of attacking them when they were on the side of the mountains, and
succeeded so far that the enemy retired, leaving a great number on the hill side, dead; I
carefully examined the plan of defence, which reflected the greatest credit on all parties. I
have already given a description of the commanding position of Killat-I-Gilzie, and when
we consider the difficulties this small force had undergone in keeping off the enemy, and
holding out for so many months, it is indeed one which must crown Captain Craigie with
fame; as also Major Leech. After all that was considered useful had been taken out the
buildings, they were destroyed, and the force returned towards Candahar. During the
absence of this brigade, the folks at Candahar were not permitted to be idle; for the enemy,
which had assembled under Suftur Jung, made its appearance, under the impression that
General Nott had again left the city bare of troops, and that this time they would most
certainly affect their purpose. They emerged from the narrow pass described as being near
the front of the cantonments, several thousands in number, when the General directed a
brigade to move out and attack them. The 41st, with some other troops (natives), advanced
to meet them; and Suftur, finding that the Fort was not so empty as he expected, was forced
into the fight; the General commanded, in person, and throwing skirmishers out—
commanded by young Evans, who performed his duty most nobly—the General formed
up and chased them, and after a smart affray, forced them to decamp with a great loss. I
very much regretted having been absent from so gallant an affair, being with Wymer’s

Brigade; I read the dispatch of the General to Government on the subject, and he spoke in
the highest possible terms of the conduct of the Troops, particularly the 41st Regiment, and
Lieutenant Evans, who never permitted an opportunity to pass where he saw the least
chance of gaining honor; the 41st Regiment were a fine body of men, and when it is
remembered the extensive marching they had undergone, for, I believe, they marched,
whilst in India, more than any other corps; they kept up their discipline and appearance
remarkably well. After this the vicinity of Candahar became tolerably quiet, and early in
June, Suftur Jung, doubtless tired of the life he had been leading, surrendered to the
General, as a prisoner, and was accepted, to the great disappointment of the Force at large,
who fully expected he would have been hanged as a traitor, after such crimes as he had
committed. Soon after this, orders were received from Lord Ellenborough, to evacuate
Candahar, and retire to Hindostan; this was indeed glad tidings, such as had not been
heard for years; and my readers may imagine the effect of such on the minds of those who
had been so long subjected to the hardships of the field—*the joy we felt at the prospect of
a return to a tranquil spot; active preparations were at once commenced for our departure ;
all heavy stores, for which carriage could not be procured, were destroyed ; and the
General, with a view to prevent the possibility of the inhabitants of Candahar from acting
upon us as they did at Cabool, ordered every gun and implement of war in Candahar,
likely to be of the least use in such a case, to be destroyed, leaving them armless and
harmless; there were about thirty pieces of Persian manufactured Ordnance, consisting of
nine and twelve pounders, with an immense quantity of small arms. Many of our own
pieces, such as belonged to men deceased, or surplus armory, were all destroyed. The
Commissariat was collecting all the cattle possible, purchasing at any price, camels, mules,
bullocks, asses, or any beast calculated to carry at all, in order to prevent the destruction of
Government property as much as possible. Carriage was very limited, and the quantity
allowed to individuals was very small; one camel only to be allowed for ten men, and each
camel’s load not to exceed three hundred pounds; therefore, the extent of the soldier’s
comfort was wrapped up in a pigmy packet of thirty pounds weight, including his bed; but
this had been the constant practice, and therefore was no deeper felt now than before. One
very gross act existed, that the soldier, who was undergoing all the hardships for his
country, had to pay out of his small pittance, for the carriage of this twenty-eight or thirty
Ibs., at the rate of two or three shillings a month.4 The Commissariat was directed to carry
with them forty days’ supply. It was arranged that General England should proceed down
the Passes towards Sukkur, and on his way, collect all the Troops stationed in any part of
Sindh and Beeloochistan, whilst General Nott proceeded towards Ghuznee, in favor of our
comrades, who were in “durance vile.” Prince Timor Shah, not willing to remain in the city
without the protection of British Troops, was placed under the charge of General England,
to proceed to Sukkur; all having been satisfactorily arranged, Candahar was evacuated by
the British on the 5th of August, 1842, and formed in camp close to its walls, with positive
4
The soldiers lost during four years in the field, owing to wear and tear—having to pay extortionate prices
for necessaries, carriage, &e.,—not less than 200 or 300 rupes each—and the Government compensation was
about 80 or 100, setting aside the hardships and privations.

directions from the General, that neither soldier nor follower was, under any pretence
whatever, to re-enter the city.
At Candahar, the Troops passed one of the severest winters known in Affghanistan; the
thermometer for some time being much below freezing point. The Monsoon does not visit
Affghanistan, although we had some very rainy weather; on more than one occasion, it
prevented a movement against the enemy. The weather in June, was the hottest I had ever
felt it, the thermometer standing as high as 148°. During this sojourn in camp, we were
awaiting a small force, which had been dispatched to Ghrisk, a stronghold affording great
security for the enemy, and Nott determined on its destruction, ere he left it. In short, his
work was intended to be one of destruction generally, and he was evidently determined to
lose no chance of revenging the foul treachery of the massacre at Cabool. The Troops ever
since, had been kept in continual excitement, and exposed to every kind of danger and
hardship. The sick of all the Regiments, unable to proceed with Nott’s Army of Reserve,
were attached to General England’s division downwards. The party from Ghrisk returned;
the General issued most rigid orders on the subject of plundering. He stated, that as we
were about to march through an enemy’s country, he trusted every man would feel he was
a Briton, and that none would attempt to violate the law by plundering; and he declared
most positively, that any one, either soldier or follower, whom he discovered so offending,
he would surely hang, and that nothing should prevent his order being carried into
execution.

CHAPTER XV.
March towards Ghuznee; Strong force; Extensive supplies required; Difficult to procure; Major
Leech, an excellent caterer; So far pretty quiet; Skirmish on the 28th August; Bravery of Lieutenant
Chamberlain; Severe affray with 3rd Light Cavalry; Loss of Captain Reeves, and Quarter Master
Berry; Indignation of the General; Injudicious conduct; Advice to young Officers; Awful example;
Preparations for Battle; Destruction of a fortress; Three prisoners taken; March to Gowine; The
enemy our constant companion; Shooms-ood-Dien Khan, the Commander; Arrival at Gowine; The
battle; Bad ground; Captain White’s Light Battalion; Anderson’s and Blood’s Artillery; Narrow
escape; Unpleasant discovery; The heat of battle; The charge; The return; The enemy proceed to
Ghuznee; March across the Plain of a “Thousand Forts;” The Hazarahs, a friendly tribe; Provisions
no longer procurable; Discovery of grain and forage; Doings at Cahool; Treachery at Ghuznee;
Situation of Colonel Palmer’s Brigade; Misery experienced; Treaty signed and broken; Palmer
tortured; Officers taken prisoners; Their treatment; Awful situation; Nott advances; 5th of
September; Attack on Ghuznee; Noble conduct of the 16th Native Infantry; Storming of Balloon
Hill; Success; Unwelcome visitor in Camp; Necessary retreat; Preparations for storming the
Fortress; Night before the battle; Doings in the dark; Morning of the 6th September; Glorious sight;
Ghuznee ours.
On the 7th of August, we re-commenced our march General Nott proceeded to Abdool
Azeez, only six miles; merely to put all things in order of march. On our arrival, we found
ourselves deserted by a great number of camel attendants, who, being of the opinion that
fighting was the object in view, chose rather to remain at Candahar; however, others were
engaged; although characters of a suspicious nature, we were compelled to employ them,
and we experienced great trouble for several days. We marched on in peace, except on one
occasion, a grazing party out with cattle were attacked, and most barbarously murdered,
and were brought in, many of them headless; on the road to Killat-I-Gilzie, which we had
again to pass, many of the valleys of ripened grain, which I stated to be fit for cutting, had
been reaped by the natives, after the affair with Craigie, and it left our route very clear.
There was a great annoyance experienced by the loss of camels, and consequently their
loads; the attendants we had been forced to hire, being Affghans, used to lead the cattle off
the line, and decamp with them in the dark, as the system of moving along is by tying the
nose-rope of the camel, to the tail of a leader, and they move along as far as you like thus to
attach them, having an attendant to the first one; whenever they are detached, they can be
led in any direction, and, on a dark night, and spite of all flanking parties, many lines may
be formed,—and it became almost an every day occurrence, that cattle were thus stolen.
The force used to march early, perhaps at one or two, A. M., and if the moon assisted us,
even earlier. There was a great scarcity of wood, it being indispensable for cooking, and
required an enormous quantity, to supply daily upwards of 20,000 persons, and any thing
we could get, was purchased; if the villagers whom we passed, would cut down trees, a
great price was given for them; if they refused to assist us, why, of course, we did not

scruple to assist ourselves, and sooner than go without a meal, we were obliged to unroof
their huts, and hum the beams ; there was a root or brushwood, which grows in great
quantities, in and near the camp, but not sufficient for so great a force.
Major Leech, who I mentioned as the Political Functionary at Killat-I-Gilzie, having been in
this country for many years, and appeared to be well known by all the natives in the places
we came to, was most indefatigable in Ins exertions to collect supplies. The great number of
cattle attached to so extensive a force must necessarily require a great supply of forage, and
I being personally attached to the Commissariat Department at this period, was in the habit
of accompanying the Major, whose knowledge of the Affghan customs, was very extensive,
and his arrangements with them very praiseworthy; we would proceed on a short distance
in advance, and the natives for several days’ march, seemed to revere him, and acquiesce in
his wishes at once ; he would form a market, see them paid for their goods, and thus
ensured us supplies we should otherwise have been very much short of; and in fact, so
popular was the name of Leech amongst the natives that a mere mention of it was sufficient
to soon bring a quick supply in the market.
Our further progress, however, bore a different aspect, for as we came to towns, forts,
villages, we found them deserted in a great measure, and on our nearer approach towards
Ghuznee, entirely so ; on the 27th we reached Mokur, and nothing of importance occurred
up to this time, save a few straggling shots. They, however, now began to make their
appearance in small bodies, and on our arrival here we discovered the enemy had but just
quitted it, and on our approach had gone into the hills. Our camp was pitched under a
large mountain, which to a great extent overhung the tents, and the enemy, who were on
the other side, ventured to fire their matchlocks, though without damage, although balls
came into a tent I happened to be in amongst the men, two or three followers, who went up
the mountain, were cut up. One of the enemy purposely straying into the camp, began a
series of enquiries of some sepoys, as to the strength of our force, who, seeing his drift,
soon settled him, in order that he might not return with the information he had received.
Mokur is one of the most beautiful and salubrious climates I was ever in; it abounds with
verdure, and every kind of fertility ; the thermometer never exceeded 80°, and the water
excellent; it was recommended on the early occupation of Affghanistan, as a first rate
station for Europeans; fruits and vegetables were in abundance, and in short, but for the
great lonesomeness of the situation, I must say I should have liked to reside there. The
force was ordered to march at four, A. M.; during the route on the 24th, about five miles
from our destined encampment, some three or four hundred of the enemy were seen to hie
from the adjacent hills3 with which we were surrounded, and shewing a bold front began
to wave their swords in bravado. The General directed three troops of the 3rd Light
Cavalry, and two Resillahs (troops) of Christie’s Horse, to go and dislodge them.
The small party galloped off, but on reaching them, within about four hundred yards, a
deep ravine made its appearance, which before had not been seen; this the enemy well
knew would be an obstruction, and had taken up a position on the other side; our gallant
hand, nothing daunted, soon got over, and most manfully charged them; they, finding

themselves likely to be overpowered, as usual made off, except about eighty, whom our
cavalry cut up. We lost two men, and several wounded, amongst whom was an
unexceptionably brave officer, Lieut. Chamberlain, who commanded Christie’s Horse,
whose intrepid conduct on this, as well as on every other occasion, has been most
honorably distinguished; this was the third time he had been wounded. Dr. Colquhoun,
who accompanied the detachment, evinced great skill and bravery, and most certainly did
honor to his profession, as a soldier; he fortunately escaped unhurt.
The country we were marching through was one of the most mountainous, surrounded in
every direction by defiles, and occupied in many instances by a treacherous foe; it was
impossible to move but in imminent certainty of a sudden attack, either from some
overwhelming position impossible to oppose, or else by some undue means of treachery; to
us the country was, speaking generally, unknown, and left us therefore in a most pitiful
position. On our arrival in camp this day, a body of Affghans were seen to emerge from a
defile in front of the camp, and the greater portion of our cavalry, commanded by Captain
Reeves, who with other officers made off to attack them, being piqued with the recollection
of the Cabool affair; but on their reaching near, it was discovered that the body in question
was merely a decoy, and that their main force was encamped behind the hill, from whence
they were seen to come; some nine hundred of them rushed out, and but for the greatest
dexterity on the part of our few in making a retreat, must have inevitably been cut up to a
man. The Affghans suffered no loss, and we lost twenty-five men, amongst whom was
Captain Reeves, and Quarter Master Berry; we had several, both men and horse, wounded,
including Lieutenants Ravenscroft and Mackenzie.
This sad mishap I regret to say was an entirely misled affair, and was totally unknown to
the General, who expressed his utmost displeasure at such a proceeding. It was fortunate
indeed that more of our officers were not cut up; for several headstrong young fellows,
who were big with glory, and snapped at every little chance they could got of having what
they called a cut at them, little considering what a risk they ran of losing their lives, and
forgetting that too much neglected thing, the probability of depriving their country of their
service, entrusted as they are with commissions, and so soon to forget the use they are
required to make of them. Let this be a word of advice to all young officers, not to be too
rash, or to do other than their precise duty, nor even to expose themselves unnecessarily to
danger, by too much voluntary zeal. Let them bear in mind that the former places their
men without a leader, depriving often the General of an able member on whom lie can rely
in time of need, but who in consequence of undue, uncalled-for bravery, is lost to him; and
of times deprives his country of a brave and most noble soldier, who has the most right to
his life, if it is necessary to give it up; forbear and think, and never expose yourselves when
you are not required. Several officers who accompanied this party learned a dear lesson,
amongst whom were Lieut. Evans, 41st, Mcason and others. Oh! Our feelings were racked
when on returning to camp, and looking back on the enemy, we were obliged to witness
the barbarous rascals cutting the bodies of poor Reeves and Berry into pieces.

Touched with displeasure, as the General was, he could not quietly put up with this loss;
he directed a division of six Regiments, and sixteen guns, to move on, and attack them; he
led the van, and advanced for about three miles. The enemy, however, seemed unwilling to
make a similar effort on this force, and made off into the mountains, and the General well
knew, it was useless to follow them, because, as I before explained, the intricacies of the
country being entirely unknown to us, and the enemy knowing all the secret paths, with
horses like mountain goats, enabled them to lead us a sorry life; the main satisfaction we
could get was to destroy their forts and dwellings. The force was ordered to return to
camp; the vicinity of our route was intercepted with several forts; on passing one several
shots were fired at us, and it proved to contain a considerable number of the rebel foe, who,
not permitting us to move unmolested, opened a lire from the battlements. The General
ordered a storming party of the 40th and 41st, and directed a nine-pounder to be taken to
another gate, in order to affect a second entrance. This was soon done, and a severe scuffle
took place; it contained several women and children, who were allowed to depart unhurt;
but the men were destroyed, the fort was set on fire, and we returned to camp, after a three
and a half hours fatiguing job: we brought in the fragments of the bodies of Reeves and
Berry, and buried them in front of the camp; the 40th had four wounded, and the 41st one.
The force was ordered to march at six, A. M., though only two miles, and merely to enable
us to change our position of camp, from a line, to a square, the last ground not admitting of
it, and it being a better protection from the dangerous enemy we had to contend with, and
also, that a camp like ours in line, was so long, and was left in its rear, almost unprotected
by even the guards and piquets, whereas, in square, we had four faces, and our baggage,
hospital, and followers, in the centre.
On our arrival at the new ground, the cooking places of the enemy had got a fire in them,
and they were seen in large numbers on the hills ; we, however, remained pretty quiet here,
and were ordered to move at four, A. M.: three prisoners were taken, and shots were
frequently exchanged during the night, by the sentinels. One of the prisoners was
dispatched with a letter to the commander of the hostile party, and was directed to return
with an answer, by twelve o’clock, or the other two would be sacrificed.
We commenced our march this morning, the 30th, for Gowine, and the enemy
accompanied us, keeping up in fine style, about three miles to our right. We reached our
ground without molestation, and pitched camp; the enemy halted also; some stationed
themselves in forts, in the vicinity of our camp; we could distinctly hear their drums; and a
great portion of them encamped on the hills. Shooms-ood- Dien Khan, cousin of Mahomed
Akbar, who murdered M’Naughten, commanded the Force, and mustered about 16,000
men, horse and foot. The ground at Gowine was ill-calculated for a battle-field; for
Shooms-ood-Dien seemed inclined to give us a little fair play, or rather a foul chance at him
this time—but ground to a British Force is not the object,—the enemy, and the word, is all,
and the rest will soon tell for itself. Nott ordered the troops to be in readiness, to move into
action at three, P. M., in two brigades ; the first to move to the right and front, and the
second to move in like manner to the left, thereby enabling us to surround the forts as we
went along, and settle them, ere we approached the main body. The first brigade consisted

of II. M. 40th, the 16th and 38th Bengal N. I., two 18-pounders, four 12-pounders, and six 6-
pounders, under the command of the General. The 2nd Brigade consisted of H. M. 41st,
two Regiments of Native Infantry, and an equal proportion of Artillery; in addition to this,
the light companies of the corps formed a Light Battalion, under the command of Captain
White, 40th. Captain White and his Light Battalion were exemplary during the campaign,
and performed some most brilliant and arduous duties.
The Brigades took up fine positions in a valley, unseen by the enemy, until all was
prepared for immediate action; when both Brigades suddenly made their appearance,
about three hundred and fifty yards from their principal fort, and about one thousand eight
hundred yards from the main body. Detached parties of them were seen to our right; but a
small hill which obstructed our view, left us unable to ascertain their strength on it: a
portion of the Light Brigade were detached to take the bill, and a severe conflict took place,
which ended in our getting possession. A severe fire was commenced on the forts from the
heavy battery, under Captain Blood, and a breach was affected on the large forts.
Anderson’s guns made fine play on the main body in front, and we were soon answered by
a dreadful volley of Artillery from them, which at once astonished us, for although we had
heard of their having guns, we did not before believe it. They commenced a severe practice
on us, and seemed to understand the use of them, to a greater extent than we anticipated. A
company of Infantry was sent to cover each of our heavy guns, and the enemy made them
occasionally a mark, and succeeded in wounding several. On one occasion, as I was
standing somewhat carelessly in the ranks, a 6-pounder passed between my legs, and took
the feet off a native follower in rear; the direction of the enemy was turned on our lines, but
seemed not to guess, as well as us, the mode of good aiming. The General directed our best
shots, to aim for disabling their guns, which was done in two instances. The enemy now
began to advance, their Artillery men proved themselves excellent shots, and were
doubtless, some of those who deserted from us at Candahar.
I had on several occasions been exposed to the fire of musketry, but never before to
artillery, which is not the most pleasant situation to be in, nor do I suppose I shall be much
envied. As we advanced, skirmishers were thrown out, to cover the two brigades, who
were now formed into one line; the enemy likewise sent out skirmishers, and the two lines
kept up a heavy fire, and numbers of both sides fell. After advancing for a considerable
time the General called them in, which was no sooner done, than he gave the word,
Charge! And a more awful sight scarce ever met my eyes. The enemy, I fancy, must not
have expected it, or they were ill prepared for it; they made an attempt to retire, but not
before we had cut up immense numbers. As we advanced it was difficult to keep the line,
the dead and dying and wounded being strewed over our path; we were suddenly halted,
a volley fired, and re-charged again; the General directed the cavalry to follow them, and as
it was now growing dark, we retraced our steps back towards camp, leaving a Regiment to
bring in the captured guns, and collect our dead and wounded. The gallantry of the whole
force on this day was all that could be wished for ; the conduct of the Light Companies of
the 40th, 41st, and 16th, in the hill to the right, was really great indeed; the whole returned,

doubtless, greatly fatigued, but crowned with a glorious victory. Shooms-ood-Dien made
off, I dare say, with a flea in his ear. On returning, I saw, and took from the bodies of the
enemy, lying dead, great portions of our ammunition; the rascals had actually been
shooting at us with our own shot, evidently that taken from Ghuznee; the loss of the enemy
was very great, but owing to their old system of carrying off their dead, we could not
ascertain the precise number; ours was comparatively very small. We were ordered to halt
the next day at our present encampment. The halt day was occupied in replenishing our
stores with the grain, &c., from the captured forts, and very acceptable it was, for Major
Leech’s power was gone; his voice no longer recognised by the villagers, and our only
chance now was to do the best we could. This part of Affghanistan was in a high state of
cultivation, and was studded with small forts, which were built very compactly, but were
nearly all deserted, the inhabitants having gone to join the force towards Ghuznee. The
enemy, no doubt tired from the severity of the Gowine affray, left us to rest in quietude this
day, and glad enough all parties were.
We had no alarm, save their being seen to move off in the afternoon, which of course
caused us to be under arms. The engagement of the 30th was the most severe I had op to
this time ever seen, and most certainly it did credit to our men. The General issued orders,
returning his thanks for the energy and bravery evinced by every man, and expressed his
opinion that he should very likely ere long have an opportunity of again witnessing their
conduct in battle. The force was ordered to proceed to “Chupper Khana.” On our march we
saw several small bodies of the scattered foe moving off, and we discovered the track of
two guns having gone towards the hills, which corroborated the fact that they had yet
more with them.
The natives of this part of the country are Hararahs, a tribe peculiar in their habits; they are
a fine, robust, noble looking people; the countenance, flat and round, after that of the
Mogul Tartar, or Chinese ; they follow the form of worship of the Persians, and do not
scruple to eat with another race ; but they will not drink out of the same vessel with you;
they are a people of great muscular power, and live principally by farming, and proved
themselves to be great friends to the British; and were mentioned by Sir John Keane as
having assisted him much in supplying his force, and shewed their anxiety to do so now.
They immediately filled our bazaars with provision, and gave every information in their
power relative to the enemy. This place, as well as the last we left, was thronged with
small, neatly built forts, erected in two lines, and was called, “The plain of a thousand
forts;” the one side was occupied by the Affghans, and the other by the Hazarahs; the
former were all deserted ; and we could therefore get no supplies from them; we had
therefore to plunder and destroy them; we wanted grain principally for our cattle, our
other supplies of food being more easy to procure; the meat required for the troops was
killed daily, the cattle being driven with the force; the flour required for bread and biscuit,
used to be ground by native followers, with hand-mills, on every halt day. It however
turned out that the Affghans, finding in the lower country that we were determined to
have supplies by force, if no one would sell, intimated to the upper posts for them to
secrete their grain, and thus prevent us from plundering it; but I was passing round a fort

one day with a stick in my hand, and I found the earth weak, and driving it in, I soon
found out the spoil. I took from holes round the outside of one fort, grain, barley and wheat
sufficient to load two hundred camels, and our first look out after that, was of course for
the grain graves. We were ordered to halt here for a day, but in consequence of news of
importance arriving from Ghuznee, where we had spies, we were directed to march at five,
A. M., next day. During the time that Sir William McNaughten and General Elphinstone
were negotiating with Akbar Khan, for evacuating the country, it may be remembered that
orders were sent to Ghuznee, Killat-I-Gilzie, and Candahar, for the commanders there to
evacuate them also ; the two latter were however, fortunately, not complied with, or no
doubt Nott’s force would have met a similar fate to those at Cabool, having a similar route
to travel, m& the Kojuk and Boluii Passes. Ghuznee was, however, after considerable
parley between Colonel Palmer, who commanded, and Shooms-ood-Dien, who was
directed to treat with, and protect the Ghuznee force through the country, given up
according to a treaty solemnly sworn to by the Sirdar and his colleagues.
General Nott, it will be remembered, dispatched a brigade under Colonel McLaren from
Candahar, to the assistance of Palmer; but from the sudden inclemency of the weather, and
heavy falls of snow, was weather-bound, and unable either to advance or return; the
Ghuznee folk knew not of this, and assistance was expected daily by them. Colonel Palmer,
who held Ghuznee with the 27th Regiment, Native Infantry, and a few others, had been
long held in jeopardy, and about the end of 1841, news came that Ghuznee was surrounded
by 20,000 men, being a division of Akbar Khan’s army, who had massacred the Cabool
force, in the Tezeen Pass; in the early part of the year 1842, the weather became very severe,
the thermometer standing sometimes ten, twelve, and more than that below zero; and it
may be imagined, the sufferings of the natives of India, in such a severe clime, was
dreadful indeed; the cold has an awful effect on the native soldiers; they lose all courage,
and I do not hesitate to say, that had the enemy, in any instance, summoned pluck to attack
us in cold weather, they could have gained a victory ; that is when Europeans were not a
part of the force. They were compelled, from the constant annoyance of the surrounding
foe, to keep in the fortress, and soon after brought the arrival of Shoods-ood-Dien Khan;
and the Colonel, unwilling to give up the place, kept the Sirdar at bay, or in treaty, till the
middle of March, when the chiefs, determining to stand it no longer, resolved to commence
hostilities, and stop all supplies. The force, having no water in the citadel, were in a
helpless condition; the snow now disappeared,—and the provisions were consumed, the
fortress surrounded with an overwhelming foe, no arrival from Candahar, no prospect of
succour, only one solitary regiment of some six or seven hundred men to oppose 20,000,—
left the Colonel no other medium, than to enter into the best terms he could, and he hoped
to effect an arrangement which would at least secure them protection. A treaty was then
entered into, to the effect that the force occupying Ghuznee should be conducted with
safety and honor to Peshawar, with all their property inviolate. This was most solemnly
sworn to by all concerned, and the troops left the citadel, and were quartered in the town,
under the walls of the citadel, it being impossible to proceed until the snow had subsided
from the passes. The troops had no sooner quitted the citadel, and the enemy in possession
of it, than they turned traitors, violating their oaths; and mocking the troops as infidels and

culprits; they commenced a severe battle, and succeeded in annihilating many of the
troops. Palmer, however, who had arranged in the treaty that each man should carry fifty
rounds of ammunition, formed up his few remaining men, and succeeded in keeping off
the enemy till night; but alas ! his ammunition was all expended, several of the officers
were wounded, and there was no chance of escape; efforts were made to dig a hole through
the wall, which, after a long time, having nothing but bayonets to work with, was
accomplished, and one by one numbers escaped, but to meet a worse fate ; the enemy,
discovering this, stopped it, and the houses occupied by them in the town were filled with
the dead and dying; poor Mrs. Lumsden, and her husband, with all the servants in the
house, were put to death. Colonel Palmer was in a most dejected state, no provisions of any
kind, nor prospect of any; the scene was horrible; the day broke, and the few remaining
collected together at head quarters; they burnt their property, some their watches, rings,
miniatures, and the colors of the regiment, lest they should fall in the traitors’ hands; one
man, having some gold, loaded his piece, determined, if he did sacrifice it, it should be in
some of their bodies. The few remaining Sepoys now became desperate, and gave up all
idea of discipline. Shooms-ood-Dien and the chiefs again swore by all the most sacred
oaths, that if they would lay down their arms, all would be right, and that they should be
sent to Cabool, and honorably treated, as soon as possible. The Sirdar sent and begged they
would come into the citadel, to treat on the subject, as they were in the utmost danger, as
the Ghazees were only awaiting for their lives outside. They went up to the gate, gave up
their swords, and were ushered into the presence of the chief; those who refused to enter
the citadel were cut to pieces or alike made prisoners. The chief for the first few days
treated them tolerably well, but afterwards very severely ; they were placed in small
rooms, about twenty feet, by nine, together, without beds or comforts ; not even changes of
linen, in consequence of which they were soon covered with vermin and filth, open to
every chance of contracting a loathsome disease—dirty, and miserable. They tortured the
Colonel with ropes and tent pegs, by dragging his joints and feet; they were told they
would be each tortured in turn, and the pleasantness of such a life may be imagined, never
an hour certain of being alive ; but life was worse than all then. News at length arrived of
the murder of Shah Shoojah, the king of Cabool, and the severities heaped on the Ghuznee
prisoners were threefold; occasionally, the wretches would be a little easy, and then would
seem as if they had been concocting some other plan to render their lives more miserable.
All this went on till August, when they were sent off towards Cabool, and on their arrival
were taken direct to Akbar Khan, the cold-blooded murderer of McNaughten. He said that
he had repeatedly sent off directions to Ghuznee, to have them sent to Cabool, but his
letters remained unanswered; but now they had come they should be treated like officers;
the news was doubtless acceptable, after such a specimen of Affghan sympathy as that at
Ghuznee; on the following morning after breakfast, they were sent to join the other British
prisoners, who had been taken at Cabool, who were a few miles off, Akbar kindly handing
them over to the care of Major Pottinger; a list of clothes they required was sent to the
Khan, and supplied, and they then proceeded with the whole of the prisoners to Bameean,
under the care of an arrant rascal of a chief, whose word or oath was not in the least to be
depended on.

In consequence of news arriving from Ghuznee, we were ordered to proceed at once.
Nothing of note occurred for three or four days; the enemy having evidently gone to
assemble in one body at Ghuznee, and await our arrival. The orchards well filled with
fruits, were ripening fast, and the Tribe of Hazarahs still continued to supply our bazaar,
and the fruit was a fine luxury, being cheap, as well as good. I had almost forgotten to
remark, that for several days, as we came along, we were joined by men of the 27th
Regiment, Native Infantry, being some of those who had escaped from Ghuznee, at the
time of the outbreak, and were, as they joined, taken on our strength; they had on generally
the Affghan costume, and were known by their manners, and caste ; these arriving almost
daily, were examined as to the force at Ghuznee; we learned that Shooms-ood-Dien had
possession of the fortress, that a very strong force had assembled, and that they labored
under the impression, that we should retire from them, as they held it, and in stronger
force than when captured by Keane, in 1839.— On our nearer approach towards Ghuznee,
greater numbers of the 27th came in, and of course, gave much information. On the 4th of
September, we reached camp, some six miles from the fortress, and early on the morning of
the 5th, made slow progress, owing to the ground being so intersected with deep ravines,
that it required considerable exertions to get the baggage and cattle over—we at length
arrived in sight of the fortress, and it bore a most formidable appearance, and left the
impression that much remained to be done.
Ghuznee is situated on the base of a hill, which supports its rear or main post, and
commands a most extensive plain, and it is in the midst of a rich, fertile country; it has ever
held the most noble rank as a capital, and is capable of being rendered one of the most
important fortifications in the Eastern Nations ; its adjacent hills are great, and border on
Dera and Bameean; it covers the routes of the latter, as well as Loghar and Cabool; near the
low hills which command the city, are several cemeteries, and ancient buildings; at a short
distance is Rozah, in which stands the great sepulcher, and shrine of Mahmood, the once
famed Emperor of Ghuznee; and of whom, “Dow” speaks so much in his History of
Hindostan.
The revenue of Ghnznee, at the present day, is not very great; but the country abounds in
riches, in the shape of orchards, and other productions.
The fortress in itself is of great importance; the town is walled round, and contains several
thousand houses; the former principally of stone, and the latter of mud. It is surrounded by
a deep trench; the main entrance, being the one blown up by Sir John Kcanc, is in ruins,
and another was made to the right. In the centre of the town, stands the citadel, which had
three tiers; the lower one had been much improved since we possessed it, and a parade
ground, or large square, had been formed, as a park for the ordnance. A river ran close by,
which afforded good water, and rendered it almost complete. All remained quiet, till
within a short distance from them, fortunately for us, as it enabled us to get up our
baggage, and cattle; close to the rear of the column, the road was very difficult, being over
extensive fields of long grass, and the ditches very numerous and wide, in crossing which
the cattle were continually falling, which greatly delayed us. The General directed the Light

Battalion to proceed with the Quarter Master General, to take up an encampment opposite
to Ghuznee, at a place some two and a half miles from the fortress, known as Sir John
Keane’s garden. I accompanied this body, and as we proceeded, we discovered the enemy
in the citadel, and a great number outside, preparing to advance. The Quarter Master
General ordered a portion of his force to man a small hill, which commanded their
approach, and left it in charge of Captain Adamson, of the 40th. The General dispatched in
another direction, the 16th Native Infantry, under Colonel McLaren, who were met by the
enemy, and a smart action took place; fortunately, however, after having rallied for some
time, the corps managed to get under cover, in a walled garden, about a mile from the fort,
and kept them off in fine style; the Colonel, finding the enemy so numerous, feared a
serious result, as the chances were, the General could not send him a reinforcement, before
the whole of his ammunition would be expended, and a soldier without ammunition, is not
in the most enviable situation. The Quarter Master General’s party was attacked, but
affected a complete mastery over them, and drove them back. The General, perceiving the
situation of McLaren, dispatched the 3rd Regiment, Light Cavalry, and two of Anderson’s
guns, who got up just in time to save them, as they were getting short of shot; at length
came up the General with the main body ; the cavalry made a grand charge after those
outside the town, and we lost a great number of our men, but not before leaving a greater
number of the enemy lying on the field; during all this time those in possession of the
citadel were not idle, but made some excellent play with their guns from the square I
named, as being situate on the lower part of the citadel; but fortunately for us their
knowledge of the art of gunnery was so shallow that they did little or no damage with their
guns. One of the hills mentioned as adjacent to the fortress, was called Balloon Hill, from
its peculiar form, and difficulty of ascent; this hill was literally crowded with the rebels,
and their colours were planted in every direction; they now began to emerge from the gates
in great numbers, and finding, after the charge of the cavalry, that they had no chance of
overpowering the front, Shooms-ood-Dien dispatched a large force round, to attack the
rear of our columns. The General had, however, taken the necessary precaution, and
reinforced the rear guard to 2000 men, with six guns, including the heavy battery.
Perceiving the object the enemy had in view, let fly a volley of grape to meet them, which
had the desired effect, and left numbers of them dead on the ground, and the rest
immediately made off; the next thing to be done was to get possession of Balloon Hill. This
hill was so situated that it commanded all around it, and more particularly the square in
the citadel, as it immediately covered it. The General directed the 40th and 16th to proceed
at once and take the hill. The order was in itself easily given; my readers may imagine the
position. The guns from the citadel were in full play, the hill was in possession of, and
covered by several hundreds of the enemy, both horse and foot; the ascent was
considerable, and we were nearly two miles from it. However, it is not for Britons to look at
difficulties in such a moment, for had we done so we should never have accomplished it;
we set forward, and those in the fortress seeing our advance, opened a heavy fire upon us,
which, Providence be thanked, showed us that they could not hit their mark, and we
reached the foot of the hill with little loss. Those in possession, leapt for joy, at the apparent
opportunity of cutting us off. We commenced the ascent, throwing out skirmishers in every
direction ; our fire was kept up steadily as on a parade, and every hall seemed to find its

desired billet; numbers fell, of course, but not near so many as we had been anticipating.
We were obliged to halt half way to gain breath, and necessitated to keep up a heavy fire;
we again advanced, and the enemy began to show symptoms of retiring, which greatly
encouraged us, and we made a desperate effort, and sent a volley into them, charged, and
at length they retired; we followed, and at last gained the summit. They rushed down the
other side, and made off in the direction of Candahar, where they were met by a brigade
sent round by the General for that purpose.
Having gained possession of the hill, those in the citadel began to pour the fire of artillery
into us, but as usual without success, and in order to get out of sight we were ordered to lie
down, that they might imagine we had evacuated our position; as we lay there, the balls
were fast whistling over us, and the force under the command of the General was making a
clean sweep of all those outside the walls, which after he had effected, next required the
citadel. It was however found impracticable to storm the fortress that day, first because the
Sappers and Miners could not have time to complete their operations, and second, in
consequence of the fatigued state of the troops. The 16th was to be left in charge of the hill,
and the 40th were ordered to return to the encampment; this order was, if anything, even
worse than the first, because all being comparatively quiet, we should, on retiring, be the
only targets for them to fire at, and our utter destruction seemed inevitable; we, however,
had to obey, and as was expected, no sooner did we come under cover of their guns than
they opened a severe fire from all their pieces, but their firing was always either too far, or
too short; and thus we reached camp in almost safety.
The followers had been all employed in pitching the tents, and the cooks (natives) had
prepared our scanty meal; the 16th were left in possession of the hill; and the General
ordered two guns, either under Captain Blood or Anderson, I really forget which, to
proceed to the top of the hill, and dislodge them in the citadel, which, after some difficulty,
was effected, and most ably did they accomplish their duty; they soon put a stop to them,
and by their superior arrangement and management of artillery, disabled nearly all their
guns. We had scarcely got well seated in our tents when we were suddenly surprised by
the whizzing of a ball over the Camp, which lodged in the officers’ mess tent of the 41st;
after that came another and another, and they kept up a fine string of them, aiming most
admirably. We soon discovered that they had a sixty-eight pounder, which before had
remained quiet.
These shots coming so fast, and lodging just in our midst, doing considerable damage,
although we were nearly two miles from it, compelled the General to shift camp a mile
further off, and we were at last out of the reach of the bull-dog; they most certainly in this
instance did put us to the route. This piece was called “Chuppa Jung,” of Persian
manufacture, and as is usual in all the forts of importance in Asia, was placed in the citadel;
and a most powerful piece it was.
The General now began to arrange his plans for storming, and taking the fortress; the
engineers were all busily employed in preparing for the operation; and as the day began to

draw to a close, orders were issued for the troops to be in readiness to move just before
daylight on the morrow. The night at length came on, and lights were ordered to be
extinguished at eight, P. M.; and at that hour all was darkness, and enveloped upwards of
20,000 souls. It would be impossible for me to describe sufficiently the acuteness of a
soldier’s feelings the night before a battle; if an action takes place, suddenly, and without
having been much contemplated, the thing is not so much felt, because circumstances will
not permit him to reflect; but when, having been engaged, and the day’s work is done, and
knowing that the morrow will bring forth another conflict, it would be hard to describe the
feelings at such a period.
Picture yourself, sitting after an action, surrounded with the remaining comrades^ in your
tent, and looking round to see how many there were left, and who are missing; to listen to
the details as to who saw him last, and how he fell; and then to wonder whether you would
be there tomorrow night, to talk over the exploits of the day: picture the soldier, with a
throbbing heart, filled with anxiety at knowing he was about to form one of a storming
party, on a place of immense strength, which, almost under any circumstances, must result
in the destruction of some hundreds of our men—and who were those men? That was the
question. “Shall I get shot, I wonder, tomorrow?” one would say; “well if I do, let so and so
be done.” “You’ll write to my friends and let them know about it,” another would ask of a
comrade. “Of course I will,” would be his answer, “if I escape.” Picture another on a
hoarded sheet of paper, soiled with keeping, penning down his last wishes, in the fullest
expectation of being killed; and imagine his inward feelings, silent and careworn, quietly
ruminating on the morrow. There lay the men in sadness, on their cold and earthy beds,
anxiously awaiting the signal to prepare for a last struggle; the expressions of each heart,
could it have been made audible, would doubtless have been found to be offering up
prayers to the maker and ruler of all things, or pondering over their boyhood’s days, when,
surrounded by all the tranquility of affection and happiness, when they had no care or fear.
The scenes of early youth would pass as visions before their eyes, and present themselves
in all their joyousness and fondness ; the playmates would be whispering their mutual
tales, and danger for the moment would be lost to the mind; the progressing years would
follow fast in the weary soldier’s mind, and suddenly would return to his present situation,
far far from those scenes and friends at once so dear and near, in hourly expectation of
being sacrificed in his country’s cause, with the fear that those friends might never know
the particulars of his last moments, while in the raging of battle, and tumult of the crush he
would be consigned to a soldier’s unknown grave. Such was the position in which the
troops of Ghuznce were placed on the night of the fifth of September; every heart was filled
with dismay, not knowing but that it was his last night with his comrades. There is scarce
anything so painful amongst soldiers as parting with each other, a certain fraternal tie
exists amongst them, which is in itself unaccountable, and at once makes our army so able
and so powerful. All was at length prepared for the attack, and about half an hour before
the day broke, the word was passed from tent to tent, to form up. Each rose in sadness, and
many shook the hand of his comrade as for the last time; the cattle were dispatched with
the powder, to ensure the explosion, and platforms had been carefully planted for the
heavy battery to commence a breach. The troops were slowly and silently advanced, and

arranged ready to storm immediately after the gates were blown up; and daybreak was to
be the signal. At length the day dawned, and lo! What was our surprise when we saw
floating on the highest tower the English colors. The sight relieved each heart as though we
had had a fortune. The enemy had during the night evacuated the citadel, having received
certain orders to that effect from Cabool. Colonel McLaren, who had kept the hill, finding
they had left it, took immediate possession, and placed “The Flag that braved a thousand
years” on the highest point. Thus did Providence prevent the inevitable loss of some
hundreds of our force, and never was a force more agreeably surprised than those at
Ghuznce on the 6th of September, 1841.

CHAPTER XVI.
Ghnznee; Chuppa Jung on the “Night in Battle;” Description of the Fortress; Interesting letters; The
vicinity of Ghuznee; Orchards; Fruit; Preparations for destroying the Citadel; A general havoc; The
Somnauth Gates; Mahmood’s tomb; March towards Cahool; Futteh Khan’s fort; Young Evans
again; Strange discovery; Captain Woodhurn’s will; His dreadful death, and massacre of his force;
Night dangerous; Prospect of a night attack; Short hut harassing march; Valley of Midan; An
impudent Chief; Suspicious arrival; Approach near Cabool; Entrance into Cabool; Lieut.
Shakespeare; The prisoners; Sir Robert Sale’s Brigade sent to rescue them.
Ghuznee being now ours, all hands made a point of visiting this impregnable fortress; and
on entering, a road leading to the right brought us into the spot where lay all the disabled
guns, and our friend “Chuppa Jung.” The gun was of brass, and mounted on a large
wooden carriage, and was surmounted at the centre by two brass lions and rings; its length
was thirteen feet four inches; and two feet from the muzzle, five feet two inches in
circumference; it had evidently been much used, as it bore the appearance of having been
repaired. It was a most unwieldy instrument to move, but most certainly did great damage,
and was well situated where it was. In this space was fine stabling, and barracks which
were erected and used by Palmer’s Brigade. On retracing our steps, we came to a long
passage, the end of which was the magazine, well stored with every kind of ordnance,
fuzes, shells, rockets, ammunition of every description, being that left by Palmer on his
evacuation.
Close to this place was a well, which, although dry, led us to believe that there was a
possibility of procuring water, had it been tried, and I must confess my surprise that
Palmer had not made some effort to have procured water in the fort; which, with his force,
from the very commanding position afforded in the citadel, it would have been almost
impossible to have lost.
Close by was an arch-way leading to the citadel; two large copper cased gates, studded
with huge nails, formed the entrance, and on winding round to the left, led to an inner
square; the buildings were of fine eastern construction, being ornamented with most
delicate, perforated work, so joined with ingenuity together as to form a net-work,
introducing most tasteful figures and designs. The walls plastered white and enameled,
ornamented and corniced; the houses were of two stories, and the lower ones were used as
kitchens; in one of the upper landings I discovered two oblong, dark, narrow rooms, which,
on examination, I found to have been occupied by our unfortunate countrymen, when
prisoners here for several months; they were in a very filthy state, and the stench
exceedingly disagreeable. On closer examination, which of course curiosity would lead to,
several portions of writing were found on the walls, some written with burnt stick, a nail,
or some other cutting substance, and one was in pencil. I took a literal copy of every
portion of the writing, and it will of course be interesting to my readers, as well as

corroborative and illustrative of the feelings of the unfortunate fellows; it will also fully
bear out the brief detail given by me of the affair, which is taken from an account I had
from one of the prisoners’ own lips.
The following are true copies:—
First, (written with a blunt pencil.)
“Col. Palmer, Capt. Olston, Lt. Powett, Lt. Harris, Ensigns Williams, Nicholson, and Davis, and
Dr. Thompson, 27th N.I., Capt. Lee Burnett, 54th, and Lt. Crawford, S. S. F., prisoners in the fort
of Ghuznee, through the treachery of Sirdar Shooms-ood-Dien Khan, his brothers Gool
Mahomed, Nahib Ravoolish Khan, and Sirdar Mullok Mahomed, in having broken every article
of two treaties solemnly sworn to. If on the arrival of any British force, the prisoners are not
forthcoming, avenge them on the above mentioned, and on Khan Mahomed or Killa Madoof (a
cousin of the Sirdar’s) his brother Taj Mahomed, and Nizar Mahomed—they had charge of the
prisoners, and treated them most infamously, having once tortured the Colonel, and taken every
opportunity of heing insolent and oppressive.
(Signed,) “C. Harris.”
“P.S.—26th May, 1842.—Khan Mahomed Khan is said to have a wife and two children in the
power of Captain Mackeson, in Khanzez.”
Second, (written with a nail or hard substance.)
“If we are killed, let our blood he avenged on Sirdar Shooms-ood-Dien Khan, Nizar Mullok
Mahomed, and Gool Mahomed Khan.”
Third, (scratched on the wall.) May 28th.
“Let Sirdar Shooms-ood-Dien, and all his brothers, he blown away; Khan Mahomed Khan, and
his brother Taj Mahomed, he hanged; and their followers, and as many of our jailors as can be
caught.”
Fourth, (written with a burnt stick or charcoal.) 27th May, ‘42.
“An Affghan, by name Futtullok, a Shikaree, and an infernal scoundrel, must he hanged without
the least mercy.
(Signed,) “T. D.”
Fifth, (scratched on the wall.)
“Colonel Palmer, Capt. Burnett, 54th, Olston, 27th, Powett, Lts. Crawford (Christie’s Horse,)
Harris, Williams, Nicholson, Davis, Dr. Thompson—confined in the Bala Hissar, as prisoners,
since the 10th March, 1842.”

Sixth, (written with burnt wood.) “Shooja was killed on the 6th April, 1842.”
Seventh, (written with burnt wood.)
Mrs. Lumsden’s room opposite, in which was written,— “Thomas Persey,”—”Teague,”—

”Rathfarnam,”—”23 Rupees, 13th June.”
Initials, &c. &c., were written in every part of the rooms, evidently having been the
occupation of the poor, miserable, incarcerated creatures, expressive of their inward
sentiments, when thinking of their home and friends, who knew not of their condition, and
perchance should never meet again. It is needless to comment on this, as it will convey
sufficient to the mind of the reader, to enable him to enter into the feelings of those who
were so long oppressed by an insolent and treacherous foe.
On reading the portion of writing, stating that “Mrs Lumsden’s room was opposite,” I of
course went thither, and a sorry hole it was; a small room in which were several broken
bottles, an old tin clothes box, and the head of a human being! I believe it was that of a
native. I proceeded up a staircase leading from the four sides of the square to the turret of
the place, which was high, and afforded a beautiful view; this formed also a nice
promenade, and at each corner was a bastion, in which was a small room, most elaborately
ornamented, and was used by the chiefs as a lounging room. A small window to each,
under which was a couch of marble, enabled them to see for a vast extent round the
beautiful country, the whole of which, for miles, was richly thronged with orchards filled
with trees, bending with the choicest fruits, apples, plums, peaches, grapes, &c., in
abundance. Of such a variety of flavors were those fruits, that it now became a matter of
taste and difficulty to suit oneself. The grapes in particular, varied in size from a currant to
that of a pullet’s egg. I weighed several that exceeded half an ounce, and it was common to
see bunches so large that two men would carry them on the centre of a pole, to prevent
destroying them; nay so plentiful were the fruits, both apples and grapes, that we used to
feed upwards of 35,000 head of cattle with them, during our stay.
We collected a large quantity of grain and flour from the citadel, and lots of firewood; all
that was of use to us we took ; the guns, about eighteen in number, were destroyed,
including “Chuppa,” and the portions of the magazines which might replenish ours were
selected; the remainder was used to undermine the towers, ere we left the place, and the
Sappers having completed their arrangements, the train was fired, and the once
impregnable fortress and citadel of Ghuznee was razed to the ground—and thus the fire
kindled in 1838 and 1839, by Lord Keane’s army, was quenched by Nott’s, in 1842.
The General took care to destroy every place, calculated to prove a refuge, and several
forts, in and near the place, were fired and blown up, and we were ordered to proceed
towards Cabool, as it was expected that the enemy had assembled there en masse; and as
we should have to join Pollock, who was fast advancing up the passes on the other side, we
were all anxious to arrive there first. The commander had received instructions from the
Governor General to call at Rozah, en route, and take from the tomb of Sultan Mahmood,
the celebrated gates of Somnauth. A working party was ordered to accompany Major
Saunders, of the Engineers, and take them down. I went of course, and managed to
preserve a few pieces, which I kept as curiosities, and brought to England.
The tomb of the resting monarch was certainly most beautiful, and many were the cries of
regret of the fakeers about the place, at the removal of the gates; they offered lacs of rupees
to leave them. According to Dow’s History, we learn that between the year 996 and 1028,
Mahmood with an immense army, made his way towards India, and being short of funds,
resolved on ransacking Somnauth, a town in the Guzerat Peninsula. Somnauth contained a
temple of great worth, and in it an Idol of considerable stature, made of gold, whose
bowels, says the historian, were of costly jewels; after repeated attacks, several of which
had proved unsuccessful, on the part of Mahmood, he effected its overthrow—secured the
idolr turned the gold into money, and sold the jewels; and on retiring, carried off the gates
of the temple as a trophy, to Ghuznee, and directed that they should enclose his tomb.
These are the said gates, and the Moolahs were in constant prayer for their protection.
Somnauth still exists, and the natives of Guzerat, when addressed by the Governor
General, heard with the greatest satisfaction that he purposed restoring to them the gates
that once enclosed their deity of that name. They are two huge gates, after the style of our
church doors, richly carved, and are of sandal wood; but age seemed to have taken away
the beautiful perfume from the wood; they were carefully packed in numdahs, a sort of
matted hair blanket, and a platform cart was allotted for them, and a strong guard
mounted over, and accompanied them every day.
On the old site of Ghuznee stand two minarets of immense height, which are worked over
with hieroglyphics, and mark the entrance to the old and famous city.
We recommenced our march towards Cabool; the road was somewhat better, and the
mornings were most beautiful; but being many thousands of feet above the level of the sea,
it must have been very severe in the winter.
We marched through a most picturesque scene, leading through a pass, of about two miles
and a half, and opening out into a lovely plain, and the suddenness of the transition much
enlivened the traveler, for the varieties of a route diversified by the beauties of nature,
render it oftentimes pleasant; but the pleasantry of our journey was overthrown by the fact
of our attention being called to other more serious matters.
Nothing of note occurred for some few days, save our luck at getting occasionally a good
supply of grain; this day I collected about 40,000 Ibs. of wheat, buried in three holes, and a
fine prize it was, as our stock, as we drew near to Cabool, was fast decreasing.

On the 12th we arrived at the fort formerly belonging to Futteh Khan; the inhabitants had
however, deserted it, and had carefully blocked up, the entrance with mud and stones;
which we, however, soon removed; on our determination 16 enter it, young Evans, 41st,
who was ever daring and brave, perhaps too much so, mounted up the steep walls like a
young deer, and it was fortunate for him that none of the enemy were in the fort, or ho
must certainly have been cut up; we, however, soon gained an entrance, and found plenty
of Lucerne or dried grass. On searching round we saw a spot where a considerable deal of
blood had been shed, and on searching the interior we found some articles of European
manufacture. I entered a small inner room, and picked up a tea-cup, a stock, and several
letters; one proved to be the will of the late Captain Woodburn, who, in November of 1841,
was, with one hundred and fifty Sepoys, barbarously massacred by the Affghans, at this
place; they were buried in a large hole dug outside, and were yet visible; a letter was also
found, being a letter of recommendation from Sir William M’Naughten; it was written in
Persian. I gave the will and stock to Major Leech; a large party of the Staff were present at
the melancholy discovery, and caused many epithets to be heaved upon the rascally
traitors who, in cold-blood, could murder unprotected beings, particularly men in sickness.
The enemy was found to be hovering about here, and attacked small parties of grass
cutters, going a short distance. During the night several sentries were placed in out-
buildings of the fort, and a series of firing occurred; but we had now become so used to ft,
that it became a sort of music, and it was considered very strange if we had not some of it
every night,—pop, pop, continually,—and, scarcely listening, those in the tents would
sleep as soundly as if nothing extraordinary was going on.
During this night some Affghans succeeded in shooting a sentry on his post; and it being a
double sentry, his comrade was severely wounded; one man of the 41st was overpowered
by a few of them, and cut to pieces.
The nights now became more serious. Yelling and shouting, firing from jezaills and
matchlocks into our camp, at the dead hour of night, rendered it necessary to be up, and it
caused much annoyance. The foe, evidently intended to have another trial, had arranged
themselves amongst the adjacent hills, and followed us closely, though out of our sight.
Next day brought us in a very intricate position; our camp was surrounded by hills, and it
was necessary to detach several strong guards, in the defiles; Shooms-ood-Dien, who still
commanded the enemy, had stationed himself not far off, and as the enemy drew nigh,
determined to make a night attack. The General, however, was well up with him, and
divided the majority of his troops, to command the hills, and a heavy fire was kept up from
all parties; the night certainly was much against us; but we, however, succeeded in keeping
them off, after a weary night. We next morning made the best of our way towards Midan.
Major Leech, who was at the head of our Intelligence Department, obtained, by means of
some Hazarahs and other spies, information that Shooms-ood-Dien intended to obstruct
our path this morning; and we had expected to have made a long march, but were
prevented from doing so by the appearance of the foe. Our route led along a narrow valley,
with the enemy on both sides, in the hills, and so narrow was the road, that we were within
the range of their matchlocks. The consequence was that many experienced very narrow

escapes; I, for one, moving along, had a ball graze my turban, and Captain Adamson, 40th,
had one across the peak of his cap; another got a ball on his breast plate, and innumerable
others. The General directed our artillery to keep up a continued irregular fire, during our
advance, and after great difficulty we managed to get into a wider part of the road; the
Light Companies were directed to crown the heights. The Quarter Master General had
either mistaken the ground, or the order had not been properly understood, or we should
have encamped much nearer. The Quarter Master General’s party had great difficulty in
pitching camp, as they were under a heavy fire of the enemy, and had to keep them off; but
on the arrival of the main body they were soon quieted, and we passed, much to our
surprise, a very calm night. On looking down on the valley of Midan, it presented one of
the most beautiful of scenes—crowded with small forts, and bordered with the richest
orchards, intersected by a clear stream, that watered the fields. The country was variegated
with the lovely tints of autumn, and the tall pine trees waving their heads in majestic
splendour, coupled with the odoriferous fragrance from innumerable flowers, made the
scene baffle all description; but all those, being the strongholds of the chiefs, who had so
long opposed us, were doomed to destruction, and soon became a burning mass.
An impudent rascal of a chief, who actually confessed that he had been fighting against us
the day before, came to Major Leech, to whom he was well known, and wished to get from
the General a written paper, that his property would be protected; but the General sent him
off, with the declaration that if one shot was fired, the whole of Midan would be in ruins
that night. The General, not understanding the language spoken, was necessitated to speak
through his interpreter, and I being close by at the time, learned the fact of his visit. We
again got on the road, and reached Urgundee. It was at this place that Dost Mohammed
Khan planted his guns across the road, to intercept the route of Sir John Keane, but
thinking better of it, abandoned his intentions, leaving them to be captured by us, and
afterwards surrendered himself to Sir William M’Naughten, and was sent as a state
prisoner to Calcutta.
In the afternoon, a son of one of the chiefs of the Kuzzilbashes, a Persian race,—and who
form a portion of the population of Cabool,— arrived in camp, to say that he would do all
in his power to assist the British, having abandoned Akbar Khan ; it was certainly strange
conduct; but it led us to understand that Cabool was not likely to be opposed, and that
General Pollock had made a successful affair of his advance through the Khiva. We were
on our next day’s march met by several officers from Pollock’s force, who were now at
Cabool, having gained a march or two on us. We soon reached our next destination,
Cabool, and encamped about five miles on this side. On our reaching camp, the forts
around were nearly all vacated, and on entering several, we discovered quantities of the
stores of the massacred army; one fort contained a great many bottles, glasses, cans,
furniture, boxes, boots, hospital stores, tents, and, in fact, more than is necessary to detail.
The sight of these things filled every heart with revenge, and determined them not to shew
clemency to a single soul, bearing the slightest connection with the Affghan race.

The camp was again moved nearer to Cabool, and about a mile and a half from the camp of
General Sale, consisting of the 9th and 13th Regiments, and 3rd Light Dragoons; several of
them visited us, and the meeting may be easily imagined. News arrived that Mrs. Trevor
and seven children,
Dr. Campbell, and his lady, and Captain Troup, who had been prisoners, had been rescued.
A Brigade, consisting of the 3rd Light Dragoons, a wing of the 13th Light Infantry, and four
guns, were ordered to proceed, under command of General Sale, to reinforce Lieutenant
Shakespeare, who had been sent some time before to recover the prisoners, who, it was
believed, were in the Bamean Passes —hard by. Lieutenant Shakespeare is the indefatigable
officer, who, it may be remembered, had charge of the Russian prisoners some few years
ago, and had now been sent with some six hundred Kuzzilbashes after ours; it was also
rumored that Akbar Khan was at large, and we lived in great hopes that he might be taken
; after many rumors, news arrived from the gallant Lieutenant that the prisoners had been
discovered safe, and Sale’s Brigade was sent off at once to protect them into camp, lest a
rescue might take place.

CHAPTER XVII.
State of the times; Detail of the unfortunate disasters at Cabool; Akhar Khan; The position of the
Cantonment; Power of the enemy; The Rebel Chiefs; First evidence of the outbreak; Sir William
McNaughten; Sir Alexander Burnes; Serious warning of his servant; Position of the Ambassador;
His retinue; His career, and his murder; Alarming situation of the enemy; The King; His power;
Conduct and disposition; The Durhar; The insurgent Chiefs; General Elphinstone; His conduct; The
44th Regiment; Their conduct; Miserable prospect; Capture of prisoners by the enemy; Hostile
meeting; Determination to stand; Overpowered; Forced to retire quick; Meeting of the Envoy and
Chiefs; Brigadier Shelton; Britain’a honor at stake; State of the King’s Palace; Hostile
correspondence; Proposed meeting between Akhar and the Enemy; Secret development; The meeting;
Serious misgivings; The Envoy’s life in danger; The seizure; Dastardly conduct of Akhar; Massacre
of McNaughten, and capture of his Suite.
The excitement which had long existed, relative to the prisoners, is already very familiar to
my readers, and it needs hardly to be noticed at any great length by me here; their happy
release was principally owing to the unremitting exertions of Major Pottinger, who was
one of them; and as it will, no doubt, be a matter of particular interest to know the manner
in which they were treated, and the general cause of this; having now reached Cabool, I
may as well draw the matter up in a short detail, in order to thus far acquaint my readers.
Several of the prisoners, with whom I was intimately acquainted, afforded me much
information, and I thus am the better enabled to give it to my friends.
In the Introductory Chapter of this unvarnished tale, I have given a brief history of the
country, its connection immediately with the war, and so far down as Shah Shooja’s
enthronement. Sir John Keane, it will be remembered, retired from the country, leaving it,
in Ms opinion, in a sufficiently tranquil state to admit of his doing so with propriety, giving
the Shah the advantage of the protection of a British force, until such time as he should
have his own sufficiently organized, and permit ours to be withdrawn.
The country remained for some time, after Sir John Keane retired, in an apparent state of
quietude, and the Chiefs, who had ever shewn their independent spirit to Dost Mahomed,
subjected themselves, though not willingly, to the government of Shah Shooja, who was
now established as the King of Affghanistan. He was not appreciated, as his manners and
morals were not such as would create for him the love of the people. The Tribes of the
lower country were not so peaceable, being jealous of the settled manner which the troops,
in possession of Candahar, Ghuznec, Kelat, &c., seemed to be in; they, amongst themselves,
commenced hostilities, which were disposed of in the manner I have detailed, by General
Nott and others. The Envoy at Cabool was joined by Major Pottinger, who seemed to think
an attack was likely soon to occur, and he intimated his apprehension to the authorities.
The troops by this time were all comfortably housed; every accommodation was made for
their better protection and pleasure. Sale and his Brigade were sent to Jellalabad to winter;

arrangements were made for the general establishing of an European station, with all its
necessary departmental completions.
Mahomed Akbar Khan, the eldest son of the ex-ruler, had imbibed the bitterest animosity
against the British, since the dethronement of his father, who, several times, endeavored to
persuade him, too, to surrender, but as often failed. In the vicinity of Cabool, particularly
near the spot where the cantonments were erected, were several forts formerly belongingto
the chiefs, some of which were now occupied by our officers, and others used as stores;
one, very unwisely, about a mile from the cantonment, was the Commissariat; another for
the Ordnance, and so forth. About the middle of October, great symptoms appeared of the
fulfillment of the prognostications of Major Pottinger, and the whole of the Ghylgees
seemed to have risen in one body against us; their head Chief, Humza Khan, was detected
in several acts of treachery, and was, by the Shah, placed in confinement. The Affghans,
spite of their apparent allegiance to the Shah, had ever evinced an utter dislike to the
Europeans, and took every opportunity they could of insulting them, and in many
instances abusing them ; attempts at assassination, in more than one instance, were brought
to the notice of the Envoy; the murder of Europeans and a number of followers, arising
from an ardent disposition for rebellion, accrued; and from this, coupled with the extensive
rumors of the brewing conspiracy amongst the Chiefs, left us to presume matters did not
bear the slightest prospect of a lasting peace. The fact was, that there did not exist in the
whole of Affghanistan, Upper or Lower Sindh, or Belochistan, one real friend towards us,
and it very soon became too clear to be doubted.
Ameenoola Khan, the chief of Logur, had for some time been appointed to take charge of
the traitor, Humza Khan, and was considered as one of our greatest friends; but alike with
the whole nation, he was grounded in deceit and treachery, and ultimately became a bitter
foe. He was supported by another chief, Abdoolah Khan Acbukzee, who held a greater
portion of the Pesheen Valley; the latter chief, although a professing friend, could never be
depended on, from the fact of his having strangled his brother, in order to get his turban or
territory; but being both men of the strongest influence, from riches and power, aided by
their haired to the Feringees, they were soon able to win over to their views, the majority of
the population.
The first evident cause of the outbreak, was the fact of a letter addressed by this Abdoolah,
to the chief and people, intimating that it was in contemplation by the Shah, and our
Envoys, to secure all the chiefs, and send them prisoners to the Presidencies; they
accordingly met that night, and in order to carry out their designs, made it appear that the
King was privately on their side, and was anxious that all the infidels should be put to
death. Sir William M’Naughten now began to open his eyes, and made a. requisition for a
stronger force to be sent to Cabool, which, however, never arrived. At the beginning of
November, things bore a more determined appearance; the people were seen to collect in
large bodies; the shops in the bazaars were principally closed; the residences of several of
our officers had been attacked; soldiers were molested and struck; the tumult was fast
raging. The Ambassador, Sir Alexander Burnes, who resided in the cantonments, received

an intimation of the outbreak; but he doubted not, but that it was some mistaken grievance,
and that he would be soon able to set all right. Nay, the baronet was so fully confident in
his own mind, that his influence over the people was such as to quell any insurrection, that
he considered it unnecessary even to make the thing known to the king, and would not
even allow a shot to be fired by his” guard, although they had been, and were, subjected to
the indignation and assaults of the assembled mobs.
Sir Alexander had a faithful servant in the person of his wareer, or secretary, though, in
common with others, an inward foe, who tried in vain to persuade the Ambassador to take
measures to dislodge the frantic insurgents. I must certainly say that a man placed, as Sir
Alexander was, in a position approximating in power to the king himself, was much in
fault at even harboring an opinion of security, or a certainty of command over a national
tumult, whose minute sentiments could only be truly known to those necessarily more
acquainted with their characters, and it would have far more become him to have lent his
ear to the various warnings given him by many influential, as well as mere menial
individuals. But he had, up to that moment, been apparently much prized by the chiefs and
the people, and had ever been treated as an Ambassador; and in no one instance had he
ever been thwarted in his undertakings, since his attachment to the court. The friends and
power he vainly boasted, became darkened, and the white became black; his most devoted
attaches became, perforce, his enemies, and he at length found, when it was too late, that it
was time to negotiate, but was not permitted the opportunity of doing so ; for the
infatuated mob increased, and resolved on bloodshed; they became more enraged, and
commenced an attack on the Ambassador’s residence, and on all the adjoining premises ;
and the whole resulted in the massacre of Sir Alexander, his brother, Lieutenant Barnes,
also Lieutenant Broad- foot, and every man, woman and child, in and near the place. Thus
were the lives of three promising men lost to the world; one on whom the representation of
our crown had devolved, but who, I regret to say, was too much buoyed up with the fair
faces of a treacherous race. Let me not for a moment be suspected of wishing to throw the
slightest disparagement on the character of Sir Alexander! But the unfortunate occurrence
which resulted in so much loss of life of our countrymen ought to have been in some
measure known to the functionaries. There cannot exist a nation without its customs and
characteristics, which must tend to more or less develop their disposition ; and it is to be
presumed that those placed in such responsible positions should be next to infallible in
their knowledge of these essential points; but ala ! We are all prone to err, and error of
times is discovered too late for remedy. The king, on learning the fate of Sir Alexander,
became seriously alarmed, and more so when he found the rioters increase, and although
he sent one of his sons, with a force, to restore the peace of his people, it was found useless.
Sir W. M’Naughten, seeing the dangerous position of affairs, considered that matters
would speedily be brought to a crisis, and that order would again be restored; but finding
that it was still raging, he waited upon the General, and Brigadier Shelton was sent to take
charge of the Bala Hissar, with directions, if necessary, to fire on the hostile parties, if they
persisted in their obstinacy. Captain Lawrence, the military secretary, was attacked, and
had a narrow escape, on his road to meet the king, and informed him of the enemy’s

coming to enter into arrangements. The king was in a state of great excitement, having seen
himself several of the outrages of the enemy, from the palace.
On the arrival of Sir William, a durbar was held, and Lieutenant Sturt5 was proceeding to
join it, when he was attacked, and most brutally stabbed in the neck, and went to the palace
bleeding and almost fainting; every hour of this day brought forth new instances of their
determination. Assassinations plunder, and general tumult reigned in every direction. As I
said before, Sir William M’Naughten at first, made light of the attack, and it would of
course be presumed he knew what was best to be done. But the fact of the murder of Sir A.
Burnes, having arisen from the same scource, what was next to be expected? Nothing but
destruction.
The Commanding Officer, General Elphinstone, was indeed a good, brave, and no doubt
an enterprising soldier; but nature seems to have endowed him with a bump of self-
confidence; deep conception appeared to have cither never existed in him, or entirely left
him ; he was easily advised, and would listen to almost any project; this may be attributed
in a great measure, to age and infirmity, for he had long before expressed his inability,
from the state of his health, to command so serious an expedition, as that now in Central
Asia. No one can question his bravery, for none ever saw Elphinstone away from the most
dangerous point, when called on to command; but his health had now become much
impaired, and the second in command did not better his condition, and thus were the
Troops situated; and it now began to show itself too clearly, that the nation at large had
risen in rebellion against us. I have already mentioned that the principal departments, such
as the Commissariat, were detached from the cantonments3 a circumstance, and an error,
for which I can see no possible grounds for excuse ; take away a man’s bread, and deprive
him of the means of getting more, and you at once settle the job; this matter, I learned from
several, had been often brought to the consideration of those concerned; but it appeared
that all the responsible individuals, in whom rested the safety of the whole force, seemed
big with self-confidence of their powerful influence, and certainty of tranquility. The road
from the Commissariat was commanded by a small fort, formerly belonging to Mahomed
Shereave, and where a strong guard was placed; it was attacked, and the enemy gained
possession of it, and at once cut off all communication between the Commissariat fort and
the cantonments. Seeing this, a force of Sepoys, and a detachment of the 44th, under Lieut.
Warren, were sent to re-take the fort, which was of the utmost importance, but were
repulsed, and with a severe loss. Finding it impossible to rescue it, the General very
injudiciously gave directions for giving it up; but he was entreated to forbear, as the only
resource they had for supplies was from thence; the natives brought none in, and there was
little more than two or three days provisions in the cantonment, upon which he
countermanded his order, and sent word for Warren to hold out.
It was now rumored that the enemy were mining, and purposed blowing up the Bala
Hisar.
5
Son-in-law of Lady Sale.

Matters began to wear a terrible feature, thousands were collecting in every direction,
attack came after attack, and we were losing considerable numbers; the necessity was again
urged of making an assault, and taking Mahomed Shereave’s fort by storm; but the
General, unwilling to expose his Troops, could not be brought to give his consent. Hour
after hour rolled on, and each hour brought with it worse news; at length the General was
prevailed on to permit the storm, and what was the awful intelligence next learned?— that
Warren was seen going to the cantonments, having evacuated the Commissariat fort. And
the only reason he gave was, because he, in vain, waited for reinforcement, and finding
none came, he expected the enemy would rush in and massacre his party. All seemed now
to be irrecoverably lost. Brigadier Antiquel’s fort was attacked, and, though nobly
defended, met with the general disaster.
The miserable prospects of the cantonment, as regarded provisions, were now fast
increasing, and it was determined to take the fort, and repossess the provision stores; and
accordingly active measures were adopted, but alike without success. The Envoy in vain
offered extortionate prices to the more tranquil villagers to bring in supplies, but few
indeed dared or would. The General now became so far unable, from ill-health, to
command under such trying circumstances, that it was indispensably necessary to call on
the next senior, who was Brigadier Shelton, and whose opinion of the matters is soon
related.
He had always in his own mind, considered it a matter of doubt, as to whether the Cabool
force could exist a winter there; nay, so far was his opinion seen and felt, that the minds of
the men began to despond. The Brigadier differed with the Envoy, the Envoy could not
agree with the Brigadier, and thus were they placed, and it was now no time for diversity
of opinion; there were no tribunals to appeal to, no arbitrator could be called in, the affairs
were now become so seriously alarming that the question arose, What was to be done? In a
very few words, the Brigadier’s sentiment resulted in preparing for a retreat—the very
name of which strikes awe in the feelings of a British heart, and bids fair to burst him with
indignation. Retreat! It cannot be. Who calling himself a Briton, would venture, unless
upon the very brink of death, even to entertain the idea; affairs had not yet reached this
crisis. The Envoy in vain remonstrated, that Britain’s honor, of which he was the
representative, called upon them to hold the place; the arguments adduced were useless.
The General now became unfit for anything; and it was at length decided that negotiations
should be entered into. It need hardly be stated, that the duties at the cantonment, were
very harassing— engagements came on in rapid succession; all was useless. Now we
should gain a victory—now lose one; the weather became cold and miserable; the supplies
were cut off, and there was nothing left, but if possible, to treat with the enemy, for
protection to Peshawar. A dispatch had been sent off some time before to General Sale, to
march on Cabool to their assistance, but without effect, the winter having set in, and the
roads through the passes being impassable; all hopes from that quarter were lost; and the
Envoy could not entertain the thought of retreating. A very severe engagement took place,
at which, I regret to say, our troops gave way. The panic seemed magical, and horror was

depicted in every direction; there were several of the insurgent chiefs wounded, which of
course had a great effect. The Envoy, even if negotiations were decided upon, knew not
with whom to treat; and thus were the unfortunate Troops at Cabool situated. I will not
attempt to offer my private opinion of the individual at the head of the Government of
Cabool. That errors of most glaring magnitude were committed, is beyond doubt; that
competency to command, and power was unwisely invested is most certain ; that there was
a want of courage on the part of those who required most to have it, is too clear to leave the
remotest question; but that the subordinates had a lack of it, I cannot be brought to admit;
because, it is from experience I speak, and from the disposition of the army at large, that I
have had opportunities of knowing— that I am convinced they could not, would not, act
otherwise than as brave men.
There may be circumstances,—circumstances of the most appalling nature, into which a

man may be forced, in which from want of knowledge, or want of power, he may be
compelled to act contrary to his conscience, but not cowardly; the situation of the troops at
Cabool cannot be easily imagined, at least not sufficiently so, to enable those, ignorant of
these peculiarities, to decide. If we detach, or disarrange the main spring of the machine, it
cannot work ; the heads of our departments were astray; those possessed of power,
knowledge, and determination, were thwarted, and the ragi ng of a treacherous foe is not
easily cooled down; therefore if blame there is, let it not be cast on those who were mere
instruments. The management rested with such, as proved by their developed conduct,
that England’s honor was not of the most importance to them—who, after carefully
perusing the sufferings of these wretched beings at Cabool, can, for a moment, blame
them? when there exists a discipline, kept together by the unremitting exertion of superior
authority, their success is almost certain; but if they, being but men, fail to fully bear out the
required fortitude, and leave their necessary duties unperformed, the awaiting of which,
carried with it the protection of personal existence, what then remained to be done? Man,
mind thyself! Oh! that those who would even venture an opinion, or would distinguish
themselves as feather-bed Generals, and form their plans in the drawing room, and seeing
their own success, cannot look on the side where disaster reigns, or failure is probable. May
they never know what difficulty is, or be found to relinquish what they vainly boast of—
Britain’s honor. Let him who has experienced the catastrophes of the battle plain—who has
seen the intricacies of an enemy’s country—who has shared the miseries of treachery, and
narrowly watched the difficulties of those in command and those engaged,—let him give
his opinion, and he will say with me that in the breast «f our army at large does not exist
what has most unfeelingly, most unjustly, been implied to the Cabool force generally—
dishonor, or want of courage.
It was at length intimated to the Envoy, by the Chiefs, that nothing more was required than
the entire evacuation of their country by the British, and requested a meeting, in order that
arrangements might be satisfactorily entered into for the furtherance of the same.
The first held for this purpose took place in the guard-room of the Bala Hissar, I believe,
which, however, resulted in no very pleasant manner; and the Envoy, the same day,

received a letter, proposing terms that were so insulting and derogatory to his expectations,
that all hope of negotiation seemed at an end, for he had always entertained some idea of
their honor, as regards their treaties. Matters began to be somewhat more settled, arising
from the fact of the promised arrangements, till, finding nothing done, a desperate attempt
was made to take the Palace, but without success. I had almost forgotten to say that
Mahomed Shereave’s fort was re-taken by us during the storm, and now was garrisoned by
the 44th and 37th Native Infantry, and consequently those at the cantonment lost no time in
removing stores, &c.; but the fort was again lost, and the garrison retreated; and distress
appeared in every shape. The Envoy wrote the General as to what was to be done; he, in
strong terms, replies, that in their present situation, with so many sick and wounded men,
their courage could not be relied on—provisions so scarce as to be barely sufficient for two
days—cattle weak, weather cold, and an enraged enemy surrounding them,—directed that
immediate terms might be entered into for their being safely conducted through the Passes
to the British Frontier. In consequence of this, Sir William M’Naughten caused another
meeting of the Chiefs and himself, to take place. The tenor of the requisition of the enemy
was that we should leave Affghanistan, and that the evacuation of the cantonments should
take place that night, but was ultimately agreed upon for three days ; during the interval,
however, many of the most influential of the officers, who were most anxious for the safety
of Britain’s fame, and to make another effort for its realization, strongly urged the necessity
of the troops occupying the Bala Hissar, but Brigadier Shelton held out the utter
uselessness of such a measure. The Envoy, whose conduct during the whole of these
proceedings, had demonstrated the strongest fortitude and ability, the disasters which
were now become of reputed overwhelming difficulty, leaving him unsupported by those
whose duty it was to aid him, left him, under these truly appalling difficulties, glad to
make use of anything calculated to remove dishonor; the fact of there not being the
remotest chance of procuring provisions, the Chiefs were bent upon the destruction of the
force, and suspicions had already risen that the Envoy’s life was in danger.
Previous to the removal of the troops from the Palace, the Envoy received a letter from
Mahomed Akbar, to the effect that Shah Shooja might remain as King, on condition that he
would inter-marry his daughters with some of the Chiefs; that Mahomed Akbar should be
Wuzeer or Prime Minister; that the troops might remain till the spring, and all war cease,
and demanded an enormous sum of money by way of bonus. To this the Envoy, deeply
considering the extremity of his affairs, left, as he was, as it were, on his own resources,
seeing this faint glimmer of a prospect of rescuing his country’s fame, and give them time
to make a more honorable evacuation, in a moment of frenzy, little suspecting the treachery
carried with such a noble proposal, signed the document accepting, and agreed to a
meeting for its ratification the following morning. . Whatever may have been the feelings of
the Envoy, when cautioned about the risk he ran, he declared that it were worth a hundred
lives like his, at such a moment, to restore what was already on the brink of being
sacrificed—his country’s honor.

The morning came, and the Envoy accompanied by Captains Trevor, Lawrence and
M’Kenzie, and a small portion of his body guard, met the Chiefs, who were seated on a
small hillock, and commenced the business of the meeting.
It was a meeting buoyed up with the most arrant dissatisfaction; the officers who
accompanied the Envoy up to the time of their starting for the ratification, had remained
ignorant of it, and observed that great numbers of armed rabble began to collect, and on
Mahomed’s attention being drawn to this fact, he replied, “They are all in the secret,” and
immediately directed some of them to “seize,” and then the work began. The whole of the
officers were secured and dragged to a small fort, and Mahomed personally attacked the
Envoy, who, after a desperate struggle, was shot by Akbar, with a pistol that had but a
short time before been presented to* the Chief, by Sir William. Thus was England deprived
of the life and service of a learned, noble, energetic, and amiable man, whose indefatigable
exertions had ever been such as to stamp him with renown, and most honorable fame. It
will be impossible for me to give my readers the more minute details, of the very
interesting personal adventures, so numerous in this sad affair: it would be only extending
my narrative, and in fact, would be beyond my power; the most impartial and interesting
account of these disasters, will be found in the book written by Lieutenant Eyre, who was
one of those, whose lot was to be amongst them. The information I give, I gained from one
attached to the Cabool mission, and other officers directly connected with the force; of
whose authority, I have every reason to be proud; I shall, therefore, conclude this brief
detail of those events, by summing up the retreat, and continue my own personal
adventures, which passes over the ground where the unfortunates were so brutally
massacred, and return to my story, in as agreeable a form as I can well arrange it.

CHAPTER XVIII.
The retreat; Fearful prospects; Entrance into the Passes; Treacherous attack; Awful position of the
Troops; Situation of the Force; The dastardly conduct of the Affghans; Akhar’s message to the
General; Ladies and families given up as Hostages; Elphinstone’s death; Total annihilation of the
Cabool Force; Dr. Brydon’s escape; Brief remarks; March to Istaliff; General McCaskill’s Brigade
arrived; The battle; Victory; Bravery of the Troops; Fighting all over; Unfortunate death of
Lieutenant Evans; His character; Return to Cabool; Safe return of the prisoners—Ladies Sale and
McNaughten; A little child brought in; Destruction of Cabool; March through the Passes;
Evacuation of Afghanistan; Awful sight in the Denies; Road strewed with Skeletons; Their
appearance; Description of Route; Enemy hover about; Admirahle precautions; The Soldier’s life;
Arrival at Tezeen; Jugdulluk; Grand Attack; The Somnauth Gates; Beautiful valley of Nimla;
Jellallahad; Its appearance and destruction.
They were now compelled to commence their retreat, the king remaining behind. The
chiefs had sent their families, during the affray, to Istaliff, and several of our officers,
including Major Pottinger, had been detained as hostages. The road to the Koord Cabool
Pass is an immense marsh, and leads into the mouth as into a cavern. The hills on each side,
ere the troops had emerged, were manned by the Affghans, who commenced a fierce attack
on the moving mass below. The poor fellows were in a sad condition—cold, hungry, and
weary; ninety-seven miles of a dreary Pass to traverse, opposed by a foe whose treachery
had no end. The snow had already fallen, and much impeded their progress; the cattle that
had long since become weak and impaired, were dying fast, and no sooner dead than they
were snatched up and devoured; food being so scarce, and wood being equally so; the flesh
of horses, camels, or anything calculated to keep life up, was eaten raw; and tents or shelter
for the night were strangers. The eye every now and then would rest on the dead and
dying, who had become the victims of the matchlock from the heights. The officers would
press forward occasionally, and form up in order of attack or defence, and would as soon
be repelled. Energy, from sheer misery, grew weak, and at length discipline began to fail—
superiority lost its influence— and the force now became, to a considerable extent, a mob,
each looking out for himself—and the first three days brought with it a most sorrowful
loss. The troops were now much reduced, and the Pass, thus far, was strewed with the
massacred bodies of our men. Akbar, who followed up in rear, saw the very pitiful
condition of the wives and families, mothers and children, some but a few days old at the
breast, heavy and weak, sick from fatigue and distress, want of succour and the necessary
comfort for their sex—infants crying for food, and parents unable to comply. The sufferings
of these poor females called for immediate and the deepest sympathy. Akbar Khan sent
into camp to the General, advising him to send the families to him and he would protect
them, and afford them such comforts as were not otherwise procurable. The General, who,
although he had had sufficient evidence of the deception of Akbar, was nevertheless
inclined to think he might prove more generous, and as the raging of the insurgents was

likely to be waged upon them, they, with their husbands, who could not be expected in
such an hour of despair to part from those so dear to them as wives and offspring, were
sent to Akbar. The day after the Chief sent for the General to his camp, who, making over
the temporary command to Brigadier Antequil, repaired thither, and, to draw the story up
briefly, was detained, where, with sickness, remorse, mortification, and despair, he soon
afterwards died.
Day after day thinned the force, and the poor fellows would occasionally make a bold
stand, but get overpowered. After passing through the Tezeen, Jugdulluk, and Soorkab
Passes, and at the entrance to Gundamuck, the remnant of the 44th made their last stand—
fought on till their ammunition was expended—and gave up only with the last struggle of
life. Dr. Brydon, who, with three others, made a desperate rush, got on the road towards
Jellalabad, which was about twenty-three miles off Gundamuck. Not knowing the direct
route, and eager to make the most of their time, three took another way, and were attacked
and cut up. Brydon fortunately escaped to Sir R. Sale, at Jellalabad, to tell the tale of woe,
he being the only one left alive—save those who were prisoners—out of about 4000 soldiers
and 8000 followers. This was the end of the Cabool force.
Much has been illiberally said by the public journals on this subject, who are well able to
connect words, and make long stories out of that which they are ill calculated to judge. The
affair, from first to last, was, it is admitted, such as to stamp discredit on us, and those who
could have done much towards its prevention, did not. . Brigadier Shelton, on the retreat,
did most considerably retrieve his character by his conduct and braver}-; but when the
blow was struck, it was high time to rebel. He should have commenced two months
before—should have stood by M’Naughten, and those officers who were far better able to
know the state of things than himself. Had he done all this, the honor of Britain would not
have been subjected to the disparaging remarks it has suffered in consequence; and it is to
be hoped that our Government has been taught such a lesson as will deter it from placing
its fame— its ever-undoubted fame—from being sullied from want of placing its safety in
proper and worthy hands. Let not the reader be too easily persuaded— let him not be too
hasty in judging the conduct of our countrymen—but put the whole matter in the scales of
Justice, and if there is sympathy to he given, let it he for those whose lives were sacrificed
so inhumanly, so piteously; and let him reflect and picture to his mind’s eye, the awfulness
of the position, the trials and miseries, and placing himself in a similar catastrophe, he will
greatly pity, rather than too severely blame, the unfortunate members of that force.
Having now given a brief outline of the features of that part of the history, it remains for
me to proceed on our route. I said that the families of the most influential chiefs were sent
to Istaliff, a fort some five days’ march from Cabool, and as it was the wish to protect them
ere we evacuated the country, a force was sent to offer them our aid, and to destroy the
place. A brigade from General Nott’s force, in conjunction with one from Pollock’s, —the
former consisted of Her Majesty’s 41st, the 42nd and 43rd Native Infantry, Blood’s Battery
and Christie’s Horse—the latter, of the 3rd Light Dragoons, Her Majesty’s 9th, and several
of the Bengal Native Infantry, under command of Major General McCaskill. I accompanied

the Commissariat, and on the arrival of the force we were met by a severe opposition. The
General made an able attack, and after a severe battle of some hours, succeeded in
capturing the fort; the enemy who had held possession, ultimately evacuated it, leaving us
in full power. The families were very numerous, and the ladies seemed not much
displeased at the offer of our protection. We lost but few men. The force commenced to
plunder the place, and captured quantities of shawls, cattle, and grain; it being reported
that some few females were in a small fort hard by, that amiable young officer, Lieut. Evans
of the 41st, and myself, after all had been settled were proceeding thither, when an
infatuated wretch from the wall of the place, fired a matchlock at us, and the shot lodged
just over Evans’ right breast. He struggled, and lingered a short time, and the poor young
fellow, clasping me, attempted to speak, but could not, and expired most piteously, just at
the eleventh hour, when all was considered safe. This young man had so far swung clear,
although he had many times been exposed, and had narrowly escaped. He was a daring,
amiable youth, was beloved by his men, and all who knew him looked upon him as one of
the most promising young officers ; his character was all that one could wish, and I believe
no loss could be regretted more than that of young Evans. He was a dear and intimate
friend of mine, and it was a long time after his death, before I could venture to even think
of him without my heart filling with grief—so young, so noble, and so much beloved ‘. But
I must, spite of all my friendship for him, say, that he was indiscreet, in consequence of that
too much practised shew of bravery. He has often, much against the wishes of his friends,
exposed himself where danger most appeared, and it is indeed miraculous how he escaped
so long. It would be far more than I am able to relate, the instances he has shown of this
undue velour, therefore let me entreat those whose lot it is to be called on active service, to
avoid that, and remember they are placed in command, and it is most essential that they
should preserve themselves for the sake of those entrusted to their care.6
The force returned, and all was now prepared for the march through the Passes. I visited
the cantonments, and the various places, in which many of our unfortunate brethren had
fallen, and numerous were the unburied frames lying there.
In the compound or yard of the house where Sir A. Burns was killed, I discovered a well, in
which were the skeletons of four men; one of these had still the hair on the head, and was
supposed to be that of Burns. We buried them in the yard.
The Bala Hissar was undermined, and a train laid, ready for explosion. There was, and had
been, since the commencement, strict orders against plundering; but the followers heeded
it not, and the city of Cabool soon presented a sorry sight; and in many places was set on
fire, and it was not discontinued until a strong guard was sent from camp, to arrest such
conduct, and then too late.
6
A most noble act stands recorded in the life of this young man, in revenging the murder of a Mrs. Smith, in
the Bolan Pass, who was proceeding to join her husband, Mr. Conductor Smith, of the Commissariat
Department.

The Brigade which was sent to the assistance of Lieutenant Shakespeare, now came in,
escorting our long-looked for prisoners ; and it is impossible to describe the scene, as they
passed through the different camps; the shouts of welcome, the echoes of the artillery,
pealing forth their salutes of joy; and happiness seemed once more to reign in the sun-
burnt countenances of the released captives ; they wore the Affghan costume, and the men,
many of them, had long beards; they were soon surrounded with their friends, from whom
they had been so long parted; and it may be easily imagined the sight was one satisfactory
to all parties.
Captain Bygrave, who was the only one remaining unrecovered, was with Akbar, who
finding the remainder had been rescued, sent him into camp with two chiefs, considering it
no triumph to retain one. A few days after this, an Affghan brought into camp a young
European child, which I immediately recognised as belonging to a soldier’s wife, of the
13th Light Infantry, who was killed; the child was remarkably clean, and seemed to have
been well treated, and was much attached to the native; it was dressed as other Affghan
children, and was painted on the forehead, with the sacred insignia of the priest; the child
was restored to the Regiment, and taken by a woman who had been a prisoner, whose
husband was killed. The father of this child, I believe, married this person, as being the
relics of two families, whose halves had been so barbarously destroyed; and thus the child
got another home. Plundering, spite of all the efforts of the troops, was carried to an
enormous extent.
Every preparation was now completed for our march, and on the 12th of October, 1842, our
force, divided into three brigades, left Cabool, the first under General Pollock, the second
under General McCaskill, and the rear under General Nott. We had not proceeded more
than four miles, when we heard the explosion of the mines, which left the renowned
Cabool a vast region of ruins; and the Affghans to judge the spirit of the British, as an
avenging one. Cabool, as a city, was most beautifully situated, producing every delicacy
man could require; its surrounding country is exceedingly mountainous, many of which
were capped with snow. The city lies under the Hindoo Koosh, and is bordered on the one
side by the Himaylee, and the rivers Attock and Rozee; the people were robust and
healthy; their manners amount to insolence and cruelty; they are continually at war with
each other; and are divided into tribes. Trade seemed to have abounded greatly, and the
country generally in a flourishing state ; the cities of Cabool, Ghuznee, and Candahar, are
the principal ones of Affghanistan; the Persians form a considerable portion of those
inhabiting Cabool, and the traffic with that country is somewhat extensive.
The divisions made a general move, at daybreak, on the 12th of October, to Thag Bakh,
about six miles distant from Cabool; and on the entrance to the Koord Cabool Pass, Her
Majesty’s 9th and 13th Regiments, together with six Native Corps of the 1st Division,
manned the hills commanding the pass, to enable those in the valley below to move on
unmolested. On the morning of the 13th the troops entered the Pass which led to Tezeen,
about nine miles. The mountains were high and craggy, and very dark, rendering the road
extremely gloomy and sad; a torrent ran in a serpentine direction from side to side, which

reminded me of the Bolan; it had to be crossed twenty-eight times during about six miles.
We had scarcely got well into the jaws of the awful scene of romantic vastness, whose
hollow crags seemed to echo defiance to our intruding tread, when a number of the enemy
made their appearance in the rear, but were kept in check. The very great height of the
mountains, of a dark, reddish colour, struck one with awe, and silence seemed to reign
over all; the mind was totally occupied in contemplating this fearful sight of hidden deeds;
horror struck the feeling heart when the eye fell on the skeletons of our departed comrades,
who lay in most agonizing positions, indicative of their last struggle for life. Here a spot
would be strewed with a few crouched up in a corner, where they had evidently fled to
cover themselves by some detached rock, from the overpowering cruelty of their foe, and
had been riveted by death. There couples were lying who had died in each others arms,
locked as it were in the last embrace of despair; numbers lay in every direction, devoid of
every particle of clothes; some with the greater part of the flesh putrified on their bleaching
bones— others were clean from having been devoured by the vast number of carrion birds
and beasts inhabiting these terrible regions. I at first attempted to count the number of
frames as I went along, but found them so numerous that I could not find time, and my
inclination sickened from the awfulness of the scene. The Pass was not more than thirty
feet wide at this part, and so numerous were the moldering frames of those whose lives
had been sacrificed during the last winter, that they literally covered the road—and, in
consequence, the artillery and other wheeled carriages had to pass over them— and it was
indeed horrible to hear the wheels cracking the bones of our unburied comrades. It was
quite easy to discover the Europeans by the hair on the skulls, which still remained fresh.
After a tedious, and indeed a painful march, we reached Tezeen, which opens from the
narrow Pass into a much wider part, sufficient to enable us to pitch our camp. Here was a
sad scene of recent strife— scarce a tent could be pitched but a skeleton or two had to be
removed, just kicked aside as though it were a stump of a tree, in order to leave clear the
place for the interior of the tent, and there remained unnoticed. It has often been a subject
of deep reflection to me, to think how utterly reckless man can be made by habit: so used
were we to these sights, that it became a mere commonplace matter to see such relics of
devastation and massacre. I remember walking with a friend down the centre of the camp,
and we had often to stride over skeletons, without the least observation, further than I
could not help heaving a sigh, and reflecting in silence on their unfortunate end.
The next day took us thirteen miles on a road of extreme barrenness; the high, wild, rugged
mountains, hemmed in the narrow defile; the skeletons of the massacred force still strewed
the road in every direction ; no signs of vegetation, or aught to relieve the eye from
wildness—the numerous hollow crags, as we passed, seemed to ring with echoing despair,
and afforded most formidable positions for the treacherous Affghan to use his jezail or
matchlock, without fear of opposition. The enemy, finding we had now entered the Pass,
hovered about, and succeeded in murdering an officer, and a few men of Pollock’s force.
The divisions marched one day ahead of each other, and thus kept up a continual line of
communication. I, with General Nott’s, arrived at this ground on the 14th; the road was
equally extremely harassing the next day, as indeed, ever since our entrance into the Pass.
The ascents and descents are so numerous, coupled with having to cross the water so often,

and there being no hold for the feet, on the loose flinty stones, made it very trying for both
man and beast.
Upwards of twenty times had the gushing torrent, dashing from side to side of the valley,
to be waded through, and numbers of bleaching frames of the victims of Akbar’s treachery,
lay exposed in the midst of the rolling stream. In one part of this day’s march, was some
fifty yards, crowded with dead bodies, of men, horses, and camels, which were those of a
troop of irregular cavalry, who were all cut up on this spot. About a mile from Sah Baba,
our nest ground, stands a round tower, the ruins of an old fort; it was now used as a bone
house, and was crammed to the ceiling, with skulls, legs, arms, and shattered frames, and
numbers were heaped outside the door, and round it,—placed there by the enemy, to form
a glaring spectacle of their bitter revenge. A large body of Affghans were now seen
covering the hills in our rear, and opened a fire into the dreary abyss, on our rear guards
and baggage, as they passed. The column had moved on some few miles, but were halted,
and those of our troops in possession of the heights, commenced an attack, and succeeded
in repelling them, and forcing them to retreat, and we reached camp with little loss. This
place is said to be the burial place of Lamech, the father of Noah, and if we may judge from
its wild, dreary, stony, barren appearance, which looked as if it had been washed up into a
heap after the deluge, and so void of all chances of fertility, that one could scarcely doubt
the tradition—but thus it is.
Our next day led on to Kutta Sang, and of all the roads I had ever seen or traversed, as yet,
this was the worst. The route led from hill to hill, the ascents being difficult and stony, and
the descents, in addition, being very dangerous, as a fearful precipice presented itself,
should you happen to fall. These unwelcome views were many in number, and coupled
with the tedious progress of the cattle and baggage, and the difficulty experienced in
dragging the guns and loads, up these many steep hills, and nothing but a dreary road to
travel onward, made the march bad indeed. After the main body- reached camp, the rear
guard was attacked; reinforcement was dispatched, and a smart skirmish ensued; the
Affghans seemed to delight in annoying us, and from their hidden positions most
peremptorily carried their plan into effect; we lost few men, compared with them, and the
whole reached camp about midnight. Still the poor soldier found misery destined for him
in every direction. On arriving at anew ground, two regiments had to mount duty on the
summits of the hills bordering the route, which had to be ascended after the day’s
harassing march, thus forming a second, much more so. The scanty, coarse meal, being
nothing more than a quantity of meat and broth, made from an allowance of a scarcely
lifeless carcase, of the hard driven, skeletonized bullock,7 and this of times not prepared
before the dead hour of night; and then carried up to the men cold and tasteless. The bread
or cake made of coarse, hand-ground flour, full of grit and small straw, half baked, and
calculated to produce disease by its use; and ere this was well eaten, the rouse would
7
Our cattle, straying about in search of food, came across a herb, which proved poisonous, and we lost an
immense number of camels in consequence, which was a loss irreparable, as others could not he procured,
and the result was the destruction of quantities of public and private baggage, to enable us to move on.

sound, and the weary instrument of Britain’s safety, would be wending his way through
the dreary and unknown regions, ‘mid almost perpendicular rocks, and perilous tracks.
Such was the road of the next day’s march, to Jugdulluk Pass; this is by no means the most
difficult one to explore—the sides not being near so high as those already traversed; it had
some appearance of fertility, being studded with many small bushes. There were
innumerable small caves, or recesses in the rocks, and it was from those dark dens, forming
cover for the enemy, that they succeeded so well in cutting off our unfortunate brethren,
whose skeletons here were very numerously strewed about the path, and thus rendered the
Pass more horrible than it would have been; for the light shone brighter here than we had it
for some time. Nay, so stupendous were the mountains, hemming the ravines we had
passed, that it would be often far advanced in the day, before the sun would be seen by
those beneath. The unfortunate 44th made a somewhat successful stand in the Jugdulluk
Pass, and succeeded, ere they were overpowered, in slaying many of their foes. The pass
was narrow, and the Affghans, who had preceded us some hours, with a view to intercept
and baffle us, had formed breastworks across the road; and, would it be believed, that
these breastworks were formed of skeletons of our own men and horses ? Not less than one
hundred frames could have been here piled up, which had to he removed before we could
pass on. About six hundred of the enemy made their appearance here, and in the first onset
did considerable damage,—but a detachment from the main body soon dislodged them,
and put them to the route; it was common to see lying on the road, bodies of murdered
Sepoys and couriers, and in fact to attempt to enumerate the acts of treachery practised on
us, would be next to impossible. We at length reached Soorkab. At this ground, was a
cluster of fine tall trees, which relieved the eye, and led us to hope we were approaching a
land of the living; the camp was bordered by the celebrated Red River, a most beautiful
crystal stream, rolling most musically over a stony bottom, and under the ridge of an
immense mountain; the continued buzz kept up by the murmuring torrent echoing from
the fearful crags, lulled the weary travellers in camp to sleep. Across this river is a most
splendid bridge, of one gigantic arch, which led by a declivitous route from this Pass to
another ; on the right of this bridge, which was erected by Alexander, issued a cataract
roaring and dashing from the hills, which fed the stream, and formed a most beautiful
picture. It was on this bridge that a number of the 44th—from the extreme inclemency of
the weather, and the bitterness of the frost, were so benumbed with cold, that they were
unable to use their arms when attacked on their retreat. Oil! when reflection is but called
up, and the miserable condition of these poor, oppressed creatures, considered; it cannot
but call forth a sigh of deep regret—bereft of every chance of escape, or wherewithal to
exist—as they were. When we consider that some of our nearest and dearest relatives or
friends were amongst the number—surely, if there is one spark of sympathy left, it will be
kindled for thos-3 whose last struggle was for their country’s cause.
Our next route led across the bridge through the defile already described, and on the road
were lying the bodies of two murdered Sepoys. The ascents and descents were as usual;
and from the summit of these intersecting hills, the eye would carry itself upon range after
range of never-ending cliffs and walls of mountains; the dark aspect of the distant horizon
carried with it a volume of thoughts, wondering when the back would be once more

turned on such dreariness. The moving mass below would be seen winding its serpentine
length along the Pass, which, from its narrowness, being obstructed by huge masses of
detached rock having fallen from the heights, and impassable by other than taking a
circuitous route, were truly harassing to the men and cattle. I may as well here mention the
great trials and difficulties experienced in dragging along the heavy portions of the
baggage, more particularly the celebrated Somnauth gates, which it will doubtless be
remembered, were taken by direction of the Governor General, from the tomb of Sultan
Mahomed at Ghnznee. These gates, it will doubtless also be remembered, were the
idolatrous trophy of the Hindoos in the Guzerat Peninsula. The General directed a guard of
not less than the wing of a regiment to mount over these gates, which were placed upon
two platform carts, and drawn by six bullocks each. The other castes of the native Sepoys
would not go near them, and the Hindoos were comparatively few, and insufficient to
perform the duty, and as these gates were to be taken to the provinces for the purpose of
being restored to that race; so great was the care taken of them that they were placed next
to the main body of the army on the march, and nothing was permitted to go before them.
The consequence was, that oftentimes, owing to the bullocks growing stubborn, the whole
in the rear have been delayed; and the gates have had to be dragged by fatigue parties of
the Europeans—night has set in—the enemy have taken advantage of our position, and
have succeeded in cutting off numbers who otherwise would have been safe in camp. The
badness of the roads and darkness of the night, together with the incessant fatigue and
consequent loss occasioned by the protection of these idolatrous baubles, have caused
much well- grounded controversy, and involved much discredit on the authorities. Many
are the lives which have been lost by this—and for what? To restore to a tribe of idolaters,
an idol, that they might worship with the greater vehemence, as they had been recaptured
for them; and all this, too, by the representative of a Christian people. I need say nothing
farther, except that, owing to the great question raised relative to their restoration, in our
Parliament in 1843 and 1844, and since the recall of Lord Ellenborough, they remain like so
much lumber stored in one of the stations in Bengal.8
But to proceed to the march. A short distance from our camp, which- was Gundamuck,
stands a small hill, where the remnant of the 44th Regiment, about three hundred, made
their last stand, and fought most desperately whilst their ammunition lasted, and were at
length annihilated: their skeletons strewed the hill sides and summit; about two hundred
and fifty soldiers, and upwards of thirty officers, I believe, fell on this hill, and a deplorable
sight it presented. We soon reached camp, where Generals Pollock and M’Caskill had
halted; this place had been formed into a depot for grain and forage (only chopped straw),
on Pollock’s advance on Cabool; the Passes from Peshawur, as he passed through, had
been kept by our troops ; thus in a great measure securing our route. We now refreshed
ourselves with a day’s rest, and our cattle with a feast of forage, such as it was; and also in
comparative confidence, as we were now but a couple of days’ stage from Jellalabad. The
mails from Europe for the army were dispatched from Calcutta and met us at this place, so
that all in all it was quite a day of pleasure, receiving news from that dear place, Home—
8
I believe at Agra.
”which never was so sweetly felt as in such times as these”—conjunction of the Divisions,
and recognition of old comrades who had escaped the perils of the few past days, and such
like,—made the whole feel refreshed, and filled us with the utmost cheerfulness.
Nott’s Division halted a day as they came up last; the other two moved on the 20th, and we
recommenced our march on the 21st. This day gave us a very long march, and greatly
harassed our cattle, which, having been so long without green forage, were weak; the
carcasses of camels strewed the road in immense numbers—and this was not the worst; the
consequence of the loss of the cattle was followed by the loss of comfort, little as it was, for
if a camel should, from fatigue or stubbornness, refuse to go further, the rear guard had to
shoot the beast and burn its load, lest it should fall into the hands of the hovering foe. Thus
were clothes, tents, bedding, camp equipage, &c. and every possible commodity of a
campaign, destroyed and the party whose all happened to be on the beast so destroyed,
had to share with those more fortunate. So numerous were these calamities, that some
Regiments, who, according to regulations, should have had seventy tents, had not one-
tenth the number. And equally great was the loss of private property: many of the men not
having a change of linen, were forced on arrival in camp to go to the stream and wash their
shirt, &c., and, whilst it dried, bathe themselves. To attempt to describe the very many
losses met by the poor soldier, as well as the more affluent, would be almost incredible.
The road on this day was such as to create a vast number of casualties, and the great
quantity of carcasses that were strewed as we came up, proved that the Divisions in front
had suffered much more than ourselves. We at length reached Futteeabad, and the rain
came on, the misery of which may be more easily imagined than described.
Our next day was over somewhat better ground to Sultanpore, and passed through the
most beautiful valley of Nimla, looked upon by the Affghans as a perfect paradise, and
certainly it deserves the name—it was not unlike the Lake Harron, on the Indus—and the
fragrance from its variegated spots of flowers, reminded one of a visit to the Alps, where in
the most unlooked-for places, in the most unexpected patches of the earth, bud forth
groups of lovely flowers, too numerous to detail. A clear spring margins these odoriferous
patches, and the wind gently bending their proud and beautiful heads, carries with it the
most delightful sweetness. The surrounding barren mountains seemed here to add to its
magnificence, and would in fact affect one’s heart when coming in contact, in the midst of
such wildness, with such little beauteous glittering gems of beneficent nature. Passing
onwards, we soon reached our encampment, which was on a wide part of the region, and
on a sandy plain. Nothing of note occurred here except that the rain fell, with its attendant
miseries, and we next day moved on towards the Illustrious Garrison of Jellalabad, where
we arrived at eleven, A.M., on the 23rd, after marching over a dreadful road for upwards of
twenty miles. The whole of the Troops halted here, and all soon became hurry and bustle
for the destruction of the Fortress, which had sheltered General Sale’s Brigade in the early
part of the year, when besieged by Akbar Khan, whom they so successfully defeated on the
7th of April, 1842. Who of the Force that knows of its trials could be at Jellalabad and not
deplore the loss of poor Colonel Dennie, whose unremitting bravery and zeal, for his
country, was so little known, owing to a slight difference which existed betwixt him and

the then Commander-in-Chief, Sir John Keane; his services were left almost neutral. It was
here that poor Dennie fell, and a braver soldier or a more deserving man never took the
field.9
Jellalabad is a rude looking place, as far as vicinity goes—yet it is, nevertheless, a fortress of
a very formidable appearance, and has been for many ages used as a winter residence for
the rulers of Cabool. It is situated between the Khiva and the Jugdulluk Passes, and, as a
valley, affords a most beautiful retreat, having all the beauties of fertilization, as well as
most excellent water, procured from the Cabool River, flowing near the Town. There are
some fine tall trees near the fortress, and in the vicinity of the Khiva, are several splendid
castles and strongholds; many of them erected under Alexander the Great. This spot was
selected by the Monarchs of Cabool, as a retreat for winter, perhaps for its retirement, and
salubrity of climate. But be it as it may, to one of common judgment, the idea would be
absurd, as in a valley amid high ranges of mountains, it had precisely the opposite effect in
winter, as it necessarily created dampness, and became dangerous to the constitution.
The fort was square, built after the manner of Candahar, and had, as is usual with the
eastern places of royal refuge, its Citadel and Bala Hissar; it was at this place that Sir Robert
Sale gained so much honor, in keeping off the enemy, who took every opportunity of
harassing and annoying the Feringees. He took this place at a time when his provisions
were not over plentiful, and having possession, became the target for Akbar Khan and his
colleagues, who, after repeated attacks and attempts at siege, made a grand essay on the
7th of April, 1842, and was completely overthrown by Sale’s Brigade, on which occasion
poor Dennie fell.
This place, as well as Candahar, was ordered by Elphinstone to be evacuated, but

fortunately for the force it was not, or they must most assuredly have met the same fate as
the 44th, and the service would have been deprived of another most noble, valiant, and
praiseworthy corps, in the 13th Light Infantry. The deeds of greatness in the field, done by
this excellent Regiment, have gained for it, most deservedly, an honorable name; and who
was there, who, seeing the corps, but will feel bound to acknowledge that they went
through trials and privations, to such an extent as should ensure for them the good wishes,
and friendly feelings of every Briton. I speak of this Regiment particularly, because they
were so long on the campaigns, and opportunities came to enable them so often to be ; and
as often were, successful, and never found wanting, which entitles them to these remarks.
Nevertheless, all the other corps of Her Majesty’s service was equally brave, and were
equally zealous, and are equally entitled to the thanks of their country. The 22nd in Sindh,
acted in a most exemplary manner; a mere handful of men, not more than 700 in number,
to stand undaunted before a foe of more thousands—the 41st, in all their arduous
9
The Rev. Mr. Gleig, has just issued a really excellent account of the affairs at this place, and being so recently
compiled, is doubtless the best yet written, and is called “Sale’s Brigade,” and issued in Murray’s Home and
Colonial Library, and worthy of perusal.

undertakings, and excessive trials, from their first arrival in the country, through the
dreadful campaign, in the Deccan War, the storming of Bhurtpoore, and its many attendant
conflicts—from thence through the principal parts of India, to end their long services in a
five years campaign in Sindh and Affghanistan. Of the 40th too, so much has been said,
and so much is known of the honor due to this brave corps, that it is needless to dwell
upon it. It is, without exception, the most honorable one in the whole service, as it bears
upon its colours, I believe, more engagements than any other Regiment. But what of all
this? The soldier is trained as a child to look for hardship and privation; schooled to habits
of destruction and warfare, and all for the protection of his country. And yet, many of those
for whom he risks his very life, and for whose safe keeping from the bondage of an
oppressor, he suffers more than tongue can tell—are the first to treat him with absurd
scorn. And I have seen and heard hundreds, who treat soldiers with a sort of contempt, are
ashamed of their company, and often express an opinion that they arc not fit society to
keep, being a mixture of so many classes. Oh! shame!—it is not the coat which makes the
man. There are those, whose erroneous ideas of peace, who, in the hour of need almost
worship the soldier; and such like ought to be the last to disclaim their friendship; but
When war’s declared and danger’s nigh,

“God and the soldier!” is the people’s cry;
But when war’s done, and all things righted,
God’s forgot ;—and the soldier’s slighted.
This I presume will convey all I could wish to say on the subject of the soldier’s situation,
and I trust the time will arrive, when the great, gross, and unbrotherly barrier, which has so
long existed against the army10 will be removed, and that the soldier will be acknowledged
to be, what he really is, his country’s friend.
But to the march. It was intended, ere Jellalabad was evacuated, that it should be left in
ruins; the Sappers were consequently employed in preparing mines; large quantities of
stores were destroyed, for want of carriage, and every facility used for expediting the
progress of the troops through the Khiva Pass. Day after day was occupied in making these
arrangements, which, being completed, an advance was sent on to Dhakkah, the entrance
to the Pass, to act in conjunction with some of the troops of Shore Singh, the Maha Rajah of
the Punjaub, who had held the Pass since Pollock forced it, in the early part of the previous
season. On the first division moving off, they were attacked by a party of Affghans, who
had been watching for an opportunity to recommence harassing us; but a few 6-pounders,
and some spherical shot, soon caused them to make off, and let us pass in comparative
quietude. The following day the 2nd division made a start, and the next, General Nott, in
his usual style, brought up the rear, being the most honorable position, in a retiring army.
10
The author is preparing a work to he called, “The Army as it was, and the Army as it is.”

CAHPTER XIX.
March through the Khiva Pass; Dhakkah; Destruction of Ali Musjid; March to Jemrood; Almost the
last shot wounds Lieut. Chamberlain; Favorable prospect; Arrival at Peshawar; Our hacks turned to
the mountains; General Avitabile; March through the Punjaub; Description of country; Ferozepoor;
Triumphal arch; Lord Ellenborough’s Army, 64,000 men; Conjunction of Troops; Christmas Day of
1842; Shere Singh; Grand parade; Imposing sight; The Durhar; Breaking up of the Army; General
Nott appointed Resident at the Court of the King of Oude; His parting with his brethren in arms;
The Troops separate.
On our making this last shift, Jellalabad was left in ruins by the explosion of the mines
alluded to, and a strong party of the enemy, finding their much prized sanctorum thus
mutilated, made a stand for revenge, but with their usual ill-success. The rain fell during
the night, which, saturating the tents so much made it extremely difficult for cattle to carry
them. The road also, owing to the rain, had became a complete swamp, and it was late ere
we reached camp, which, being at the entrance to the Pass, was on rugged ground, and
growing late, was difficult to pitch. The road for a couple of days was exceedingly pleasant,
being level, and intersected with plantations, which, though small, afforded a
comparatively good supply of forage for the distressed cattle ; also, lots of firewood, which
was most valuable. The next day led for several miles across a very fine plain in a wide,
part of the Khiva, when within a mile from Dhakkah, we were suddenly checked by a
barrier in the shape of a very narrow defile, which caused the cattle, as they reached the
spot, to crowd in the wide space. The inlet between two high hills, being not more than
eight or ten feet wide, allowing only one camel to pass through at a time—the delay may be
easily conceived. Dhakkah was a small village, with a noble-looking fort, built of mud,
which contained an extensive supply of grain and forage, and which we soon took
possession of, and having liberally distributed it, then destroyed the place. Our march for
the next few days was through the heart of the Khiva; the mountains of this Pass are those
attached to the Hemaylee range, and are of immense height. They have also, erected on
their summits and brows, forts of great strength, built principally of brick and red stone,
and were mostly those constructed under Alexander, Their great strength, coupled with
the powerful positions selected for them in this Pass, goes far to convey an idea of their
extent, and almost impregnability. On the 3rd November, after a somewhat pleasant
march, inasmuch as the rebels had kept their distance, we reached the foot of the fearful
and dangerous ascent to Ali Musjid. The camp was pitched in line, owing to the pass being
narrow, under cover of the mountains. On the summit was a strong fortification of the
nature before mentioned.
At day-break, on the morning of the 4th, the bugles sounded the rouse, and soon after
commenced the ascent. The road led up a winding path for about a mile, on a somewhat
open sandy space, when, suddenly, droves of cattle were collected, and were waiting for an
opportunity to proceed. The mountains were high, and afforded no other road than a

narrow ridge or shelf, not more than nine feet wide, cut about midway up the craggy side;
presenting on the left, a dark high wall, and on the right, a fearful abyss of several hundred
feet. The extreme difficulty experienced in moving this mass of cattle and the followers,
was greatly enhanced by impediments arising on the road in advance; such as the
upsetting of a bullock cart, or a stubborn camel; in fact, anything, however simple, would
obstruct the path, and until that was removed, all in rear were impeded. Should the camel
or bullock be too stubborn to resume the journey, delay was not permitted longer, than to
shoot the cattle, set fire to their loads, and hurl them down the precipice; thus numbers
were sacrificed, and many were the sufferers by loss of their property. At length, on the
evening of the following day, the rear-guard succeeded in getting the last camel on the
move, and made a start themselves. During this day, the enemy began to make their
appearance, as they well knew it was a march of extreme difficulty, and no sooner had the
rear-guard got fairly on the narrow ridge, than a cry ran along the columns, that the foe
was hieing from the hills, and were attacking the line on the march. The night had already
closed in, and from the darkness we could see plainly their matches glittering in the small
caves and crags, which aided us in taking aim, and picking them off. I was on the rear
guard this night, and was walking along, when I felt myself suddenly seized and pushed
all hut down the precipice—I had a piece in my hand, and, when released, made a charge
at him, just as he was advancing with a drawn sword, and dealt out a severe blow with it,
and succeeded in striking me on the left side of my head, just as I lodged a ball in him, and
we both fell. He was evidently suffering much, but I was comparatively well. I rose almost
desperate, and dragged him to the edge’ of the shelf, and with the assistance of some others
who now came up, dashed him down, never to rise again. I then felt my head was
bleeding, and fainted, and of course became also an obstruction in the path, and had it not
been for the timely assistance of some of the rear, I must have shared the same fate as many
before me, who had been consigned to the gaping abyss of the Khiva Pass. I, however, soon
revived, and with my head bound, resumed my travel. Those in advance had been
attacked, and the road now became literally crowded with dead and dying,— the latter
were put into doolies or palanquins, and sent to camp. This narrow path led for several
miles, and ultimately opened out into a road, bordered on each side by the mountains; here
the enemy succeeded in doing great damage with their large knives, already described.
They would in the dark, attack the poor followers and camel attendants, cut their throats,
hack them, and lead off their cattle, and in many instances form a fresh string of camels, as
those in rear would follow in the dark, and being led into some narrow digressing path in
the adjacent hills, would be attacked by a body, and thus sacrificed. On our arrival in camp
at Ali Musjid, the losses were soon ascertained, and great indeed they were. Numbers were
seen in every direction, who had been carried in, most brutally hacked, and lay stiffening in
blood, and undressed wounds; inflicted by the dastardly cowards, with their knives. Every
available hand that could stitch a gash up, was most acceptable, and employed; some there
were with fearful cuts across their arms, legs, hamstrings, abdomens, heads, &c.; others,
were just expiring for want of aid; more had died from loss of blood; and many were dying
in deep despair, suffering in the greatest agony from the wounds they had received. I
assisted the Surgeon in stitching up the gashes of the poor fellows, and several died during
the operation; suffering myself from a wound in my head, I fainted with weakness, and

sickened at the awful sight before me. Then came the losses, many, very many, had lost
their all, and not only their property, but their servants, in charge of it, had been most
barbarously cut off. Lieutenant Snelling and Quarter Master Hives of the 40th, lost all they
possessed, and their two servants, (Europeans), were brought in most cruelly hacked. One
of them had a dreadful cut across the abdomen, and over the right hip, and soon after died.
In short, not less than one hundred and fifty men were, in the most inhuman manner,
massacred in the dark, and I firmly believe, by none others than the very troops placed in
the Pass to hold and keep it,—that is, the troops of Shere Singh, Rajah of the Punjaub.
We halted after a tedious march of about forty hours, and owing to the straggling, and
difficult ground, the tents could not be pitched with regularity, although they now were
reduced to a very few. Baggage and camp equipage became scarce, and property of most
valuable description had been captured by the insurgents during the march. Ali Musjid
stood on the top of a high hill, in the centre of the Pass, commanding it in every direction,
and had the most overwhelming appearance I had ever seen. To describe it, more than this,
would he useless. , All other fortifications, or strongholds hitherto met with, standing on
eminences of more than a thousand feet, became as nothing compared with this greatest of
the great ones of Alexander’s superior construction. But great as it was, we expended a few
barrels of powder, and reduced it to nothing. I was again in the rear guard, on the morning
of the 6th November, when the explosion took place, and received a slight wound from a
piece of the stones blown up. Lieutenant Terry, of the Bombay Artillery, received a shot
from a party on the hills hard by, and died shortly after his arrival in the next camp.
We commenced the day’s march on the sixth,— that was to take us out of the fearful
Passes, and once again we should turn our backs on the gloomy regions of Affghanistan. It
led along a beautifully made road, and even to the last, the insurgents determined on
making a final effort to annoy us. The wounded were carried with care, and the troops at
length came in sight of a lovely plain, which relieved the eye, and indeed gladdened the
heart. When in sight of Jemrood, (the first stage in a tranquil country) every bosom heaved
the sigh of gratitude, and felt light, as we stepped, as it were, on terra firma. But even to the
very end we were not safe, for I believe, nearly the last shot that was fired at us, had its
intended billet; for the gallant Lieutenant Chamberlain, who had so often distinguished
himself, during the campaign, whilst riding along, when in sight of Jemrood, received a
shot from a matchlock, in his left knee, and has been ever since, almost disabled. We at
length reached the desired spot, a most compact small fort, built under the direction of
General Avitabile, the Governor of Peshawar, and erected in the French style of fortication.
This fort, though not more than five hundred yards square, was the most complete one I
had ever seen.
All soon became a scene of peace and harmony, once more in a land of friends, or, at least,
not hostile to us. Here the whole of the officers were most hospitably and sumptuously
entertained by General Avitabile, one of Napoleon’s officers, in the service of Shere Singh,
and one of the many who were permitted to organize Runjeet Singh’s Army, according to a
treaty with the British to that effect. The General assisted the divisions in every possible

way he could; supplies were got in, and every preparation was at once entered into for our
immediate departure for Ferozepoor; and having a march of about forty days before us, it
was necessary to replenish all the departments. The General, who had a profusion of cash,
granted several loans to the army, on account of the Indian Government, and thus
succeeded in getting a considerable deal of his acquired wealth out of the country. He gave
splendid balls and hunts to the whole of the officers; in fact, kept open-house, and many
will long remember the kindness they met at the hands of General Avitabile, a fine, tall,
noble-looking man, apparently about sixty years of age. He was most severe, and almost
tyrannical in his situation, but was, nevertheless, almost worshipped by the natives. To
give my readers a slight idea of his severity, the Governor used to carefully examine into
all complaints and matters brought before him; but as sure as a party would be found
guilty, so sure he would be hanged. A gallows was erected just opposite to his window,
and several others about the Town of Peshawar, on which all the criminals were hanged;
and when I visited the Town, I counted eighteen bodies dangling in the air opposite to his
rooms.
The Troops soon began to move off for Ferozepoor. All around now bore the appearance of
spring and beauty; the fields were green, and the trees bending with fruit; the country
around all clear from mountains; the roads were level; and, in short, everything became
comfort and happiness, when compared with the past scenes in Affghanistan. The
Commissariat was easily supplied, and nothing was wanted now but time and patience to
enable us to reach the banks of the Sutlej. I must here remark, that grain, poultry, and
sheep, were exceedingly cheap; the latter, however, were very small, so much so, that it
took often eight or ten to supply a Company of about sixty or seventy men; whereas, in the
District of Cabool, one sheep would more than supply one hundred men. On the second
day we arrived at Nasara, where there was a beautiful river about one hundred yards
wide, which enabled the Troops to refresh themselves with a bath, long wanted. This river
is a branch from the celebrated Attock, which we arrived at on the 20th November. The
Attock derives its source from the Indus, and is a crystal stream with a very strong current;
it is about two hundred and fifty yards wide, and a bridge across it, formed of boats,
fastened together, enabled us to pass. On the right bank of the stream stands the Fort of
Attock, in a most commanding situation; near to this stands a Mosque, of most exquisite
workmanship, being built of white marble. But there is a still more splendid Mosque on the
banks of the River Jumna, called the Taj of Malial, built also of white marble, which is
considered one of the most complete and superb pieces of architecture in the Eastern
world; it cost nearly one hundred lacs of rupees, about £1,100,000 sterling. The whole
march, from leaving the Khiva to Ferozepoor, was one series of beauty and fertility;
everything served to please the eye, and the mind was almost at rest. Nothing of note
occurred during the whole march, save the crossing of the Rivers Jumna, Chenab, Ravee,
and at length the Sutlej. About half way we came to the spot where Alexander the Great
erected the monument to his favorite horse Bucephalus, and we found several pieces of his
coins. On arriving at the banks of the Sutlej, two bridges of boats were thrown across, and
on the other side a triumphal arch was erected to receive the heroes of Central Asia. A
Pavilion was erected, in which sat Lord Ellenborough, the Governor General, and his suite,

and he received the Troops as they crossed. A grand parade was formed of the Army of
Reserve, who was encamped a few miles higher up.
First went General Pollock’s Division, then Sale’s, M’Caskill’s, and though last, not least,
came Nott’s, bringing with them the Somnauth Gates. An elephant was in waiting, to
receive them on his back, and a magnificent cloth of gold and crimson was laid down on
the ground, in which they were wrapped, and carried in triumph to camp.
We marched through a complete world of tents— line after line, and camp after camp, we
came up to; and Ferozepoor was one scene of canvas and military show. The Governor
General’s Staff formed an entire one of themselves; in addition to upwards of 86,000
soldiers, and consequently more than that number of followers. The enormous expense
attending this, will hardly be conceivable. Grain, and every other supply, which a few days
ago we could get for a mere song, was now scarcely procurable at any price, and every
dealer seemed bent on extortion. The Christmas day of 1842 was spent in happiness,
compared with the several previous ones, and a grand parade was ordered for Lord
Ellenborough, to come off on the 31st, when upwards of 75,000 men were on parade at one
time. A more splendid sight never met my eye, and I suppose never will again. After this
the several Brigades were ordered to proceed to their different stations; the 40th were
transferred from the Bombay to the Bengal Presidency, and ordered to Meerutt. The 41st,
with the 3rd Light Cavalry, and Leslie’s Troop of Horse Artillery, who had performed most
exemplary scenes throughout the whole campaign, were ordered to .proceed down to
Sindh; the 41st for Europe, and the remainder to Quarters. In a few days after this,
Ferozepoor began to get thinned of Troops. The Governor General proceeded to Loodiana,
where a General Court Martial was sitting for the trial of the prisoners who had been re-
captured from Akbar Khan’s oppression. A grand durbar was held, prior to the departure
of the Governor General, when the principal Chiefs of the Sikh Country were presented.
Dost Mahomed was ordered to be conducted in safety to the frontiers of his Territory.
General Nott was appointed as Resident at the Court of the King of Oude, and parted in
tears from his Brigade, who were equally affected at seeing him ride off. He addressed
them in a very few words, his heart being too full to speak much. I left Ferozepoor with
Captain Adamson, and sailed down the Sutlej for Sukkur, where I arrived on the 16th
February, 1843; after sailing twenty-one days down the river, which joins the Indus, and
where I met, just arriving the same day, the Brigade named as having left Ferozepoor for
Sindh. The Sutlej being part, and, in fact, a continuation of the Indus, has the same features
and appearances, and will, therefore, require no further description. Having now returned
to Sindh, my next will be the concluding Chapter, and contain a brief history of the events,
in this country, under Sir Charles Napier.

CHAPTER XX.
Arrival of Stack’s Brigade in Sindh; Sukkur; State of the country; Leslie’s Troop of Horse Artillery;
Prospects of another campaign; Sir Charles Napier and the Governor General; Sir
CharlesatHydrahadwith2500men; Battle of Meanee; Victory over 16,000; More War; Stack’s Force
ordered to Hyderabad; State of Sindh; Some account of its origin and people; Major Outram and the
Government; Attack on his residence Noble conduct of the Light Company of the 22d Regiment; The
Ameers; Their positions, conduct, and surrender; Approach to Khyrpore; Meer Ali Morad; Sir
Charles Napier; Meer Shore Mahomed determined on another battle; His position at Duhha; Enemy
muster 24,000; Major Stack en route; His arrival at Hyderabad; The 22nd Regiment; The Emaum
Ghur Detachment; Conjunction of Stack’s force; 24th March, 1843; Battle of Duhha; Victory
gained; State of the Fortress; Prize taken; Departure of the 41st from Karachi for England;
Departure of the 22nd for Bombay; Their reception; Arrival of the 28th from Australia; Sickness
amongst Troops; Sufferings of the 78th Highlanders, and 28th Regt,; Awful ravages of the fever and
cholera; Dreadful state of Troops in consequence; Sindh established as a Presidency; Sir Charles
Napier appointed Governor; A narrow escape; My arrival at Karachi; Hazardous voyage to Bombay;
Fortunate again; Remarks on Captain A. A. Nelson, 40th; Mr. Smith; Mr. Harvey; Embarkation for
England; Safe arrival in my native land; Concluding remarks.
Sukkur now presented another sight; the sick and some others of the 22nd Regiment,
together with few native Troops, were all that held the place, until the arrival of Major
Stack’s Brigade. Every available hand, possible to muster, had gone down to Hydrabad
with Sir Charles Napier, who had been making great havoc amongst the proud lords of
Sindh. On the 25th of February, 1843, a cossid arrived from Sir Charles’s camp, with the
news of the victory at the battle of Meanee; his force consisting of about 2,400 men, and the
enemy was upwards of 12,000; a royal salute was fired on the occasion. The same packet
brought directions for Major Stack to proceed with all the Troops he could raise, to
reinforce the Hydrabad Division, likely to be soon engaged again. The 41st had proceeded
down to Karachi, and the Major, with his Regiment, the 3rd Light Cavalry, Leslie’s
unrivalled Troop of Horse Artillery, and the 8th Regiment, Native Infantry, marched for
Hydrabad. The 21st Natives were sent by water, but Sindh was now in such a state of
raging rebellion, that it was difficult to find a route sufficiently clear to proceed. I
accompanied Stack’s force, which, though a neat little Brigade, was ill fitted to oppose so
extensive a mob as the Belooches usually muster. It will doubtless be interesting to my
readers, alike with Ghuznce and Cabool, to learn briefly the particulars of this conquest in
Sindh.11 Much has already been said on this subject, and much more could be said; but will
11
When the author first put this work to press, and was procuring subscribers, he stated that it would he a
volume of 300 pages; hut finding the incidents so numerous, and so necessary to he narrated, in order to
render the tale as connected as possible, found it impossible to do so in the prescribed number, and has, in
consequence, been obliged to extend it to nearly an additional hundred pages; and even now, is compelled to
be classed in common with the whole of the affairs of the Central Asiatic campaigns. Sindh
was formerly, under the jurisdiction of Arabs and Moguls, and afterwards under the race
from whence sprung Shah Shooja. His forefathers exacted a tribute from the inhabitants,
whose faith was once Hindoo, but now principally Mahommedan. It, as with other Eastern
nations, had been the cause of much warfare, and, until nearly a century ago, before the
late crisis, it had held an almost independent Government, and kept tolerably clear of other
countries. The name of Beeloochee, or Beeloochy, was derived from a vast number of a
Tribe emigrating into the country from time to time, till at length they became so
numerous, and were so prosperous, that they formed a dynasty, and ultimately assumed
an authority over Sindh. A race called Caloras was amongst them, but were expelled, and
succeeded by a Tribe called Talpoors, also of the Beeloochee race, and amongst whom were
some most learned men, and who at length got the reins of Government, and retained them
until the interference of the British in 1838. The two great Tribes, the Jutts and Beeloochces,
continued to rule, and, by intermarrying, became so powerful in the greatest of all points in
India, religious views, that a complete Government, from the Talpoors, was most
effectually carried on.
The Court was formed of Emirs, or Ameers, (lords); these consisted of eight brothers, who,
being Chiefs of the highest blood, held possessions in various parts of the country; the
senior, Mir, or Meer, was looked up to as the Rais or head, and was invested with a
superior authority, allowed to settle all family scuffles, and had the ruling voice over the
whole nation. They were of jealous dispositions, and spite of their mutual recognition of
the Rais, were ever exhibiting a spirit of conspiracy against each other, owing to the
prosperity, or otherwise, of the respective allotments in yielding revenue. The country was
divided into three principal seats, called, Khyrpoor, Meerpoore, and Hydrabad—all being
subject to the latter as the Seat of Government. Their army, and principal means of defence,
were the Beeloochee race, who were paid by grants of land; in addition to this, a force was
hired from the Merab Khan of Kelat.
The revenues derived from the various sources, supported an immense treasury. Prior to
1838, a Treaty had existed between the British and these Ameers, of a friendly nature,
establishing a reciprocal commercial intercourse. Another Treaty was commenced in 1836
and ended in 1838, when the rulers of Sindh were induced to permit a British Minister to
reside at their Court—in consequence of Runjeet Singh having threatened them on the
North East—he also being in Treaty of friendship with us. We reciprocated on this point,
and admitted a representative at Calcutta.
It became indispensable, in order to carry out our friendship to Shah Shooja, who had been
paid out by Runjeet, and the Sindhian Monarchy, that we, in order to protect him in the
Upper Provinces, should ensure a perfect tranquility with these Ameers, and at the same
time, hold them at such a distance as would enable us at once to have full military
leave out very many circumstances of the greatest moment, in addition to being compelled to he much more
brief in his descriptions than he wished.

command, if necessary. The Indus was the key and main navigable route to support our
project; and thus it became an act of policy on our part, as the Passes and other intricate
routes were in full possession of these provinces. We not only arranged to secure their
friendship, but also the removal of their hired Troops, and substituted ours, to be
maintained at the expense of Sindh. With Sir A. Burnes at Cabool, and Sir Henry Pottinger
at Hydrabad, whose respective influence over the Chiefs was beyond conception, we were
pretty safe, and so arranged it that the Government of the whole country was now almost
in our own hands. As already stated, these lords of Sindh were of an exceedingly jealous
turn of mind, and could not be brought to coincide with the Rais, in having given so much
power to the British, and a spirit of opposition began to show itself, which rendered it
necessary that we should have a still stronger military force stationed here. To this they
threw out many objections, very naturally, and it was not until the arrival of the armament
under Sir John Keane, from Bombay, and Sir Willoughby Cotton, from Bengal, that we
were able to exact compliance.
The Chiefs of the different districts held meetings, the object of which was to devise plans
to oppose the progress of the British power, and to prevent any further encroachment upon
their possessions. The Treaties already referred to, still remaining in full force, were, in
consequence of these meetings, considered by us politically to be broken, and to give
reasons sufficiently strong for recognizing the Rais no farther. The Court was soon, in
consequence, separated, and the British bound themselves to support each Ameer in his
Territory, and also bound the Princes to support our Troops, by paying an indemnification
of several lacs12 of rupees per annum. They were to keep what Troops they liked, subject to
our approval—to coin their own money, and levy taxes on all, except merchandize brought
in for our use—and to continue their amicable correspondence with us, as friends and
relatives. To render this Treaty (or rather Treaties) more binding, one was entered into with
every Chief except one, and countersigned by their still privately acknowledged Rais, Meer
Roostum. Meer Shere Mahomed, a man of most independent spirit, refused to connect
himself at all with us, until 1841, when, in a dispute with the other Ameers, he found it
necessary, in order to secure our protection, for which he paid, against his will, 50,000
rupees a-year. Major Outram had been appointed Resident at the Court of Hydrabad, in
the room of Pottinger, who had gone to China. All remained very tranquil, till some
intrigues were discovered by Outram, about May, 1842, and it became indispensable that
Government should warn them of the serious results that would accrue, if any attempt
were made, on their part, to budge one jot from the very letters of their respective Treaties;
and also, that they were, and had been, for some time, looked upon with an eye of
suspicion. Lord Ellenborough, the recently appointed Governor General, and who
consequently knew but very little of the actual state of the country, looked upon Outram’s
information as a reason for establishing an enquiry into the conduct of the Ameers; and
perhaps led to a more hasty conclusion against them than justice demanded. His
Lordship’s inclinations were for the entire possession of Sindh, but he did not for a
moment fairly consider the enormous outlay that would be required by the Indian
12
A lac is a hundred thousand.

Government to support it. Outram was averse to the plan, and Ellenborough was opposed
to the continuation of the Treaties, being satisfied, from Outram’s communications on the
subject, that their intrigues were of an extensive character.
His Lordship also concluded that Outram was not as zealous a servant as he could wish to
have on this spot, and looked upon Sir Charles Napier as one more likely to act according
to his directions, both in the office of diplomatist, and in that of a fighting General, the
more particularly, as the Troops in Afghanistan were about evacuating it, and a large force
would be concentrated at Sukkur. Sir Charles was ordered from Bombay to the mouth of
the Indus, with, amongst other instructions, the following order from the Governor
General:—
“It may be convenient that you should be at once informed, that if the Ameers, or any one of
them, should act hostilely, or evince hostile designs against our army, it is my fixed
resolution never to forgive the breach of faith, and to exact a penalty, which shall be a
warning to every Chief in India.”
Thus ran the instructions conveyed to Sir Charles, and thus was swept away all diplomatic
agency in Sindh. General Napier was entrusted to select his own party, and the
indefatigable, and universally acknowledged zealous Major Outram, who hitherto had
been held in the highest confidence by the Ameers, was at once shut out even from further
communication with them. The Princes, finding affairs thus, turned now just as averse to
Outram as they had been otherwise. They presented to Government a series of complaints,
and considered themselves entrapped, on the appearance of Napier and his colleagues.
Ellenborough began now to find himself in difficulties—inasmuch as he had acted too

hastily, and had not sufficient proof against the Ameers. And Sir Charles, whose fame and
courage are so well known as to need no comment, was elated with the prospect before
him, and determined to carry out the project of the Governor General, in every iota. In fact
the Princes had no chance; they were scarcely permitted to defend themselves, as
circumstances had somewhat clearly shown that they were in a measure connected with
the up-country disasters. General Napier’s continual correspondence with the Governor,
not at all favorably inclined towards them, brought to bear the adage that where prejudice
is strong, judgment is weak; and Ellenborough gave another word of advice to Napier, to
this effect: “Your force being now collected, I am disposed to think, that no delay should take place
in communicating to the Ameers the ultimate decision of the British Government, with respect to the
revision of an engagement with them, which their conduct has compelled us to demand,” &c.
The General was buoyed up with hopes of field glory, and could therefore delay no longer.
Several of the Ameers he doubted not had been guilty of writing letters of a hostile nature,
as had been imputed to them, and Napier at once commenced operations for obtaining the
possession of Sindh. The first thing done was to compel them to sign a treaty of such a
severe tenor as at once to dispossess them of almost every power they had a right to in

their own country,13 a part of whom only signed it; and Meer Shere Mahomed refused most
peremptorily, and at length took the field with an immense army, to oppose Sir Charles to
the last. Meer Ali Morad, of Khyrpore, one of those who signed the Treaty, being an enemy
of his brother, Shere Mahomed, clung to the British, and volunteered his services, with his
tribe, to Napier, with the double view of securing his territory, and revenging himself on
the rebel chief. Matters now had gone too far to expect an amicable conclusion to be
brought to bear; the majority of them looked upon Outram to have been the origin of their
downfall, and privately determined on his massacre. Outram was still living at the
Residency, a building about two hundred yards from the Indus. Durbar after durbar was
held, and conference after conference; they called upon Outram to defend them, to prove
that the charges against them were false. Outram in vain declared his powerless position;
they would not believe he had been so divested of his diplomatic influence; and as was the
case with Sir Alexander Burnes, an infatuated mob, excited by some private hostile
communications from the assembled chiefs, were bent upon Outram’s destruction. The
Major had no other guard than one Company14 of the 22nd Regiment, and who, upon
seeing the state of things, were soon prepared for action. Nothing was wanted but the
word, and all would have been massacred. At the conclusion of the conference, the Major
would most assuredly have been cut up, but for two of the Ameers, who, with drawn
swords, threatened the mob, if they attempted to fire a shot. Outram reached the
Residency, under their protection, in safety, which was soon surrounded by several
thousands of Beelooches; they commenced an attack, but two small steamers in the river
came up, and in conjunction with the European guard, kept off the mob for a very long
time, and the whole got in safety to the boats, and sailed up the river to Sir Charles; and
thus commenced the outbreak. Napier came down at once, and on the 23rd of February,
1843, met Shere Mahomed’s force, of about 12,000, at Meeanee, and after a smart battle of
several hours, gained a victory. The following day, brought the surrender of all the
Ameers, except Shere Mahomed, who still kept the field, and determined on another attack.
In vain were attempts made to bring him in; a Detachment was sent off to Emaum Ghur, a
fortress belonging to him, in the middle of a desert, and where he was reported to be
sojourning. The troops sent to storm the place, principally the 22nd, suffered dreadfully
from the intense heat, and forced marching; but returned, having accomplished the object.
Ali Morad, having shewn so much bravery throughout the whole of the proceedings and
performed so much service for Sir Charles, was at once appointed the Rais over the whole
of Sindh, subject to the British. Shere Mahomed took up another position early in March,
and succeeded in collecting a much larger force. Sir Charles, who had a mere handful of
men, was joined by the brigade named, as having left Sukkur under Major Stack, and who
arrived on the 22nd March, just in time to be present, (fortunately for Sir Charles,) at the
battle of Dubba, on the 24th, which terminated in favor of the General again. The loss on
our side was very considerable; on theirs, vast indeed. The 22nd acted most nobly. This
13
I would give copies of the Treaties, which I have in my possession, hut for the vast space I should require,
and have not room.
14
The Light Company.

corps suffered considerably in wounded men. Leslie’s Troop, in conjunction with the 22nd
Regiment, stood the brunt of the battle, and most assuredly deserves all the credit due. The
3rd Light Cavalry made several noble movements, and taking into consideration the
number opposed to them—about six to one—it was one of the greatest victories gained in
the annals of history.
The 41st, who were expecting every day to sail for Old England, were up to the last hour in
active service, having to keep Karachi; and were under arms continually during this
outbreak. They, however, shortly afterwards embarked from that port, and were relieved
by the 28th Regiment, from Australia. We had acquired a new territory, and what was the
use of it? Its revenue required to be collected; the minds of the people were hostile to us,
and tribute could not be exacted, but at the point of the bayonet. The cost of holding Sindh,
would form an item in the cash account of the Indian Government, of no small amount;
thus it was, Sir Charles Napier, the undoubted Hero of Sindh, was appointed Governor of
the place; it was annexed as a fourth Presidency of India, and every facility was used, to
complete the principal stations, as efficient depots for its safe keeping.
The wounded of the 22nd, after having sufficiently recovered, were sent to Bombay, and
shortly afterwards the Regiment; they were received most graciously at the Presidency; all
the shipping in harbour manned their yards; the troops in the garrison formed a street to
receive them, and they were most justly acknowledged to have nobly done their duty to
their country, and were the Heroes of Hydrabad.
Sickness now came, in the shape of fever and cholera, in Sindh. Four fifths of the troops in
the country were in the hospitals; medical assistance was scarce, and almost the majority of
the troops died. The 78th Higlanders lost immense numbers of their corps, the 28th equally
so; never did I see Troops so cut up by sickness. The 28th were ordered from Hydrabad to
Karachi, and to give an idea of their distress, they were compelled to get an officer from
another corps to command the Regiment, not one of their own being off the sick list.
Not only did this corps suffer so extensively, but all others and one moment’s reflection
will fill the mind with sympathy, for these poor fellows. It is doubtless too fresh in the
minds of my readers, to require me to dwell upon the ravages of the sickness in Sindh
during 1843 and 1844, as the distressing accounts came mail after mail from India, and
were fully given in the public journals.
I fortunately escaped the epidemic, and left Hydrabad in August, 1843, and reached
Karachi in a few days, but was twice attacked on the road by the Beeloochees. Travelling
without a guard (save two servants,) I, on the last occasion, was met by three Beeloochees,
who proved to be those who murdered a Mrs. Burns, and a recruit of the 40th a short time
before. These three fellows fired at me and missed, being some two hundred yards off. I got
under cover of one of my camels, carrying my baggage; the driver, who was armed with a
jezail, fired, and shot one of them; the other two rushed at us with swords; I had a fine rifle
with me, which I fired and hit my mark. One fell dead, and I threw down my piece, drew

my sword, and rushing at the other, succeeded in disarming him. I tied him, and put him
on a camel, and took him back to Tatta, where I left him, with a Detachment we had there,
and I procured a guide, who conducted me in safety to Karachi. I have been often sorry
since that I permitted the rascal to escape me so leniently; but being so anxious to leave
Sindh, (very naturally,) and having left the service, I let it rest. Whilst at Karachi, I met with
the greatest kindness from Mr. Conductor Macdonald, of the Commissariat, who did all in
his power to assist me, and I found I was doomed to await the opening of the season, for
shipping to arrive, as the Moonsoon was then on, unless 1 braved the ocean in a bugalow
or patamar. I was, however, determined not to stay longer in Sindh, and I took a boat about
twenty- five tons burthen, manned by three Sindhians, and we fearlessly stemmed the
briny wave. The weather came on after the first night, very severe, and the little bark was
tossed like a cockle shell on the raging sea, but after five days and a half tremendous
sailing, we reached Bombay in safety.
The Moonsoon was just on the turn, and I was compelled to wait until January, 1844, for a
ship to sail to England.
I must here acknowledge the very many obligations I am under, to Captain A. A. Nelson,
of the 40th, whom I was with in the Commissariat Department, also to Messrs Smith and
Harvey. These were indeed the most indefatigable servants to their country I had ever
seen; they received the thanks of the Indian Government, on more than one occasion, most
deservedly. To Mr. Harvey J am doubly indebted; his unremitting kindness to me on all
occasions, calls for my every effort, to make his worthiness known. As a soldier he ever
proved himself brave and noble, as a responsible servant to the Government of India, none
could be more zealous, faithful and just. The Bombay Government is deeply indebted to
him for his valuable services and exertions throughout the campaign, inasmuch as the
supplies were kept up by his valuable services and exertions throughout. By his and Mr.
Smith’s energetic system, no means were lost, no extravagance used, but the contrary; nay,
that branch of the service for the supply of provisions, under the immediate arrangement
of the above named, with Captain Nelson, cannot be too highly spoken of. Mr. Smith, who
is since dead, was most indefatigable. Should ever the Bombay Government have need for
a man of integrity and zeal in the field, they will not find one more so than Mr. John
Harvey, of the Commissariat Department. I visited my old friends, the 22d, during my stay
at the Presidency, and on the 4th of January, 1844, I sailed in the “Thomas Coutts,” for
England, where I arrived on the 2nd May. I returned to India in October of the following
year and again embarked for England, by steam, via the Overland route, in February, 1846,
sending my heavy baggage in the unfortunate steamship “Liverpool.” I of course lost it,
being unensured, and but that I remained some weeks in the Holy Land, on a tour, I should
have been a passenger in the vessel. I must now conclude my Narrative, which is far from
being as complete as I would wish it. In consequence of the promised size of the work, 1
am compelled to be brief in my details, from circumstances over which I have no control. If
it, however, as I most fervently trust it will, be found at all interesting to my readers, I am
doubly repaid; and as, doubtless, there are many points in it, which might be improved, yet
I hope, as I do not profess to be a practised writer of history, that these little faults will be

overlooked. My travels in the Holy Land, as well in the principal places of the known
world, may perhaps be considered worthy of a perusal, and I shall be induced to publish
them at an early period, from the liberal manner in which I have been encouraged by
subscriptions to this, and my former works, and for which I beg to return my sincere
thanks.
It has occurred to me that the following brief extracts may be of interest to the reader, and I
therefore insert them here. The remarks of Lord Hardinge, on the subject of the cruelties
most falsely attributed to the British Troops at Istalif, will serve to disabuse the minds of
any who may have been credulous enough to believe the malicious rumors alluded to. I,
myself, assert them to be without a vestige of truth. The conduct of our Forces at Istalif, as
at all other places in India, was generous and forbearing, and characteristic of good, as well
as of bravo men. General McCaskill says in his dispatch:
“Lieutenant Evans, commanding 41st Light Infantry, very bravely and successfully
led the onset in the storming of Istalif, the stronghold of the Gilozie Chiefs but was
unfortunately shot in the Town after its capture.”
Lord Hardinge, as Secretary at War, in the debate in the House of Commons, alluding to
the death of this gallant officer, spoke as follows:—
“I am not aware of any cruelties being committed by our Troops at Istalif, but, I
believe the shooting, after the place was taken, of that popular and spirited young
officer, Lient. Evans, 41st, who so gallantly led the onset, did occasion a strong
feeling of excitement amongst that young officer’s admiring followers.”
THE E ND

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Sani Hussain Panhwar

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Description of a March in the East; Extreme Change of Weather; European Constitution;

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Arrival at Quetta; Uncomfortable prospects; Scorpions unpleasant companions; Effect of

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It will be remembered, the Proclamation relative to the evacuation of Affghanistan, his

Affghanistan is an extensive Territory in Central Asia, bordered by Hindoostan on the east,

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Minora is a strong fortification, situated on the extreme point of a chain of mountains

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It will naturally be supposed that the transition from a comfortable barrack to an

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“The cup which cheers hut not inebriates,”

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