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Ostdrang - EU je projekt zpravodajskch slueb USA

Autor: Daniel Solis | Publikovno: 25.6.2011 Vzhledem k aktuln probhajcmu setkn Bilderbergu ve vcarskm St. Moritzu, pedkldme teni lnek, kter m velkou ilustran hodnotu. Mnoho lid k "elity se setkvaj - no a co?" Takov setkn mvaj nicmn nedozrn dsledky... Ve svtle kontroverze o vhodch a skalch Lisabonsk smlouvy je zajmav zmnit, e pvodn pln na sjednocen Evropy a svzan jejich nrodnch stt do lehce kontrolovatelnho a ovladatelnho svazku, inicioval Washington a implementovaly jeho zahranin rozvdky. Dne 25. bezna 2007 se na strnkch velvyslanectv Spojench stt americkch v evropskch zemch objevila tiskov zprva k 50. vro podpisu msk smlouvy o Evropskch spoleenstvch v tomto duchu: Od vytvoen Vboru pro evropskou hospodskou spoluprci, a Evropskho spoleenstv pro uhl a ocel, zaveden eura a rozen do bval Vchodn Evropy, Spojen stty podporovaly ulechtil sil evropsk jednoty. inili jsme tak, protoe to bylo v naem zjmu. Nsledujc Kongresy a administrativy nabyly pesvden, e by integrace poslila demokracii a podpoila hospodsk rst Evropy, a e takov vsledky by se odrazily ve prospch Spojench stt. Amerika chce - ne, Amerika potebuje - silnou Evropu, silnou EU." Pokud se na tuto spojeneckou podporu" podvme pozornji, vyjde najevo, e projekt Evropsk integrace byl a je zcela v reimu psn tajn" a v gesci stedn zpravodajsk sluby (CIA), pvodn Office of Strategic Services (OSS) Allana Dullese. V rmci FOIA (zkona o svobodnmu pstupu k informacm) byly skuten celkem nedvno odtajnny nkter dokumenty, ze kterch vyplv velk mra vlivu oteven i skryt diplomacie Spojench stt na formovn jednotn Evropy. Zmnn dokumenty poprv citoval v roce 2001 Richard J. Aldrich ve sv knize Skryt ruka: Britnie, Amerika a tajn zpravodajstv Studen Vlky" (The Hidden Hand: Britain, America and Cold War Secret Intelligence). Tato okujc informace se dostala do sdlovacch prostedk jen letmo a vyla v nkolika lncch v Britnii, napklad Euro-federalists financed by US spy chiefs" a US agents pressed Danes to join EU" nebo How MI6 pushed Britain to join Europe. 7. kvtna 1948 pedsedal Churchill konferenci Evropskho hnut v Haagu, na kter se selo vech 16 pjemc Marshallovy pomoci, nejen proto, aby zaloili Organizaci pro evropskou hospodskou spoluprci, ale tak aby zahjili ppravu stavy pro Spojen stty evropsk". astnci konference tak potvrdili, e je zsadn, aby byly rozvjeny soukrom a nezvisl aktivity pro sjednocen "Evropy", jak pedpovdal informovan rep. Hale Boggs na Capitol Hill 27 dubna 1948. Ten sam Hale Boggs, kter byl o rok dve spoluautorem rezoluce obou komor Kongresu podporujc vytvoen Spojench stt evropskch" (z 22 dubna 1947). Za tmto elem vznikl za spoluprce s hrabtem Coudenhove-Kalergi Americk Vbor pro Svobodnou a spojenou Evropu" (American Committee for a Free and United Europe, ACUE), kterho byly podle New York Times z 24 dubna 1948 leny tak editel a vysoc dstojnci OSS potamo CIA, Allen Welsh Dulles, William Joseph Donovan, Walter Bedell Smith, Paul Hoffman a Thomas W. Braden, kter dil evropskou poboku Vboru. Mimo piek tajn

sluby zaujaly msto v pedsednictvu vboru prominentn osobnosti jako prezident Herbert Hoover, sentor James William Fullbright, sentor Norman Thomas, a dal respektovan protagonist politiky. Paul Hoffman pozdji vedl Fordovu nadaci, kter vedle Rockefellerovy nadace zajiovala pro ACUE finann zdroje. Na druh stran Atlantiku, v Evrop, vznikla sestersk organizace zvan Evropsk hnut, ktermu estn pedsedaly osobnosti evropskho povlenho veejnho ivota, Winston Churchill, Paul-Henri Spaak, Konrad Adenauer, Leon Blum, a Alcide De Gasperi. Evropsk hnut tajn financovala v obdob mezi rokem 1949 a 1960 CIA tymi miliony dolar, kter pedstavovaly vce ne polovinu jeho rozpotu. Tak Marshallv pln, a zejmna jeho pokraovn prostednictvm Mutual Security Agency ustavenou zkonem Mutual Security Act of 1951 (H.R. 5113 is Public Law 165, 82d Congress), poskytoval finann zdroje evropskmu Hnut podle klauzule prostedky maj bt pouity k dal podpoe hospodskho sjednocen a politick federalizace Evropy". Pod fasdou bezpenostn politiky Spojench stt americkch se ale skrvaly zjmy nadnrodnch finannch elit. Nebyla nhoda, e prvn nrt evropsk federace piel od zakladatele Rady pro zahranin vztahy (Council on Foreign Relations, CFR). (David Rockefeller, v publikaci CFR z roku 1946 The Reconstruction of Europe). Tyto zjmy reprezentoval na evropsk stran Jsef Hieronim Retinger - jeden ze zakladatel tajnho spolku" Bilderberg a operativec britsk pionn sluby MI6. Retinger, generln sekret Nezvisl ligy pro evropskou spoluprci (Independent League for European CoOperation, ILEC) nkdejho belgickho premira Paula van Zeelanda, ve svch memorech zmiuje sv kontakty na druh stran ocenu takto: I found in America a unanimous approval for our ideas among financiers, businessmen and politicians. Mr Leffingwell, senior partner in J. P. Morgan's [bank], Nelson and David Rockefeller, Alfred Sloan [chair of General Motors], Charles Hook, President of the American Rolling Mills Company, Sir William Wiseman, [British SIS and] partner in Kuhn Loeb [New York investment bank], George Franklin and especially my old friend Adolf Berle Jr [CFR], were all in favour, and Berle agreed to lead the American section [of ILEC]. John Foster Dulles also agreed to help. (Pomian 1972, p. 212)" Dnes tuto prci vykonv mnoho specializovanch instituc, kterch vyjmenovn a popis by pesahoval rmec tohoto pspvku. Jedno je ale jist: dlo, kter bylo zapoato ped 60 lety, stle pokrauje. Evropa svd staten souboj o svou nezvislost. Neme nm to bt lhostejn, nebo jsme jej soust. - ds Tiskov zprvy (identick) ministerstva zahrani SSA eny velvyslanectvmi v Evrop: Dnsko (odstranno) Rumunsko (odstranno) Gruzie (odstranno)

Nmecko (odstrnno) Bosnia Herzegovina (aktivn k datu 11. 6. 2011, viz ploha ne) protoe proslov "Europe: realizing a dream" z vtiny strnek zmizel a byl nalezen jen v archivu strnek US embassy Bosnia Herzegovina, CFP tento lnek pebr v dodatku k tomuto lku. Jako v knize G. Orwella 1984 se zjevn provad revize veejnch zznam tak, jak to vyhovuje aktulnm potebm Velkho Bratra. (poznmka redakce). lnky z tisku: Euro-federalists financed by US spy chiefs, Ambrose Evans-Pritchard, Daily Telegraph, 19 September 2000 How MI6 pushed Britain to join Europe, Paul Lashmar and James Oliver, Sunday Telegraph, 27 April 1997 New Group Backs Federated Europe-Public Officials and Educators Form Committee to Support Free" Bloc Abroad, New York Times, 24 dubna, 1948,. New York. US agents pressed Danes to join EU, by Ambrose Evans-Pritchard, Daily Telegraph, 19. ervna, 2001 Bibliografie a doporuen ten: Aldrich Richard J., The Hidden Hand: Britain, America and Cold War Secret Intelligence, John Murray, (London, 2001). Beloff Max, The United States and the Unity of Europe, (Washington 1963) Beugel van der Ernst H., From marshall Aid to Atlantic Partnership: European Integration as a Consern of American Foreign Policy, (Amsterdam 1966). Booker Christopher, North Richard, The Great Deception THE SECRET HISTORY OF THE EUROPEAN UNION, (Continuum, 2003). Congressional Record, April 22, 1947, A1905, for "identical resolutions... introduced by Messrs. Fulbright and Thomas in the Senate and Hale Boggs in the House, the substance of which was that America favored the creation of a United States of Europe within the framework of the United Nations Charter" Dorril Stephen, MI6: Fifty Years of Special Operations, Fourth Estate, (London, 2000). Extension of Remarks of Hon. Hale Boggs of Louisiana in the House of Representatives Tuesday, April 27, (Appendix to the Congressional Record 1948) pp A2534-5 Ferrel Robert H., The Truman Era and European Integration, in Francis H. Heller & John R. Gillingham (eds.), The United States and the Integration of Europe. Legacies of th Postwar Era, (New York 1996) ss. 25 - 44

Hogan Michael J., The Marshall Plan. America, Britain, and the reconstruction of Western Europe, 1947-1952, (Cambridge 1987). Levy Jonathan, The Intermarium: Wilson, Madison, & East Central European Federalism, (Dissertation.Com, 2007) Lundestad Geir, Empire by Integration. The United States and European Integration, 19451997, (Oxford 1998). Mlandri Pierre, Les tats-Unis face l`unification de lEurope 1945-1954, (Lille 1979). Retinger, Joseph. Pomian, John (Ed.). Memoirs of an Eminence Grise, (Sussex: University Press, 1972), pp. 220-224 (http://www.ena.lu/) Rockefeller David, Spofford Charles M., The Reconstruction of Europe, (CFR, 1946) Schwabe Klaus, The United States and European integration: 1947-1957, in Clemens Wurm (ed.) Western Europe and Germany: The Beginnings of European Integration 1945 - 1960, (Oxford 1995) pp. 115 - 135. Weigall D. and Stirk P., editors, The Origins and Development of the European Community, (Leicester: Leicester University Press, 1992) Wilford, Hugh. The CIA, the British Left and the Cold War: Calling the Tune. (London: Frank Cass, 2003) Winand Pascaline, Eisenhower, Kennedy, and the United States of Europe, (New York 1993) Zurcher, Arnold J., The Struggle to Unite Europe 1940 - 1958, (New York University Press 1958) Proslov "Europe: realizing a dream" Speeches Archive Europe: The Realization of a dream by Ambassador Douglas L. McElhaney March 26, 2007 Across Europe today, people are rightly celebrating the 50th anniversary of the Treaties of Rome. They have reason to rejoice. The European Union is one of the great accomplishments of history; the half century of peace on the western half of the continent is unprecedented. Less well known is that, across the Atlantic, there too is reason to derive satisfaction. We too dreamed of a Europe whole, free and at peace. From the very start, the United States has cheered integration, with deed as well as word. From the formation of the Committee of European Economic Cooperation and the European Coal and Steel Community to the creation of the euro and expansion into the former Eastern Europe, the United States has supported the noble endeavor of European unity.

We did it because it was in our interest. Successive congresses and administrations became convinced that integration would strengthen democracy and promote economic growth in Europe, and that such outcomes would redound to the benefit of the United States. This is a belief that remains constant today. As President Bush said in his 2nd Inaugural Address, "The survival of liberty in our land increasingly depends on the success of liberty in other lands. The best hope for peace in our world is the expansion of freedom in all the world." It is important to note that from the start our leaders have reached the conclusion that European integration is in our interest. That was because, all along, they have recognized that the United States and Europe share common values and common responsibilities. It is important because sometimes one hears arguments that a unified Europe must be created as a counterweight to the United States. Such a view confuses the past two hundred years of history and is reflexive and shallow as it argues for simply countering the Americans, whatever we do. It mistakes balance of power for putting our combined power behind our shared values. It undersells the many benefits that come from unity. Lastly, it misunderstands U.S. interests: what concerns us is not European strength, but European weakness. America wants - no, American needs - a strong Europe, a strong EU. This has been so from the beginning. Those who are not aware of the history may be quite surprised by it. Of course, we will differ from time to time on tactics-and we need to listen to each other more. But these differences should not cause us to forget that we agree on values and purposes at a much deeper level. U.S. support for European integration was such that, not nine months after our troops had ceased fighting in Europe in the Second World War, Senators William Fulbright and Elbert Thomas, and Representative Hale Boggs, introduced in both houses of Congress a resolution that affirmed the U.S. Congress's strong support for European integration. The resolution passed both houses with large majorities. It also received the backing of Secretary of State George C. Marshall, who wrote saying he was "deeply sympathetic" with what Congress was doing. A year later Marshall himself took the initiative and promised in a landmark speech that, if the Europeans enacted a common plan for economic recovery, the U.S. would respond with material aid. European leaders didn't tarry, and quickly set up the Organization for European Economic Cooperation, a first step in the process. The U.S. kept its word; its response was the Marshall Plan. Later this year we will celebrate the 60th anniversary of its creation. The next great step in the evolution was in 1950, when the European Coal and Steel Community, an initiative of French Foreign Minister Robert Schuman and EU founding father Jean Monnet, was formed. President Truman was generous in his praise, calling Schuman's proposal "an act of constructive statesmanship. We welcome it. This demonstration of French leadership in the solution of the problems of Europe is in the great French tradition." The U.S. Congress authorized direct funding of the ECSC.

From then on, from the important meeting in Messina in 1955, when the common market was first proposed, to the signing of the Rome Treaties we are celebrating this year, creating the European Economic Community, the U.S. has expressed its support and, when it was needed, gave aid. This support has not abated over the years. On the contrary, the last two milestones, eastward expansion and the creation of the euro, were fully cheered across the Atlantic. The reason is, it is in our interest. Anything that strengthens allies that share our values of tolerance, democracy and free market economics, as well as our sense of responsibility toward the rest of the world, can only benefit us. The United States and Europe form a single, democratic, transatlantic community, and in today's world, we face grave challenges to our shared democratic values. We can meet these challenges successfully, but to do so, we must do so together. Now, in 2007, we have a more robust and effective US-EU partnership than ever before. This is the reason why today, Americans, too, are celebrating.

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