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PUBLISHED ON OXFORD HANDBOOKS ONLINE MORTUARY PRACTICES, BODIES AND PERSONS IN THE NEOLITHIC AND EARLYMIDDLE COPPER AGE OF SOUTHEAST EUROPE by Duan Bori
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Mortuary Practices, Bodies and Persons in the Neolithic and Early Middle Copper Age of Southeast Europe
Duan Bori

Introduction
Sometime during the first half of the fifth millennium BC, on the plains of south-east Transdanubia, near the western banks of the Danube, a group of relatives buried an adult male member of their lineage within their settlement. Maintained over several generations through successive interments, the burial site reminded everyone of the prominent standing of the lineage, carrying forward the fame of a successful genealogy. As was common when burying men, a shaft-hole stone axe and an adze were placed on the right shoulder of the deceased, laid to rest crouched on his left side and facing south. Six pots were placed around the body to sustain the mans journey to the afterworld. The burial was covered by soil and a wooden pole was placed to mark the location of the head. Several years after the burial, relatives remembering the enduring legacy of this individual went back to the grave to retrieve the mans skull, as had become the norm here and in some surrounding villages for particularly honoured members. The surviving power and potency of the skull would help the lineage keep alive the dead relatives many deeds, enhancing the fame of the lineage for generations to come. Yet, digging for the skull, and potentially facing bare bones with patches of still decomposing flesh, was a difficult and life-changing experience for some. After the skull was lifted and cleaned, they put a lower jaw of a wild boar in its place and backfilled the small pit. This reconstruction relates to burial 92 from the late Neolithic Lengyel culture settlement of Zengvrkony, Hungary (Dombay 1960, 7879, Tab. 36/13; Zoffmann 196970: 65). It evokes many of the elements and themes characteristic of the negotiation of group and personal identities during Neolithic and Eneolithic burial practice in south-east Europe: the choice of place for interment, the treatment of the dead body, its adornment and the provision of offerings, bodily fragmentation, the circulation of disarticulated body parts (especially the skull), and combining human bodies with the body parts of certain animals (preferentially animals teeth, skulls, and mandibles).

Theories, Sources and Coverage

As elsewhere, analyses of Neolithic and Eneolithic (i.e. Copper Age) mortuary practices in south-east Europe were influenced by specific theoretical traditions and their preferred topics. With some notable exceptions, mortuary data were rather under-theorized in culture history approaches, which used grave assemblages for typological comparative analyses and for synchronizing neighbouring culture groups. Processual archaeology (e.g. Chapman 1983) tended to focus on social inequality (cf. OShea 1996), a topic that remains influential in spite of post-processual critique (e.g. Bori 1996; Raczky and Anders 2006; Siklsi 2004, 2010; Zalai-Gal 1986), especially given the richly furnished graves at the Varna I cemetery in Bulgaria (e.g. Bailey 2000; Chapman 1991; Renfrew 1986; see below). Recently, analyses of gender and/or age categories (e.g. Chapman 1997; Sofaer Derevenski 1997, 2000) or ancestors and personhood (e.g. Chapman 1994; Whittle 1998) have also been undertaken.

The spectrum of different approaches can be exemplified by Lichter (2001) and Chapman (2000). Lichters work is an impressive collection of systematized and analysed data about Neolithic to middle Copper Age burial practices across south-east Europe. Its detailed catalogue, exhaustive bibliography and lucid conclusions make this volume a key reference book, but in true German tradition Lichter avoids any excessive speculations about the patterns identified and remains pessimistic regarding the interpretive potential of archaeological data (e.g. Lichter 2001: 387). In contrast, Chapmans (2000) publication focuses on only three Hungarian sites, but sets itself the ambitious theoretical goal to break free from the dichotomy between structure and agency. By taking burial rows as units of analyses, he attempts to follow the dynamics of mortuary micro-traditions. In spite of their differences, these approaches are complementary. Lichters detailed data analysis is indispensable for gaining spatial and temporal depth, yet lacks attention to tensions and dynamics, giving a static view of the mortuary data. Chapmans analysis outlines how certain practices develop and become a norm through acting agents, but neglects the larger temporal and spatial scales. This chapter reviews the evidence of Neolithic and earlymiddle Copper Age burial practices across south-east Europe. Much of the data obtained in the past half a century or so is still awaiting detailed publication, with the number of known burials varying regionally and chronologically. While this may genuinely represent the prevalence of burial (as opposed to cremation, exposure or cannibalism, to mention a few alternatives), it may also highlight regionally varied research strategies, such as the effort invested in finding cemeteries, which are less visible than for instance tells, or the size of excavations. Recently, some of the largest cemeteries in the region have been discovered in advance of large motorway projects (e.g. Alsnyk-Kanizsa-dl in south-west Hungary, which has yielded nearly 2,500 burials within a Lengyel culture settlement, see Zalai-Gal 2009).For the sake of simplicity, south-east Europe is separated into the eastern Balkans, the Carpathian Basin with the western Balkans, and the southern Balkans (Greece and Macedonia) (Figure 1). In line with other evidence, mortuary practices can be chronologically divided into early to middle Neolithic (c. 6300 5400 BC), late Neolithic (c. 54004500 BC), and early to middle Copper Age (c. 45003500 1 BC).

Image:

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Figure 1. Map showing Neolithic and Copper Age sites in southeast Europe mentioned in the text. 1. Ajdovska Jama; 2. Ajmana; 3. Alepotrypa; 4. Alsnyk-Kanizsa-dl; 5. Anzabegovo; 6. AszdPapi fldek; 7. Avgi; 8. Azmak; 9. Barca; 10. Beenova Veche; 11. Berettyjfalu-Herply; 12. BicskeGalagonys; 13. Blagotin; 14. Bodrogkeresztr-Kutyasor; 15. Boto; 16. Cenad; 17. Cernatul de Jos; 18. Cernavod; 19. Cernica; 20. Cluj; 21. Decea Mureului; 22. Deszk-Olajkt; 23. Devnja; 24. Dimini; 25. Donja Branjevina; 26. Dudeti; 27. Durankulak; 28. Endrd-regszlk 119; 29. Eszterglyhorvti; 30. Franchthi; 31. Fzesabony-Gubakt; 32. Grleti; 33. Glvanesti Vechi; 34. Goljamo Delevo; 35. Golokut; 36. Gomolava; 37. Gradenica; 38. Gura Baciului; 39. Hajdszoboszl; 40. Hdmezvsrhely-Bodzspart; 41. Hdmezvsrhely-Gorzsa II; 42. HdmezvsrhelyKknydomb; 43. Hdmezvsrhely-Kopncs; 44. Iclod A and B; 45. Ilpnar; 46. Istlls-k Cave; 47. Jariite; 48. Jszladny; 49. Junacite; 50. Kalythies Cave; 51. Karanovo; 52. Kephala; 53. Kiskre-Gt; 54. Konyr-Ziegelei; 55. Kovaevo; 56. Kremikovci; 57. Lnycsk; 58. Laany; 59. Lengyel; 60. Lepenski Vir; 61. Lerna; 62. Malk Preslavec; 63. Maroslele-Pana; 64. Mente; 65. MezkvesdMocsolys; 66. Mrgy-Tzkdomb; 67. Nea Nikomedeia; 68. Ostrovul Corbului; 69. Ovarovo; 70. Paliambela-Kolindros; 71. Polgr-Csszhalom; 72. Poljanica; 73. Rkczifalva-Bagi-fld; 74. ainci; 75. ebastovce; 76. Skotino Cave; 77. Slatina; 78. Soufli; 79. Stubline; 80. Szarvas-Szappanos; 81. Szegvr-Tzkves; 82. Szihalom-Pamlnyi-tbla; 83. Szolnok-Szanda; 84. Trgovite; 85. Tei; 86. Tharrounia; 87. Tibava; 88. Tiszafldvr; 89. Tiszapolgr-Basatanya; 90. Tiszaug; 91. TiszavalkKenderfld; 92. Topole-Ba; 93. Trestiana; 94. Valea Orbului; 95. Varna I; 96. Velk Rakovce; 97. Velesnica; 98. Vszt-Mgor; 99. Vina; 100. Vinica; 101. Zarkou; 102. Zengvrkony; 103. Zlatara.

Early to Middle Neolithic (c. 63005400 BC)

Throughout the entire study area, burials of this period remain infrequent. It is rare to find 2 more than one or two per settlement (the highest number attested is 23), and many sites have none. This can only partly be explained by limited excavation. Rather, it seems only a small portion of the population was buried within the settlement, there being other ways of disposing of the dead. If so, how were individuals selected for intramural interments and what alternative ways of disposal might there have been? While answers to these questions must remain speculative, patterns in the data offer glimpses of social structure and belief systems. There are many similarities between the burial practices of the eastern Balkans (Karanovo III, Kremikovci, Dudeti and Ovarovo culture groups), those in the western Balkans and the Carpathian Basin (Starevo-Krs-Cri complex), and the southern Balkans (Protosesklo and Sesklo pottery complexes in Greece, and Porodin and Anzabegovo regional pottery styles in Macedonia): a) only intramural burials are known;
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b) burials were usually placed under building floors (mainly in the southern and eastern Balkans, e.g., Karanovo [Bavarov 2003], Lepenski Vir [Stefanovi and Bori 2008], Soufli [Gallis 1982], Szolnok-Szanda [Kalicz and Raczky 1982] and Trestiana [Coma 1995a]), in settlement pits mixed with other cultural material (mainly in the western and northern Balkans, e.g., Blagotin, Donja Branjevina [Karmanski 2005], Endrd-regszlk 119 [Makkay 2007], Gura Baciului [Lazarovici and Maxim 1995], Zlatara [Lekovi 1985], etc.), or in occupation levels of settlements. In several instances burials of neonates were placed in pots (e.g. Anzabegovo [Gimbutas 1976, 397], Azmak [Bavarov 2003]). c) there are no special grave constructions, although at Lepenski Vir a number of burials are covered or encircled by stone blocks, or found next to large rocks (Stefanovi and Bori in press); d) single burials dominate, but occasional double burials exist (e.g., Deszk-Olajkt [Trogmayer 1969: 7], Glvanesti Vechi [Coma 1995a: 246]). Multiple burials are also found at several sites in the Danube Gorges (Ajmana [Stalio 1992], Lepenski Vir and Velesnica [Vasi 2008]) and elsewhere (e.g. Hdmezvsrhely-Kopncs II, Szarvas-Szappanos [Trogmayer 1969: 57], Nea Nikomedeia [Rodden 1962, 1965]); e) where two or more individuals were found together, children frequently accompany adults (e.g., Ajmana, Jariite, Lnycsk [Kalicz 1990]). f) almost all burials are flexed inhumations placed on their right or left sides. This varies between regions: for example, in the Krs group more burials were found on their left side (e.g., Trogmayer 1969). There is no differentiation on the basis of age or sex. The exception are extended burials from the Danube Gorges region (see below) and four others from elsewhere. In addition, two burials with burned bones have been found and in several instances disarticulated secondary skull burials are attested, as well as burials without skulls; g) there is no obvious preference in orientation, although slightly more burials are oriented with the head toward the east, especially among the Krs group in the Carpathian Basin (cf. Lichter 2001, 175);
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h) there are slightly more adult or mature women than men, and more than a quarter of burials are subadults (Lichter 2001, Fig. 10, 170); i) burial offerings are rare, and may consist of 12 vessels, usually placed near the head (e.g., Cernatul de Jos, Cluj [Coma 1974: 116], Franchthi [Jacobsen and Cullen 1981], Tei [Galovi 1967]), bone awls (e.g., Lepenski Vir), flint (e.g., Cenad [Coma 1974: 115]), items of personal adornment (e.g., beads, pendants, and armbands: Franchthi, Gradenica, Slatina [Bavarov 2003]) and in one case, at Golokut, the remains of animal skulls (Figure 2a) (Bori 1999). Pottery fragments sometimes cover the burial (e.g., Gura Baciului, Lepenski Vir, ainci); j) occasionally, red or yellow ochre was found, frequently near the skull (e.g. Beenova Veche [Coma 1974: 114]); k) certain burials, especially of children, might have been wrapped prior to burial (e.g., Kovaevo [Lichardus-Itten et al 2002: 116, Pl. 9/2], Lepenski Vir [Bori and Stefanovi 2004]). l) fragmented human bones are frequent stray finds in settlement deposits.

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Figure 2. (a) Crouched burial with aurochs skull, pit-dwelling 7, Golokut, Serbia (after Bori: Fig 28); (b) burials 8 and 9 (phase III) placed above the floor of building 24 (phase I-II), Lepenski Vir (after Stefanovi and Bori in press); (c) burials from Topole-Ba (after Trajkovi 1988).

Differences between early and middle Neolithic burial practices across the study area are most clearly visible in the coterminous existence of mortuary practices firmly grounded in Mesolithic forager traditions in the Danube Gorges in the period 63005900 BC (e.g. Bonsall et al 2008; Bori 1999, 2011; Bori and Dimitrijevi 2007, 2009). Lepenski Vir, the key site of this regional group, boasted trapezoidal buildings, sculpted boulder artworks, and a number of burials (e.g. Bori 2005; Radovanovi 1996). In spite of contacts with established Neolithic communities, at Lepenski Vir, Vlasac, Padina and Hajduka Vodenica, burial practices follow the late Mesolithic tradition of supine burial parallel to the River Danube, the head pointing downstream (e.g. Bori 2005; Bori et al 2009; Radovanovi 1997). Yet, despite this conservatism, some new features were introduced at early Neolithic Lepenski Vir. Most strikingly, forty neonate burials were placed into small pits in the back of seventeen of the trapezoidal buildings, under the floor level. The connection of child burials with buildings

recalls the rites of early Neolithic communities in the Balkans and Anatolia, and might have been introduced to the Danube Gorges through contacts with them (Bori and Stefanovi 2004; Stefanovi and Bori 2008). After 5900 BC, with the start of a consolidated (middle) Neolithic, most trapezoidal buildings were abandoned and domestic animals introduced to Lepenski Vir. Crouched burials now dominate, several of which were of first-generation migrants (Bori and Price forthcoming). The ultimate origin of this tradition was probably the Near East (cf. Bori and Miracle forthcoming). Although the lack of clear rules regarding burial position and orientation could suggest small and fragmented social groupings (cf. Chapman 1983, 2000a: 37), certain sites exhibit a shared practice of structured deposition. For instance, burials 8 and 9 at Lepenski Vir were placed 2.5m apart on their right sides, but with diametrically opposed orientations and facing each other (Figure 2b; Srejovi 1972), a pattern replicated on a larger scale at Ajmana (Stalio 1992). At Topole-Ba in the Carpathian Basin, two burials were placed next to each other on their right sides with diametrically opposite orientations and their backs turned on each other (Figure 2c; Trajkovi 1988: 99). These examples indicate the importance of symmetry and polar opposites perhaps connected with prescribed ritual and/or religious observances and relationality between two individuals. While certain sites see repeated interments over time, many others, especially in the northern Balkans, yielded only one or two individual burials. Coupled with the rather ephemeral settlement traces and the destruction of above-ground buildings, this could indicate that site abandonment might have related to taboos surrounding death (cf. Bori 2008; Chapman 1994). The general scarcity of grave goods may indicate that the mortuary domain did not play an important part in signalling wealth, gender or age differences, in contrast to both earlier and later periods. Yet the occasional beads and pendants from clay, bone, marble, Spondylus shell, or nephrite in settlement deposits suggest that such ornaments primarily pertained to the living and not the dead. Personhood and identity might also have been expressed through variations in hairstyles, frequently shown on contemporary figurines (e.g. Toma forthcoming). These are most often found as broken objects in settlement pits, alongside sherds, human and animal bones, and daub. One dominant type, the so-called rodlike figurines, consist of elongated necks continuing into a head with carefully depicted hair and frequently coffee-bean eyes. The legs and buttocks are exaggerated, with the female pubic triangle explicitly depicted, yet these figures could simultaneously resemble the male sex if turned in a particular way (Bailey 2005; Hansen 2007). The existence of such sexually explicit and ambiguous imagery, coupled with the emphasis on child burials, suggests that reproduction was of paramount importance. Since only a fraction of the living population was being buried in settlements, there are doubts about what could be considered a mortuary norm and exception (cf. Boyadiev 2009; Perls 2001: 274). Nevertheless, the known rites provide information on religious, ritual, and social aspects. Mesolithic burial practices in the region were largely discontinued, but although early Neolithic mortuary rules created a pool of selected norms that then shaped late Neolithic practices, this period also met a resurgence of surprisingly old ways of dealing with the dead.

Late Neolithic (c. 54004500 BC)

In the southern and eastern Balkans, some of the old tell sites were continuously occupied and new settlements established (cf. Link 2006). Many new tell sites emerged, especially along the big rivers of the Carpathian Basin. There is significant change in pottery (and clay

figurines), and copper metallurgy enabled the more prolific production of ornaments and tools in certain areas of the central and eastern Balkans (cf. Chapman 2006; Bori 2009). The diversity of mortuary elements now being introduced, along with the appearance of much more rule-bound behaviour, matches these dynamic developments. It is possible to divide the region into the eastern Balkans with their large extramural cemeteries, the cultures of the Carpathian Basin and western Balkans, dominated by settlement burials, and, Greece, where cremations and disarticualated human bones in caves and settlements are known.

The eastern Balkans

Large extramural cemeteries occur within the Dudeti-Boian culture of Muntenia (e.g. Cernica with 370 burials, Valea Orbului with 102 burials) and the Hamangia culture of Dobruda (e.g. Durankulak with 520 burials, Cernavod with 556 burials). The cemeteries of the northeast Bulgarian Poljanica culture are smaller, with only twenty-five graves from Poljanica itself (Todorova 1982). Burials across the region are mostly flexed, oriented east west, and accompanied by various ornaments, tools, and vessels, generally placed around the 5 upper body. The Boian culture site of Cernica stands out, since about 90 per cent of burials were supine inhumations, mostly oriented westeast. Some contained perforated red deer canines alongside more usual grave good categories (Cantacuzino 1969; Coma and Cantacuzino 2001). The most famous cemetery is probably Durankulak (Todorova 2002). Durankulak covers the period from (at least) the late Neolithic Hamangia culture (phases IIV, c. 50004500 BC) through the earlymiddle Copper Age Varna culture, but its dating relies mostly on pottery typology, with only three radiocarbon dates available. Durankulak is characterized by simple individual burial pits. In later phases, some are covered with stone plaques, and cenotaphs (symbolic burials with grave offerings but without human remains) also appear. Ochre was occasionally strewn on bodies and some showed staining suggestive of a textile covering. Grave goods were diverse, comprising up to seven vessels per burial, mostly around the head or over the body, as well as stone and antler axes and adzes. Spondylus and copper were used to create arm-rings and beads, but the latter were also fashioned in malachite or gold. Wild and domestic animal skulls (wild ass, red deer, sheep) and perforated red deer canines were found with supine inhumations at Durankulak, while some Cernavod burials contained pig skulls. Hence, in Muntenia, northeast Bulgaria and Dobruda, two different burial traditions exist, which do not necessarily coincide with culture groups as defined by pottery styles. The first is characterized by flexed inhumations, mostly on their left sides and oriented eastwest (e.g. most of the Boian culture and Poljanica culture cemeteries). The second tradition sees some flexed burials, especially of women, but most are supine inhumations in a dominant orientation (westeast Cernica, northsouth in Hamangia phases at Durankulak). These elements, and the presence of grave goods such as red deer canines, antler axes, or (wild) animal skulls at Durankulak and Cernica (see also Todorova 2002: 4647), may suggest that regardless of the adoption of Neolithic materialities and practices (e.g. pottery, domesticates), communities might have adhered to much older Mesolithic rites. Moreover, some of the new culture groups in the Dobruda, Muntenia, and the Black Sea coastal regions have no earlymiddle Neolithic antecedents. The distribution of supine late Neolithic burials may even avoid areas with known early Neolithic sites (Figure 5; cf. Lichter 2001: 151153). These instances suggest a degree of hybridization in the middlelate Neolithic, but also strong differences in the belief systems and possibly origin myths of particular communities: one aligning itself with Neolithic descent from the east, the other with Mesolithic descent from the north and west. The use of a particular pottery style was hence not an exclusive medium for underlining identity or

belonging. This pattern is also applicable in the Carpathian Basin. These large-scale regional trends underline the endurance of past cultural elements, as well as the flexibility of mythological, ritual, religious, and ideological constructs. The communities of this emerging Late Neolithic world, regardless of their origins, were assembling elements from diverse cultural repertoires.

The Carpathian Basin and the western Balkans

In the second half of the 6th millennium BC, Neolithic farming groups in the upper Tisza region are known as Alfld Linear Pottery Culture (Hungarian AVK, with its substyles Tiszadob, Bkk, Szaklht, and Esztr) and Szatmr groups. They expanded into territories with known Mesolithic occupations (cf. Kertsz 1996). The Tisza-Herply-Csszhalom regional culture complex overlaps with the Linear Pottery (AVK) sites between circa 5350 4950 BC, and continues on until circa 4500 BC (Yerkes et al 2009: 1077; Raczky 2009). Sites of the Lengyel culture concentrate west of the Danube in Transdanubia (Hungary), but some are found as far north as Slovakia. The contemporaneous Vina culture dominates the southeastern Carpathian Basin and the central Balkans. Finally, two sitesIclod A and B with forty and fifty burials respectivelyare known from the Iclod culture group of Transylvania in the eastern Carpathians (Lazarovici 1976, 1991). Burial practices throughout the region show certain parallels, although these are played out differently in detail. All are found on settlements. The flat sites of the AVK generally yield few burials close to houses or in settlement pits (e.g. Mezkvesd-Mocsolys (Raczky et al 1997: 2833); Fzesabony-Gubakt (Kalicz and Kos 1997)) while small groups occur on Tisza 6 culture tells and flat sites. At the Polgr-Csszhalom tell burials were mainly of children and adult men. The surrounding flat settlement yielded mostly adult females (Raczky and Anders 2006, 2008; Anders and Nagy 2007). At the Berettyjfalu-Herply tell, three-quarters of the excavated burials were children underneath buildings, but a small group of graves was discovered 200m away from the tell (Kalicz and Raczky 1984). On Lengyel sites, aggregations tend to be larger (in one instance up to eighty). In contrast, Vina sites rarely have more than two burials, but a cemetery is known from Boto (Grbi 1934), showing that more burial grounds may be revealed once more off-tell research is carried out. Although most burials are single inhumations, there is great variation in practices. Double burials often involve children. The AVK child from Konyr-Ziegelei was accompanied by a separate child skull (Kalicz and Makkay 1977: 138), while several Tisza-culture sites have yielded double burials of two children, a child with an adult and, more rarely, two adults (e.g. Hdmezvsrhely-Gorzsa II; Hdmezvsrhely-Kknydomb (Horvth 1992)). Variation can even occur within a single site. Thus, at the Lengyel site of Zengvrkony, the double burial of an adult and a child, children buried in vessels, and even cenotaphs were all uncovered. Several cremated burials have also been noted from the north of the Lengyel culture (e.g. Aszd-Papi fldek, Zalai-Gal 1984). At Bicske-Galagonys in the northern Carpathian Basin, two different modes of burial co-existed: four inhumations were left flexed, and two extended (Makkay et al 1996). The secondary manipulation of the deceased is a common theme. One of the burials at Bicske-Galagonys had their leg redeposited behind their head while the former was still connected (Makkay et al 1996). The north Bkk site of Istllsk Cave contained the disarticulated burned bones of around twenty-five mainly juvenile individuals (Korek and Patay 1958: 41). However, most instances involve the head. At Lengyel culture Zengvrkony, the skulls and/or mandibles were retrieved from the burials of certain individuals, mainly men and older women, while wild boar mandibles and more rarely dog remains were sometimes put

in the place of or next to the human skulls (Zalai-Gal 1994, 2009). The presence of boar tusk plates and boar mandibles, also mirrored in the contemporaneous Tisza culture (e.g. at PolgrCsszhalom), may indicate some special connection between males and wild boar, perhaps recalling the spirit of a strong wild animal as a desirable category for males. Skull removal and the frequent association of such partly exhumed male burials with wild boar mandibles and tusks may also express beliefs related to human-animal metamorphosis and/or special social exchanges. Similarly, red deer canines, or imitations in bone, were found at PolgrCsszhalom (cf. Siklsi 2010). Grave goods in general comprise a common repertoire across the western Balkans, although different culture areas have particular preferences. Pottery is very frequent, with nineteen vessels in one burial at the Lengyel culture site of Zengvrkony. In contrast, only five out of 102 graves at Polgr-Csszhalom received vessels. Polished stone tools are usually a male grave good (e.g. Korek 1958), but at Zengvrkony several women were also buried with them. Much emphasis is placed on personal ornaments. Although these show regional peculiarities in their composition and relative frequency, there is a general tendency to employ diverse materials for beads, arm-rings and girdles: Spondylus and Dentalium shells, copper, malachite, marble, bone, clay, limestone or even alabaster (e.g. Anders and Nagy 2007: 8486; Chapman 1981). Ochre is also relatively frequent (e.g. Korek 1989: 2343; Bakay 1969). In most regions, grave goods are preferentially deposited around the upper body. Throughout the region, orientation and body position are powerful signals for identity. Left crouched inhumations in easterly orientations dominate throughout the AVK (e.g. Kalicz and Makkay 1977) and in the earliest LBK of the western Carpathian Basin (see Hofmann and Orschiedt, this volume). In the Tisza culture, there is a sex-related pattern, with more females crouched on their left and more males crouched on their right. However, the most important distinction is perhaps between crouched and extended supine burials. The latter dominate at Bodrogkeresztr-Kutyasor and Kiskre-Gt in the Upper Tisza region, at the northern Lengyel culture site of Svodn (Nmejcov-Pavkov 1986, 1995), and in the Iclod culture (Lazarovici 1976, 1991). This pattern may confirm that older, Mesolithic burial traditions re-emerged during this period beyond the core area of the Neolithic distribution, as in the eastern Balkans. This is also supported by the importance of wild animals in many of these traditions. However, this is not necessarily an even process. For instance, in the Lengyel culture supine inhumations are more common in the north, while the south sees both left crouched burials oriented toward the east and northeast, and right crouched, west-oriented burials (e.g. Zalai-Gal 1986, 1992). At the eponymous site of Lengyel (Wosinsky 1891) there is an eastern group with burials mostly placed on their left sides and a western group with burials generally on their right sides. This pattern of polar opposites, or conscious correspondence between a particular side and the orientation of the burial, recalls the contrasting spatial positioning of two or more burials in early and middle Neolithic contexts. Since these polarizations can exist between sites within a sub-region and even within a single site, they may be seen as fractal, that is, each smaller part of a larger unit repeats the divisions observed at the macro-regional level (cf. Strathern 2004). This might have had implications for how personhood and identity were conceptualized at this time. Differences between regions are also evident in who is represented in the burial record. For example, in the AVK, all ages and both sexes appear equally represented, while between twenty-five and thirty individuals at the Protolengyel site of Eszterglyhorvti were mostly juvenile males (Barna 1996). One individual had a head trauma, perhaps indicating that this burial contains victims of violence. While this may be a special case, more systematic selection is evident elsewhere. The thirty-one burials at the Vina culture site of Gomolava (Figure 3) now directly dated to circa 46504550 BC, close to the end of the Vina occupation at the site (Bori 1996, 2009; Brukner 1980), were probably all males (cf. Stefanovi 2008). It is unclear how and where the bodies of women were disposed of. In the Iclod culture group, most burials

are male, and the small number of children may indicate selective decisions regarding the right for burial. Image: oxfordhb-9780199545841-e-050-graphic-003:

Figure 3. Male Burial 2/1975, Late Neolithic phase Ib, Gomolava, Serbia (adopted after Brukner 1980, Tab. VII-VIII).

Late Neolithic (c. 53004500 BC) and Final Neolithic (c. 45003200 BC) in the Southern Balkans
In late Neolithic Greece, there are few primary burials from sites such as the Dimini tell in northern Greece and the Lerna and Skoteni Caves in southern Greece (Fowler 2004; Heurtly 1932). Cremation burials were found at Soufli, Plateia Magoula Zarkou (Gallis 1983, 1996), and Avgi (Stratouli et al 2010), a tradition linking back to early Neolithic. At Zarkou, cremation burials formed a separate cemetery away from settlement. Existing differences between southern and northern Greece were further accentuated in the Final Neolithic. At this time, cemeteries outside the settlements at Kephala and Tharrounia contain clusters of stone built graves, possibly reflecting kinship affiliations (Fowler 2004: 100). During this period burials were also found in front of Franchthi Cave. Disarticulated human bones occur as stray finds in many contexts, such as caves (e.g. Alepotrypa in the southern Pelopollese and Kalythies on Rhodos) and open-air sites (e.g. Makkrialos in Macedonia) (see Triantaphyllou 2008). There is evidence for the secondary treatment of human remains and preferential

reburial/deposition of particular body parts, with people frequently observing age and gender differences. It is unclear if these mortuary practices reflect particular types of social organization, or whether there is disjuncture between burial customs and other aspects of social life.

Early to Middle Copper Age7 (c. 45003500 BC)

The eastern Balkans

In the eastern Balkans, the period after 4500 BC, termed the Kodadermen-GumelniaKaranovo VI (or KGK VI) culture complex, largely continues earlier trends. New tell settlements appear and various regional groups across south-east Europe came to share certain cultural elements. In the eastern Balkans in particular, there are stronger continuities with previous late Neolithic developments than in areas to the west. Extramural cemeteries continue, such as Durankulak and Varna I on the Black Sea coast, well known for its spectacular gold, copper, and Spondylus finds (Ivanov 2000). Some burials show traces of possible organic coverings (textile or hides) and wooden planks (coffins?); as at the contemporaneous Devnja cemetery (Todorova and Simeonova 1971). At Durankulak many burials were covered by stone plaques (e.g. Figure 4b; Todorova 2002; Boyadiev 2008), indicating the continuity of local mortuary rites. At both Varna I and Durankulak, lumps of ochre were found in several burials. One-third of burials (primarily male) at both these sites were found in extended supine positions, with a further 2030 per cent in flexed positions on their right sides (primarily female). Most are oriented with their head to the north or northeast. There are also cenotaphs, and these are among the richest burials on site (Lichter 2001: 94). There is a correlation between the number of vessels and the age of individuals (e.g. child burials never have more than two vessels), but even in the richest burials, ceramics were poorly fired compared to those from settlements. As in the late Neolithic, tools (of copper, stone, flint, or red deer antler) were mainly found with male individuals, particularly around the right shoulder (e.g. Figure 4a), indicating a specific male embodiment shared by the contemporaneous communities of the region (see below).

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Figure 4. Varna culture phase: (a) female Burial 245 and (b) male Burial 404 from Durankulak (adopted after Todorova 2002, Tab. 23 and 58).

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Figure 5. Map showing areas with Neolithic and Copper Age cemeteries containing extended supine burials as possible indications of Mesolithic mortuary rites in Muntenia, north-east Bulgaria and Dobruda; shaded areas indicate zones of primary Neolithization in these regions (adopted after Lichter 2001, Fig. 71).

More artefacts and exotic ornaments were found with the 294 inhumations at Varna I than at any other cemetery. The burials richest in copper and gold objects were extended supine burials, alongside a number of cenotaphs and disarticulated burials from the south-east of the cemetery. The iconic Varna burial 43 received several copper axes and chisels, an antler pick/axe, and various golden appliqus, possibly attached to clothing, including the exceptional golden penis sheath. Recent isotopic analyses of Varna I and Durankulak single out Varna 43 on the basis of higher trophic levels, suggesting that this individual consumed more marine protein (Honch et al 2006). Recent direct AMS dating of eighteen out of 300 Varna I burials suggests a relatively short use of this burial ground from around 4560 to 4450 BC (Higham et al 2007). The dates are earlier than expected on the basis of typological studies and suggest that the richest burials were among the first to be interred. Keeping in mind their extraordinary richness compared to neighbouring areas or earlier periods, what caused such a rapid change in the canons of social representation and the ability of particular individuals to accumulate goods is enigmatic. Varna is used to suggest the first incipient hierarchical and hereditary social

structure in European prehistory (e.g. Chapman 1983, 1991; Renfrew 1978), but perhaps it is more fruitful to discuss the opportunities for self-representation and particular types of embodiment that this burial record offers. Cemeteries have also been found in the hinterland of northeast Bulgaria and in Romanian Muntenia. They belong to the Gumelnia culture group and consist of both extramural cemeteries (e.g. Goljamo Delevo, Vinica, Trgovite) and groups of burials in settlements (e.g. Junacite (Mazanova 1992)). Some single burials (mainly children) or disarticulated human bones (mostly skulls) are also found in settlements and may have been relics (for details see Lichter 2001: 8586). In contrast to the Varna culture, around 80 per cent of Gumelnia burials, males and females, were left crouched (Raduneva 1976) with head to the east or south-east. Cenotaphs were discovered at Goljamo Delevo (Todorova et al 1975) and Vinica. On average, there were fewer and lower quality vessels the further away a site lies from the coastal area. Copper axes are completely lacking, and stone examples are found primarily in male burials. There are a number of copper, gold, and Spondylus ornaments, but overall the Gumelnia graves are poor cousins. Some regularity can be observed in the spatial division between male (eastern) and female with children (western) parts of the cemeteries at Goljamo Delevo and Trgovite (Lichter 2001: 125126). In the central Balkans and the Carpathian Basin, the burials of the Slcua culture were primarily found in Oltenia and in the Danube Gorges. An early lone Slcua burial (phase III) from Lepenski Vir (Letica 1970) has been dated to circa 4300 BC (see Bori 2009: 237). The fifteen probable Slcua burials at Grleti (Nica 1994) were flexed on their right or left sides. The only grave goods, some copper beads, were associated with two children. The largest number of burials (fifty with fifty-four individuals) were found at the later Slcua cemetery of Ostrovul Corbului (Roman 1996). Most were flexed on their left, some on their right, and eastern orientations dominate. Several so-called Milchtopf vessels could indicate contacts with the Carpathian Basin and the Bodrogkeresztr complex. Flint and obsidian blades and shell, copper, and gold ornaments were found in several graves.

The Carpathian Basin

With the beginning of the early Copper Age, a new style of pottery known as Tiszapolgr became dominant across the Alfld and the southern Carpathians. Settlement organization changed and numerous extramural cemeteries appeared. It has been suggested that large cemeteries, such as Tiszapolgr-Basatanya (Bognr-Kutzin 1963, 1972), were established and shared by distant contemporaneous settlements (e.g. Chapman 2000: 75). Yet newly investigated settlements such as Polgr-Bosnykdomb and Polgr-Cib-ht (Raczky and Anders 2009) were only 12km from Tiszapolgr-Basatanya. Other sites, such as Tibava (ika 1964) or Hajdszoboszl, yielded individual burials on their periphery or in their immediate vicinity, and there are occasional intramural burials (e.g. HdmezvsrhelyBodzspart (Bognr-Kutzin 1972: 37, 6768)) Tiszafldvr (Sikldi 1983: 13), Tiszaug (Bognr-Kutzin 1963: 101102)). Parts of some late Neolithic tells, still inhabited, were used as burial grounds (e.g. Vszt-Mgor: Farkas 1974). There are also double burials, generally of an adult and a child (e.g. Tibava, Tiszapolgr-Basatanya). Burials in the cemeteries of Tibava and Tiszapolgr-Basatanya were placed north-south in rows, while at Velk Rakovce (Neviznsky 1984) burials were found in groups. The position of Tiszapolgr burials is differentiated by sex/gender: male burials are placed on the right side, females on the left. Where burials are extended, as at Tiszapolgr-Basatanya, males generally have their heads turned to the right and females to the left. Children equally follow this trend. This pattern indicates the continuity of older burial traditions with possible roots in Mesolithic

burial practices, but also a strongly imposed norm of sex/gender differentiation expressed through binary oppositions of left-female (facing north) and right-male (facing south). The main orientation is with head to the east, perhaps again representing older burial traditions. Cremations were found at Tibava and Velk Rakovce, and two cenotaphs at TiszapolgrBasatanya, one containing a pig mandible and ceramic vessels, reminiscent of some late Neolithic burials of the Carpathian Basin. Ceramic vessels are the most frequent burial goods, with eastern Slovakia boasting more vessels per burial than areas further south (e.g. at Tibava, several burials had more than fifteen vessels). The pottery is usually of high quality. Mainly adult male burials were also furnished with axes, adzes, copper, stone or antler chisels, obsidian blades, large flint nodules, copper shaft-hole axes, and wild boar tusks. Golden rings and pendants were found only in male burials in east Slovakia. On the other hand, copper finger-rings were primarily with females, and strings of beads, reminiscent of older Lengyel artefacts, were with adult women and girls. Copper, shell, and limestone beads occur in both male and female burials. Copper spiral armbands mostly occur with males. At Tiszapolgr-Basatanya, domestic pigs and wild boar mandibles accompanied male individuals; five males had whole dog skeletons placed near their legs. The contemporary Decea Mureului group of Transylvania is characterized by burials placed on their backs with lightly flexed legs and heads toward the south-west. The dating of a burial with a granite mace-head to the second half of the fifth millennium BC (Govedarica 2004) suggests contemporaneity with Tiszapolgr burials. Ceramics, lumps of ochre, long flint blades, and copper awls were found in several burials, alongside copper beads and necklaces, and worked Unio sp. shells forming belt chains. Child burials are separated from adults and never receive copper awls. Various elements indicate continuities with late Neolithic Iclod and possible influences from the steppe regions to the east (see Lichter 2001: 298304). In the western Carpathians, Transdanubia, and western Slovakia, intramural burials of the BrodzanyNitra phase of the Lengyel culture complex are known (e.g. Neviznsky 1985: 75; Raczky 1974). It is generally believed that the early Copper Age Tiszapolgr complex in the eastern Carpathian Basin is followed by the middle Copper Age Bodrogkeresztr complex, but both older and new dates (Csnyi et al 2009; Raczky and Siklsi 2013; Yerkes et al 2009) indicate an overlap between both phases from 45004000 BC. Cemeteries with Bodrogkeresztr pottery are also very similar to Tiszapolgr burials, as males are primarily crouched and on their right with women crouched on their left. Tiszapolgr-Basatanya contains ninety-four burials attributed to the Bodrogkeresztr phase and exhibits significant continuities from the Tiszapolgr phase, such as the predominantly western orientation of burials. Osteological analysis indicates the predominance of adult individuals over children (Lichter 2001: 314 316). The rare multiple burials usually contain an adult female (perhaps a mother?) with a child. Traces of fire and ochre are occasionally found. Only a handful of burials can be identified as cremations and cenotaphs, while partial or disarticulated bones may indicate occasional exhumations. Cemeteries usually have regular rows of graves running northsouth, with the burials generally placed with the head to the east. It has been estimated that cemeteries served communities of less than fifty people (Meisenheimer 1989: 6569). Around 50 per cent of all Bodrogkeresztr burials have between one and three vessels per burial, while about one-third have between four and six vessels, and some up to twelve vessels. It is rare to have none. Females tend to have more pottery than males. One of the most recognizable characteristics of Bodrogkeresztr burials are the so-called Milchtopf vessels, often forming a set with a small cup. Shaft-hole axes, adzes, mace-heads, and chisels of copper, stone, or antler were relatively rare. At each of the larger cemeteries there is one or two adult males with a copper and/or stone shaft-hole axe. Copper knives, flint and obsidian blades, and copper awls were found with about two thirds of right crouched males, mostly

adults. Wild boar tusk blades were almost always found in male burials. The older, late Neolithic practice of placing pig mandibles in male burials survives during the Copper Age of the upper Tisza region (e.g. Patay 1978), but is also found in some burials placed on their left sides. Pointed bone and antler tools, as well as pebbles, are usually found in female burials. As with Tiszapolgr burials, adult females and girls can have identical types of grave offerings, including the rare gold ornaments found at cemeteries. More common were marble or limestone beads near the hands, feet, belt, knees, or neck of deceased women. The exceptional girdle from Szihalom-Pamlnyi-tbla consisted of circa 5500 Spondylus beads in several rows (Raczky et al 1997: 5153). Copper rings and arm-bands were also found. Many burials, mostly right crouched ones, also contained parts of sheep/goat, cattle, and pig. Only a few children were accompanied by such remains. In sum, as no child burials were found with stone or copper shaft-hole axes, and assuming that these axes represent status distinctions, it seems that status for males was not hereditary but achieved through life. In contrast, gold objects are found both in burials of female adults and likely female juveniles, indicating hereditary status transmitted through the matriline. Yet, while these patterns are attractive for reconstructing social structure, living society and the mortuary domain are non-isomorphic and must be understood in their own right. The middle Copper Age Laany group of eastern Slovakia shows affinities with the Bodrogkeresztr type of burials, but several cemeteries (e.g. Barca, Laany, ebastovce: ika 1972) have crouched inhumations and cremations in approximately equal numbers. As a rule, cremations were not associated with copper artefacts and had fewer flint or obsidian tools than inhumations, which were accompanied by copper knives (right-sided burials) and copper arm-bands and beads (left-sided burials). In contrast, the western Slovakian Ludanice culture group (see Toik 1991; also Pavk and Btora 1995) does not obey strong gendered differences, and most burials come from settlement pits. There are both left and right flexed burials, generally with westerly orientations. Commonly, one to two vessels are found per burial. Both males and females could receive stone adzes, or flint and obsidian blades. Some left-sided burials had small copper ornaments and Spondylus and marble beads. Animal bones accompanied some of the deceased. Finally, the Balaton-Lasinja group in southern areas and on the edge of the western Carpathian Basin has yielded several settlement burials. However, the largest number of individuals (twenty-five) came from the cave site of Ajdovska Jama, where the bones of males, females, and children were mixed with animal bones and other cultural material (cf. Bonsall et al 2007). The nature of these deposits is open to speculation.

Origin Myths, Taskscapes, Body Surfaces

Three main aspects of the mortuary evidence from Neolithic and earlymid Copper Age south-east Europe can be singled out: i) the survival of older burial traits across the region; ii) tools/weapons placed in the construction of desirable personhoods; and iii) the social construction of body surfaces by ornaments. While the new earlymiddle Neolithic burial practices represent a discontinuity from Mesolithic burial traditions, especially with regard to body position, the late Neolithic sees a resurgence of extended inhumations, which at certain sites co-exist with flexed burials and can even dominate. This phenomenon occurs across south-east Europe, but extended inhumations have not been found in the core region of the Neolithic Balkans and instead concentrate in areas where the first Neolithic communities appear only from the second half of the sixth millennium BC, such as the Black Sea coast, Dobruda, and Muntenia in the eastern Balkans, and the northern Tisza region and parts of Transylvania in the northern Carpathian Basin

(Figure 5). This suggests that the descendants of Mesolithic communities in these newly Neolithicized areas actively incorporated their origin myths and beliefs into the mortuary repertoire while opportunistically adopting the life styles (food-producing economy, exchange networks, etc.) and certain beliefs (exemplified by figurines) of the first farmers. This created a hybrid cultural milieu. Moreover, while the orientation of supine burials varies, there is a slight preference for northern and western orientations, while eastern and southern orientations dominate for flexed inhumations, possibly suggesting the mythical origin of these different traditions. Apart from body position and orientation, red deer canine ornaments are more frequent with extended inhumations, indicating a revival or continuity of decorative traditions widespread in Mesolithic Eurasia. Yet such ornaments often occur in the same burials as beads of a Neolithic tradition (e.g. made of Spondylus, limestone, etc.). Areas of south-east Europe incorporated into an expanding network of Neolithic communities only after around 5400 BC may have had more resilient Mesolithic beliefs and customs. Certain burial offerings appear for the first time in the late Neolithic. They set the standard for iconographic representations of gendered categories and persons across south-east Europe. Therefore, the appearance of stone, copper, and antler axes and adzes primarily in male burials and the ornament-rich burials of certain women and children could be interpreted in ways other than as wealth or status indicators. The assumption that the number and quality of burial offerings directly correlate to social positioning in life is now considered methodologically flawed. An obsessive focus on recognizing incipient social inequality within an evolutionary scheme is similarly problematic. It would be more interesting to use burial offerings to explore the structuring of gendered and age-related roles in a society, or as ways of creating social personae based on the taskscape, the everyday activities possible in a specific landscape and social milieu (cf. Ingold 1993). A striking case of gendered social persona is the connection of tools/weapons with male burials. Although their exact position varies, axes, adzes, or sickles were often found around the head or shoulders, an iconographic ideal shared by contemporaneous figurines. Two examples from the late Neolithic Tisza culture site of Szegvr-Tzkves are particularly telling: the famous Sickle God (Figure 6a) is a seated figure of a man holding a sickle over the right shoulder, while another seated but fragmented figurine also shows a man holding something over the right shoulder, perhaps the miniature shaft-hole clay axe found in the same context (Figure 6b) (Korek 1987; Trogmayer 1992). This position echoes evidence from burials across south-east Europe. Perhaps the clearest example comes from the Vina culture site of Gomolava, where the deceased were always placed crouched on their left and with sickles or horseshoe stone adzes over their right shoulders (Bori 1996). In the early and middle Copper Age, copper axes and adzes were placed in these same positions (e.g. Figure 4a). Instead of seeing these objects only as status symbols, we can envision them as indices of particular types of gendered persons, as norms depicting stereotypical practices such as harvesting, wood-cutting, and warring. There might have been important mythical (cf. Makkay 1978) and religious dimensions to the placement of these objects, which indicate widely shared classifications of people across south-east Europe, based on idealized taskscapes particularly pertinent to male individuals. Recently, a group of thirty (male?) figures with bird-like faces holding shaft-hole axes on their right shoulders and one larger figure holding a mace (Figure 6c) was discovered in a domestic context at the Vina site of Stubline in Serbia (Crnobrnja et al 2010). This could be interpreted as a mythological scene, a reification of taskscapes, and/or a statement about politics and warfare.

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Figure 6. Tisza culture male figurines with a sickle (a) and axe (b) placed on right shoulders, Szegvr-Tzkves, Hungary (photo: Zoltn Ppai, Koszta Jzsef Mzeum, Szentes); (c) group of Late Vina culture figurines with a mace-head and axes placed on right shoulders, Stubline, Serbia (courtesy A. Crnobrnja).

Body ornaments are largely absent from earlymiddle Neolithic burials, but become more frequent in the last centuries of the sixth millennium BC. As with tools and weapons, beads of exotic raw materials like Spondylus shell or copper have frequently been taken as indications of higher status, or hereditary status when associated with children. There is an overwhelming gendered division regarding the types of ornaments found in burials: Spondylus and copper

bracelets, and wild boar tusk pendants, are found in male burials; beads and appliqus of marble, Spondylus, Dentalium, limestone, clay, and red deer canines were more frequently buried with women and children. Hence different types of body ornaments were used to signal particular social messages, for example about life-stages of particular individuals (Sofaer Derevenski 1997, 2000), or their possible achievements and fame. Whilst bead-making, especially from exotic raw materials, required energy and resources, body decoration cannot be reduced to concerns about status, wealth, and social exchanges, or even to gender and age signalling. For instance, a whole genre of Amerindian myths is concerned with the origin of ornaments seen as bodily extensions or protective surfaces with important religious dimensions (e.g. Lvi-Strauss 1995). For the Nambikwara of Brazil, especially the ornaments worn by children are important for protecting or representing the soul of the wearer, and losing them could cause illness or death (Miller 2009). Ornaments can thus be seen as creating body surfaces with inscribed social messages regarding an individuals social and age/gender standing, but can also act as extensions of ones body. Body surfaces in life and death must have been inscribed by numerous messages, acting as interfaces between the individual and society, and differentiating diverse communities across Neolithic and Copper Age south-east Europe which, at the same time, shared similar myths and beliefs.

Acknowledgements

I would like to thank Adam Crnobrnja (Municipal Museum of Belgrade) for the permission to reproduce a photo of the figurine group from Stubline, Mria Bres (Koszta Jzsef Mzeum, Szentes) for photos of two seated figurines from Szegvr-Tzkves and Dimitrij Mleku for the base map used in Figure 1. For very useful and detailed comments on earlier drafts of the chapter I am grateful to Chris Fowler, Daniela Hofmann, Zsuzsanna Siklsi and Alasdair Whittle.

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1 In contrast to other chronological schemes, the label middle Neolithic is used for the period following the earliest phase of the Neolithic in the Balkans and lasting from c. 59005400 BC, i.e. up to the appearance of the first late Neolithic tell sites in some areas, when a markedly different pottery production was introduced throughout the region. As with all chapters in this volume, dates given are cal. BC. 2 There were 23 burials at Nea Nikomedeia, around 20 at Lepenski Vir and Malk Preslavec, 17 at Ajmana, 13 at Karanovo and Trestiana, and 10 or 11 at Vina, Szarvas-Szappanos and Gura Baciului.

3 Some burials from the largely late Neolithic Dudeti culture cemetery at Cernica or from Durankulak could be attributed to this phase, but this is unlikely (see below). In the southern Balkans, the presence of 14 cremation burials close to the Soufli magoula may indicate an intramural cemetery (Gallis 1982; Perls 2001: 274; cf. Fowler 2004; Triantaphyllou 2008). Individuals of both sexes and various ages were accompanied by miniature vessels and broken pieces of pottery. 4 A possible exception to this rule could be certain burials from the largely Late Neolithic cemetery of Dudeti culture at Cernica or certain burials from Durankulak could perhaps also be attributed to this phase, yet presently there are no indications for this (see below under the Late Neolithic mortuary practices about these sites, cf. Lichter 2001: 39). In the southern Balkans, the presence of 14 cremation burials at Soufli close to magoula may indicate that this was an intramural cemetery (Gallis 1982; Perls 2001: 274). Burning of human remains might have taken place in burning pits discovered in the same area. These burials at Soufli contained individuals of both sexes and various ages and were accompanied by miniature vessels and broken pieces of pottery. 5 Only in the Poljanica culture were goods preferentially placed around the feet, see e.g. Todorova 1982. 6 Here, several of the deceased were buried in coffins, e.g. at Hdmezvsrhely-Gorzsa II (Horvth 1987) and Vszt-Mgor (Hegeds and Makkay 1990). 7 The term Copper Age is used here, but Eneolithic is also common in the literature. The latter term stresses the evident continuities with the late Neolithic, but some authors have argued that the Copper Age should be seen as a separate historical epoch bringing important social changes (Lichardus and Echt 1991; Link 2006; Parkinson 2006). Furthermore, while copper use is clearly attested during the late Neolithic in various areas of south-east Europe (e.g. Bori 2009), it peaks in the millennium after around 4500 BC and various culture groups conventionally labelled Copper Age lasted for around 2,000 years until the beginning of the earliest Bronze Age.