A/T: Kritik Alternatives

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A/T: Kritik Alternatives

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A/T: Alternative 1/2

1) Perm: Pass the Affirmative plan in the world of fiat and endorse the kritik outside of the hypothetical fiat debate. 2) Perm solvesit captures the temporal expression of the kritik alternative, while still accessing solvency for the impacts of case. This creates a double bind for the NEG. Either: 1) the permutation accesses solvency for the kritik alternative and there is no reason to do the alternative in a vacuum, or 2) or the alternative cannot overcome the residual links and implications to their alternative, which means you vote AFF on the K debate and you default to our framework. 3) Turnfalse attackstheir alternative represents an intrinsically conflictual modus operandi of denying people the ability to link onto their movement because they have artificially constructed it as being mutually exclusive and binary. This facilitates individuals generating a more open countermovement to your kritik alternative, co-opting your movements energy, killing alternative solvency. 4) The perm solves thisthe whole point of the movement is to persuade people to join, but if we are just going to arbitrarily go around falsely attacking individuals, then we won't get anywhere. The movement is always better off with more supporters than less. Therefore the perm, adding us to the movement, is always fundamentally better for it. 5) Perm doesnt get co-optedit allows for a greater consensus to begin faster regarding the ontological and epistemological objections we have to the status quos politics, which means we control their internal link to solvency. 6) At worst, any co-option arguments are cross-cuttingthey do not articulate what a genuine expression of the advocacy of their alternative means, which means you can always cross-apply their co-option arguments back to the alternative. These are all independent reasons to reject the alternative for its inability to solve their links.

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A/T: Alternative 2/2

7) No solvencytheir alternative stops positive dialogue on social progress because it mislocates the problem that we need to address.
Donatella Della Porta, Mario Diani. Social Movement's, an Introduction.
2006. p. 21. http://books.google.com/books?id=LPzuN07KYgEC&printsec=frontcover&dq=social+movements+an+introduction&hl=en&ei=WInATPXsGcmLnQeNhrnZCQ&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result &resnum=1&ved=0CDAQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q&f=false

Conflictual collective action. Social movement actors are engaged in political and/or cultural conflicts meant to promote or oppose social change. By conflict we mean an oppositional relationship between actors who seek control of the same stake to be political, economic, or cultural power and in the process make negative claims on each other i.e. demands which, if realized, would damage the interests of the other actors (Tilly 1978; Touraine 1981; 80-4). Accordingly, addressing collective problems, producing public goods, or expressing support for some moral values or principles does not automatically correspond to social movement action; the latter requires the identification of targets for collective efforts, specifically articulated in social or political terms. In contrast, when collective action focuses exclusively on the behavior and/or the legitimacy of specific individuals, or blames problems on humankind as a whole, on natural disasters or divine will, then it is difficult to speak of social movment processes (Gamson 1992a; Melucci 1996, part 1). For example, collective action on globalization issues is conflictual to the extent that organizations like the W orld Trade Organization or the International Monetary Fund are blamed not because of their offical's misconduct or specific policy mistakes, but as representatives of distinct coalitions of interests.

8) The perm solves this backit fragments the conflation of ones actions with their actual attitudes, which is key to solving back the systemic attitudes of legislators. 9) No solvencyForcing us to stay in opposition generates unnecessary tension that lacks saps the productivity to generate consensus.
Atchison and Panetta, 09. (Jarrod Atchison, Director of Debate at Trinity University, and Edward Panetta, Director of Debate
at the University of Georgia. Intercollegiate Debate and Speech Communication: Issues for the Future. The Sage Handbook of Rhetorical Studies, Lunsford, Andrea, ed., 2009, p. 317-334)

The final problem with an individual debate round focus is the role of competition. Creating community change through individual debate rounds sacrifices the community portion of the change. Many teams that promote activist strategies in debates profess that they are more interested in creating change than winning debates. What is clear, however, is that the vast majority of teams that are not promoting community change are very interested in winning debates. Unfortunately, this is rarely a productive tension. Forcing teams to consider their purpose in debating, their style in debates, and their approach to evidence are all critical aspects of being participants in the community. However, the dismissal of the proposed resolution that the debaters have spent countless hours preparing for, in the name of a community problem that the debaters often have little control over, does little to engender coalitions of the willing. Should a debate team lose because their director or coach has been ineffective at
recruiting minority participants?

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A/T: Framework 1/2

1) The epistemological and ontological extensions inside a fiat round is not attached to the debater's agency, it is attached to the debaters side in the switchside debate. You don't kritik the forum, you kritik my use of agency in the forum. This is mixing burdens, criticizing my use of agency in round versus what my agency would be outside the forum. 2) The forum is key to the solvency of the Kritique, it's the launch pad for the social movement. 3) The permutation is the best defense of both the legitimacy of the movement and the forum, and I'll prove it. 4) Switch-sides debate is good, encourages us to be educated about and understand both sides, the movement's and the other side. Asking us to always stand on one side causes spectator mentality in debate.
Muir, 93. (Star A. Muir. PHILOSOPHY AND RHETORIC, "A Defense of the Ethics of Contemporary Debate," v26, n4, p.288) Debaters can become more involved than uninformed citizens because they know about important issues, and because they know how to find out more information about these issues. Switch-side debating is not peripheral to this value. A thorough research effort is guided in large part by the knowledge that both sides of the issues must be covered. Where a particular controversy might involve affirmative research among conservative sources, the negative must research the liberal perspective. Where scientific studies predominate in justifying a particular policy, research in cultural
studies may be necessary to counter the adoption of the policy. Debating a ban on the teaching of creationism in public schools, for example, forces research on the scientific consensus on evolution, the

A primary value of switch-side debate, that of encouraging research skills, is fundamentally an attachment to the "real world," and is enhanced by requiring debaters to investigate both sides of an issue. A second response to the charge of segmentation is the proclivity of debaters to become involved in public policy and international affairs.
viability of theological grounds for public pohcy, and a consideration of the nature of science itself.

5) Turnadvocacy a) Linktheir intrinsically conflictual framework forces us to not equally object to assumption of the status quo. This shuts down the forum of discussion on this issue because we are not permitted to have an open pedagogical and discourse-producing forum, and creates a spectator mentality whereby we cede the political to state officials to make decisions.

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A/T: Framework 2/3

b) Impactthe impact is that by always taking our advocacies in round as representations of how we would use our agency outside of round. This breaks down the swapping of sides that encourages student education and critical advocacy, which is key to social change. 6) Our framework solves thisusing debate as a pedagogical site to fight spectatorship is key to students getting involved in movement's.
Giroux, 06. (Henry Giroux, Global TV Network Chair in Communication at McNaster University in Canada. Beyond the Spectacle
of Terrorism: Global Uncertainty and the Challenge of the New Med ia. 2006. Boulder: Paradigm Publishers. Print.)

Against such a pedagogy of closure, there is the need for a pedagogy that values a culture of questioning, views critical agency as a condition of public life, and rejects an intellectually paralyzing voyeurism in favor of the
search for justice, which is inextricably linked to how we understand our relationship to others within a democratic global public sphere. Educators need to promote pedagogical practices based on the assumption that there is more hope in the world when teachers and students can question what is often taken for granted. For it is within the sphere of unlimited questioning and sustained dialogue that teachers and

students can experience themselves as critical agents and learn how to oppose dogmatic forms of education that not only limit critical thinking but also undermine the capacity for self-determination, agency, selfrepresentation, and effective democracy.
By viewing the classroom and other pedagogical sites as a space of dialogue, critique, and translation, educators can offer a new langue for imagining the mutual relationship between teaching and learning as both an act of critical understanding and competency and as the possibility of interventionthat is, to paraphrase Paulo Freire, learning to read the world critically in order to change it. Similarly, education must not be confused with training or merely educating students to be good technicians. Instead, education address the

must development of both students critical capacities and their ability to intervene in public life in ways that suggest that they know how to make public decisions and address the various ecological, economic, and social problems they confront on a local and global scale as well as know what it means to use education as a source of pleasure and joy. In this instance, pedagogy becomes meaningful and transformative to the degree which it provides the knowledge, skills, and strategies that enable students to become responsible for their own ideas, to learn how to take risks, negotiate differences, be respectful of others, and think critically in order to function within a wider democratic culture.

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Underview
You are voting for the perm because it keeps the forum a productive force for social movements such as the K, and because the perm directly adds support and solvency to the alternative. Vote for the perm to preserve debate and the movement.