8.1a Caciquismo in Twentieth-Century Mexico - Alan Knight

C A C I Q U I S M O IN TWENIETH-CENTURY MEXICO
Edited by
ALAN KNIGHT AND WIL PANSTERS
First published 2005 by Institute for the Study of the Americas 31 Tavistock Square London
WCIH 9HA
Copyright 2005 Institute for the Study of the Americas All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form, or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise without the prior written permission of the publishers.
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1-900039-67-2 (hardback) 1-900039-66-4 (paperback)
INSTITUTE FOR THE S T U D Y OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF .0NOON - SCHOOL OF ADVANCED STUDY
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Contents
Preface List of Contributors

INTRODUCTION
1 Caciquismo in Twentieth-century Mexico Alan Knight

PART I: REVOLUTION A N D ITS AFTERMATH
2 The Chegomista Rebellion in Juchitn, 1911-1912: Rethinking the Role of Traditional Caciques in Resisting State Power Jennie Purnell 3 Naranja Revisited: Agrarian Caciques and the Making of Campesino Identity in Postrevolutionary Michoacn Christopher R. Boyer 4 God's Caciques: Caciquismo and the Cristero Revolt in Coalcomn Matthew Butler 5 Caciquismo in the Sierra Norte de Puebla: the Case of Gabriel Barrios Cabrera Keith Brewster
PART II: F R O M R E V O L U T I O N TO PAX PRISTA
6 Caciquismo and Cardenismo in the Sierra P'urhpecha, Michoacn Marco Antonio Caldern 7 Dead-end Caudillismo and Entrepreneurial Caciquismo in Chiapas, 1910-1955 Stephen E. Lewis
VI
CONTENTS
8 The Struggle against Indigenous Caciques in Highland Chiapas: Dissent, Religion and Exile in Chamula, 19651977 Jan Rus 9 En-gendering Caciquismo: Guadalupe Martnez, Heliodoro Hernndez Loza and the Politics of Organized Labour in Jalisco Maria Teresa Fernandez Aceves
PART HI: T H E N E W F A C E S OF CACIQUISMO
169
201
10 Between Law and Arbitrariness: Labour Union Caciques in Mexico Salvador Maldonado Aranda 11 Challenging Caciquismo. An Analysis of the Leadership of Carlos Hank Gonzalez Rogelio Hernndez Rodrguez 12 Caciques and Leaders in the Era of Democracy Jos Eduardo Zrate Hernndez 13 Building a Cacicazgo in a Neoliberal University Wil Pansters 14 The Performance and Imagination of the Cacique: Some Ethnographic Reflections from Western Mexico Pieter de Vries
PART IV: CONCLUSIONS f
227
249 272 296
327
15 Goodbye to the Caciques? Definition, the State and the Dynamics of Caciquismo in Twentieth-century Mexico Wil Pansters Bibliography Index
349
377 401
Preface
In March 1998 the Latin American Centre of the University of Oxford convened a small workshop on caciquismo and machine politics in modern Mexico. The papers which were presented fitted together well and during discussion the idea emerged that something more ambitious might be attempted on the same lines. Thus the idea was born for a larger meeting, which would more systematically examine the phenomenon of caciquismo in twentieth-century Mexico. In 2000 one o the editors of this volume took more definitive steps towards the actual organization of the event, which was originally planned to take place at Utrecht University. However, after further discussion, the conference was hosted by the University of Oxford, Latin American Centre, in collaboration with Utrecht University, in September 2002, and generously funded by the Hewlett Foundation. For many years, debates about caciquismo in postrevolutionary Mexico were strongly influenced by the symposium Caudillo and Peasant in the Mexican Revolution, edited by David Brading in 1980, and based on a conference held at Cambridge University in 1977. The chapters in that volume provided an excellent anthology of recent work on the regional dimension of revolutionary Mexico, and furthered the study of caudillismo and caciquismo in the postrevolutionary period. Chapters by Fowler Salamini, Joseph, Ankerson and Jacobs, among others, treated the rise and demise of regional cacicazgos in the decades after the revolution, analyzing the transformation of the social and political relations linking revolutionary bosses (often armed warlords), their rural followers and the emerging revolutionary state. A particular point of interest was the complex relationship between regional power domains and federal government institutions. As the title of the Brading volume indicates, the emphasis was on rural Mexico and on the 'classic' revolutionary and postrevolutionary period, that is, up to the late 1930s. Coming, as it did, exactly a quarter of a century later, the 2002 conference on caciquismo explicitly sought to reflect on this important work, by bringing together a new generation of scholars who had worked both on the 'classic' period immediately following the revolution and on the 'new' (post-classic?) period since 1940, down to the present day. Moreover, the conference wanted to explore the
Vili
PREFACE
relevance and significance of caciquismo in societal domains and contexts other than those of rural Mexico. The aim was to contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of the changing forms and functions of the cacique in twentiethcentury Mexican politics and society. In order to emphasize the links between the Oxford 2002 conference and the Cambridge 1977/80 conference/book, the organizers invited several scholars who had participated in the latter. Eventually, David Brading, Raymond Buve and Friedrich Katz took part in the general discussions and gave specific comments on several papers, thus contributing very significantly to the intellectual vitality of the conference. Thinking about the subject matter of a conference like this is an enjoyable activity, but organizing the event itself - and producing the ensuing book is hard work. We are therefore indebted to the staff of the Latin American Centre in Oxford, especially to the administrator, Rachel Meyrick, who did an excellent job in seeing that everything went smoothly, both before and after our meetings, and to Sarah Washbrook, who compiled the index. The idea for the conference would probably never have been realized without the generous financial support, first and foremost, of the Hewlett Foundation and, secondly, of the Department of Anthropology of Utrecht University. In the publication phase of the project we benefited from an efficient and collgial working relationship with the Institute for the Study of the Americas in London, which enthusiastically agreed to publish this hefty volume. We therefore particularly appreciate the contribution of ISA's publications editor, John Maher, and of the Institute's cacique, sorry, director, Professor James Dunkerley. Oxford and Utrecht, August 2005 Alan Knight and Wil Pansters
Notes on Contributors
CHRISTOPHER R. BOYER Assistant Professor at the Department of History and Latin American and Latino Studies, University of Illinois at Chicago (Chicago, USA). KEITH BREWSTER Lecturer at Historical Studies, University of Newcastle upon Tyne (Newcastle, UK). MATTHEW BUTLER Lecturer at the Department of Spanish and Portuguese Studies, Queen's University (Belfast, Northern Ireland). MARCO CALDERN Researcher and professor at the Centro de Estudios Antropolgicos, El Colegio de Michoacn (Zamora, Mexico).
M A R I A T E R E S A F E R N N D E Z A C E v e s Research professor at the Centro de Investigaciones en Estudios Superiores en Antropologa Social (Guadalajara, Mexico).
ROGELIO HERNNDEZ RODRGUEZ Researcher and professor at the C e n t r o de
Estudios Sociolgicos, El Colegio de Mxico (Mexico City, Mexico). ALAN KNIGHT Professor of the History of Latin America, T h e Latin American Centre, St Antony's College, Oxford University (Oxford, UK). STEPHEN LEWIS Associate professor at the History Department, California State University Chico (Chico, USA).
SALVADOR MALDONADO ARANDA Researcher and professor at the C e n t r o de
Estudios Antropolgicos, El Colegio de Michoacn (Zamora, Mexico). WIL PANSTERS Associate Professor at the Department of Cultural Anthropology, Utrecht University (Utrecht, The Netherlands). JENNIE PURNELL Associate Professor at the Department of Political Science, Boston College (Boston, USA). JAN RUS Director of the Tzotzil Publishing Project of the Instituto de Asesora Antropolgica para la Regin Maya, A.C. (San Cristbal de las Casas, Mexico)
NOTES ON
CONTRIBUTORS
and Visiting Fellow at the Center for U.S.-Mexican Studies, University of California (San Diego, USA). PIETER DE VRIES Lecturer at the Rural Development Sociology Group, Wageingen University (Wageningen, The Netherlands).
EDUARDO ZARATE H E R N N D E Z R e s e a r c h e r a n d p r o f e s s o r at t h e C e n t r o de
Estudios Antropolgicos, El Colegio de Michoacn and Academic Secretary of the Colegio de Michoacn (Zamora, Mexico).
Introduction
Caciquismo in Twentieth-century Mexico

Alan Knight
which historians discussed the role of caudillos and peasants in the Mexican Revolution. The result was a published symposium, Caudillo and Peasant in the Mexican Revolution,' one of the first books to unearth the local and regional roots of revolution, thus to depart from the 'top-down' national history the so-called historia de bronce - which had tended to dominate revolutionary studies in the 1950s and 1960s. Caudillo and Peasant formed part of a new wave of such studies which, while they did not neglect political leaders and elites, chose to locate them in specific localities and regions, and stressed the popular support which underpinned their power. Such power was often regarded as caudillista or caciquista: it was personal, informal, to a degree reciprocal, and resistant to formal laws and regulations. Historiography of this kind, which came thick and fast in subsequent years,2 fitted the prevailing notion that the Mexican Revolution was not a smooth and solid monolith, but a host of competing movements; and that there was much more to the Revolution than formal laws and constitutional provisions, many of which were honoured in the breach. In general terms, such historiography was highly sensitive to regional and local variations, recognized - without romanticizing - popular mobilization, and, while it rejected many of the old teleologica! tenets of political history (thus it deserved the contentious term 'revisionist'),3 it regarded politics as important and worthy of close, dispassionate study.
1 D. A. Brading (ed.), Caudillo and Peasant in the Mexican Revolution (Cambridge, 1980); Spanish translation, Caudillos y campesinos en la Revolucin Mexicana (Mexico, 1980). 2 Good examples would be: Carlos Martinez Assad, coord., Estadistas, caciques y caudillos (Mexico, 1988); Thomas Benjamin and Mark Wasserman (eds), Provinces of the Revolution. Essays on Mexican Regional History, ipio-29 (Albuquerque, 1990). 3 'Revisionism' - a term which sometimes causes offence - denotes those currents of historiography which have challenged the old orthodoxy of the Mexican Revolution (including the post-1920 regime) as a broad, progressive and popular movement, dedicated to disinterested social and nationalist reform. However, revisionism comes in many forms, and the (moderate) revisionism which sought to disaggregate and critique this simplistic - and highly reified - 'Revolution' should be differentiated from the more radical revisionism which, in some cases, questioned whether there had been a revolution at all. In recent years, as the historio-
n 1977 Dr David Brading convened a conference at Cambridge University at
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26CACIQUISMO IN T W E N T I E T H - C E N T U R Y M E X I C O
Like most historiographical waves, it crashed on the beach, rearranged the coastline, and then began to recede. New waves followed. Since the 1980s, the cultural turn has brought a substantial repudiation of political history,4 and a fresh emphasis on hitherto neglected socio-cultural themes: gender, religion, recreation, medicine, the body, consumerism, and so on. Like the preceding wave, this, too, has brought fresh insight and, if the word might be permitted, a measure of historiographical 'progress'.5 The new cultural history has tended to eschew politics, especially politics conventionally defined.6 And, while it may adopt a regional or local perspective, it is the thematic focus which counts. As a result, the concerns of the 1970s have receded: we encounter fewer regional-political studies and, indeed, fewer political histories of any kind. (Though we should note something of a revival of the old historia de bronce, notably in the popular studies of Enrique Krauze).7 Thus, the caudillos and caciques who took centre-stage in the 1970s not least at the 1977 Cambridge conference - have lost ground. Cantinflas is now more interesting than Calles.8 This relative neglect has been compounded by the negligence of political scientists.9 For, with few exceptions, political science research has
graphical dialectic marches on, radical revisionism may be said to have provoked a postrevisionist or 'neopopulist' reaction: see Ben Fallaw, Cardenas Compromised. The Failure of Reform in Postrevolutionary Yucatan (Durham, N C , 2001), p. 2. 4 The cultural turn in Mexican history is fully discussed in the special edition of the Hispanic American Historical Review, 79/2 (May 1999). Yet more recently, the weathervane has spun again, and we have been exhorted to bring 'reclaim the political': Gilbert M. Joseph (ed.), Reclaiming the Political in Latin American History (Durham, N C , 2001). 5 Some might question whether $ve can ever talk of 'progress' in the study of history; and certainly the evidence for cumulative improvement in our grasp of what happened is less clearcut in the social sciences than it is in the natural sciences. Nevertheless, it seems to me unquestionable that we know more about, say, the Mexican Revolution now, nearly a hundred years after the event, than we did fifty years ago; and that, with some exceptions, we therefore understand it better than we did. 6 Another caveat: in part because of Foucault's influence, some new cultural historians discern ubiquitous 'power', which may include conventional political authorities (states and their agents), but which is a far more capacious concept. By virtue of its capaciousness, however, it can be pretty vague; power-wielders are to be found everywhere; hence, in practice, the cultural turn has not usually paid close attention to states and their agents. 7 Enrique Krauze, Mexico. Biography of Power. A History of Modern Mexico, 1810-1996 (New York, 1997) is a synthesis and translation of several influential biographies {Las hiograflas del poder). 8 Which from some points of view he is, of course. See Jeffrey M. Pilcher, Cantinflas and the Chaos of Modernity (Wilmington, 2001). On the debit side, we have no recent scholarly biography of Calles, although Michael Monten is now productively ploughing that furrow. 9 I stress political scientists, rather than social scientists, for three reasons: (i) I consider history to be part of the social sciences; (ii) since caciques are political actors, they would seem to be grist to the political science mill; and (iii) anthropologists - i.e., social scientists of a different stripe - have, as my citations suggest, told us quite a lot about Mexican caciquismo.
26CACIQUISMO IN T W E N T I E T H - C E N T U R Y M E X I C O neglected caudillismo a n d caciquismo.'0 It is not i m m e d i a t e l y clear w h y this s h o u l d
be, since m a n y w o u l d argue that these two related p h e n o m e n a - w h i c h I will attempt to d e f i n e a n d disaggregate shortly have been integral to M e x i c a n politics. T h e r e are, I think, several reasons f o r this relative neglect. First, b y virtue of its i n f o r m a l i t y , caciquismo caudillismo (and f o r present purposes I include u n d e r the same heading) is not easily investigated. It requires - if two
G e e r t z i a n q u o t a t i o n s in q u i c k succession m a y be permitted a g o o d deal o f ' t h i c k description', usually at a local o r regional level; thus it d e m a n d s i m m e r s i o n in specific case studies a n d , very likely, a period o f residence a n d research in places w h e r e caciques operate (and these m a y be neither pleasant nor entirely safe places)." S e c o n d , apart f r o m d e m a n d i n g linguistic c o m p e t e n c e , it requires researchers to g o w a y b e y o n d published sources;' 2 it is rarely a m e n a b l e to quantitative analysis; a n d , w h i l e it is e m i n e n t l y suited to cross-national c o m p a r i s o n (since f o r m s o f caciquismo 'boss politics' - are to be f o u n d t h r o u g h o u t the world),' 3 it involves too m u c h 'local k n o w l e d g e ' to allow the k i n d o f g r a n d multi-case studies for instance, o f d e m o c r a t i c transitions in thirty-three countries w h i c h stand at the pinnacle o f political science a m b i t i o n , at least in the U n i t e d States.' 4
10 Two notable exceptions: Wayne A. Cornelius, 'Contemporary Mexico: A Structural Analysis of Urban Caciquismo , in Robert Kern (ed.), The Caciques (Albuquerque, 1973), pp.135-50; and Jeffrey W. Rubin, Decentering the Regime: Ethnicity, Radicalism and Democracy in Juchitdn, Mexico (Durham, N C , 1997). Jonathan Fox, The Politics of Food in Mexico. State Power and Social Mobilization (Ithaca, NY, 1992) also comments interestingly on the phenomenon of caciquismo. 11 Clifford Geertz, The Interpretation of Cultures (London, 1993), p. 7. For a hint of menace, see Eckart Boege, Los mazatecos ante la nacin (Mexico,i988), p. 14. Vctor Ral Martinez Vzquez, 'Despojo y manipulacin campesina: Historia y estructura de dos cacizazgos del Valle del Mezquital', in Roger Bartra et al., Caciquismo y poder poltico en el Mxico rural (Mexico, 1975), pp. 165-7, illustrates the kind of cacical control and repression which makes popular reticence understandable. Ethnic tensions may also contribute to the 'cerrado' ('closed') character of rural communities: 'that sly cunning (socarronera) which the Indians contrive to perfection', as Moiss Senz put it, anticipating James Scott (Weapons of the Weak, New Haven, C T , 1985): Moiss Senz, Carapan: bosquejo de una experiencia (Lima, 1936), p. 47. 12 Precisely because it operates outside the 'public transcript', caciquismo is averse to publicity; it does not figure in the Diario oficial or Crnicas de la presidencia. It is, however, eminently investigate, by means of oral history and participant observation on the one hand (hence Paul Friedrich's classic, The Princes of Naranja [Austin, 1986]) and, on the other hand, by means of basic archival sources, notably the voluminous Gobernacin files in the Archivo General de la Nacin, Mexico City (henceforth, AGN). 13 For example, Kern, The Caciques. James C. Scott, Comparative Political Corruption (Englewood Cliffs, NJ, 1972), is also indirectly illuminating. 14 For example, Juan J. Linz and Alfred Stepan, Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation: Southern Europe, South America, and Post-Communist Europe (Baltimore, M D , Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996). This is not meant to be a criticism of the genre, still less of this particular volume.
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Thirdly, ideological and methodological fashions militate against cacical studies. During the heyday of the Pax PRIlsta (roughly, the 1950s and '60s), scholars tended to focus on the strengths of the system, viewed from above, with powerful emphasis placed on the presidency.'5 By and large, they averted their gaze from the soft sagging underbelly of the beast (even though, it could be argued, the belly contained the nutrients which fed the rest of the beast's body). System stability and centralized presidentialism were the distinctive features of Mexican politics, features which contrasted with the shifting political physiognomy of the rest of Latin America,'6 and whose explanatory key was to be found in the Federal/presidential centre, not the provincial/local periphery. Hence, there was much talk of omnipotent presidents and the 'leviathan on the zcalo', while the decentralizing and messily complicating phenomena of caciquismo were neglected. Meanwhile, scholars enamoured of modernization theory tended to see such patrimonial phenomena as vestigial remnants of a 'traditional' past; and they echoed that old, recurrent refrain, that the age of the caciques had passed, victim of and here the explanations varied modernization, industrialization, literacy, development and/or democracy.'7 Meanwhile, Marxist scholars, who resisted the siren-song of modernization theory, were wedded to their own grand structural theories; they paid less attention to the 'epiphenomena' of politics, especially provincial politics; and, with few exceptions,'8 they tended to regard the Mexican political system as a kind of reflex of dependent capitalism (an approach which also exempted them from engaging in the grind of empirical research). Furthermore, as the Mexican political system began to seize up some time after 1968, or 1976, or 1982 or 1988 so the focus of political science shifted, but not to the advantage of 'cacical' studies (that is, studies of specific forms and examples of patrimonial and clientelistic politics). Again, with a few exceptions,'9 political scientists focused on the 'new social movements' (which, to be sure, sometimes combatted caciques)20 and, increasingly, on elections, which now acquired greater
15 For example, Robert E. Scott, Mexican Government in Transition (Urbana, 1964). 16 Douglas A. Chalmers, 'The Politicized State in Latin America', in James M. Malloy (ed.), Authoritarianism and Corporatism in Latin America (Pittsburgh, 1977), pp. 23-45. 17 On the discerned or predicted demise of caciquismo see Mariano Azuela, Two Novels of the Mexican Revolution: The Flies/The Bosses (transi., Lesley Byrd Simpson, Berkeley, 1956), p. 100, where the Maderista Don Timoteo hails the 1910 Revolution as the death-knell of the caciques; twenty-five years later Excelsior, 12 July 1935, optimistically congratulates President Crdenas on the imminent disappearance of agrarian cacicazgos: Moiss Gonzlez Navarro, La CNCen la reforma agraria (Mexico, 1985), p. 92; and, more recently still, Pablo Gonzlez Casanova, Democracy in Mexico (New York, 1972), p. 33. Wayne A. Cornelius, Politics and the Migrant Poor in Mexico City (Stanford, 1975), pp. 140-1, gives other examples of premature obituaries. Note, too, the recent discussion, 'Adis a los caciques', in Letras libres, no. 24 (die. 2000), p. I4ff. 18 Such as the excellent study edited by Roger Bartra, Caciquismo y poder poltico. 19 Cornelius, Politics and the Migrant Poor, Rubin, Decentering the Regime. 20 Joe Foweraker and Ann L. Craig, Popular Movements and Political Change in Mexico (Boulder, 1990).
significance, at last allowing the conventional methods of North American political science to be brought to bear south of the border without risking ridicule.21 However, electoral studies reinforced the old notion that caciquismo was a thing of the past, a grubby fungus which shrivelled in the bright dawn of democracy and which lingered only in the diminishing, darker corners of backward, rural - and, perhaps, syndical - Mexico. Historians, who see no reason to give priority to the present (indeed, who recognize that some phenomena are better studied years after the event), are less susceptible to the swings of contemporary politics. Yet even in the here-and-now the demise of caciquismo appears somewhat exaggerated. As many of the contributors to this volume make clear, caciquismo is a remarkably durable phenomenon, which assumes many forms, adjusting to social and political changes. It is not necessarily doomed by 'modernity', whatever 'modernity' might mean.22 It is threatened by genuine democratization and/or bureaucratization that is, the conduct of politics according to strictly democratic or ('Weberian') bureaucratic principles. But, as recent events suggest,23 these trends are not wholly hegemonic in Mexico (or, for that matter, in many parts of the world, including the so-called 'First World': consider, for example, Berlusconi's Italy). Contemporary Mexican politics could therefore be seen, grosso modo, as a three-way tug-of-war between the rival forces of democratization, bureaucratization and caciquismo (or, if a broader label is preferred, patrimonialism).24 Thus, the study of caciquismo is not mere antiquarianism. Furthermore, despite the relative neglect of the phenomenon by US political scientists, their now dominant scholarly paradigm rational choice theory - is, in my (admittedly amateur) view, eminently suitable for such a study. True, caciquismo may be usefully viewed in 'cultural' terms - as embodying deeply-rooted traits which, we might say, derive from the 'habitus' of Mexican politics;25 but it also
21 Juan Molinar Horcasitas, El tiempo de la legitimidad (Mexico, 199t); Jorge I. Domnguez and James A. McCann, Democratizing Mexico. Public Opinion and Electoral Choice (Baltimore, 1996). 22 Alan Knight, 'When was Latin America Modern? Some Thoughts', in Nicola Miller (ed.), When was Latin America Modern? (forthcoming). 23 I refer to the continued evidence of caciquista behaviour, even at a time of genuine democratization in Mexico: see, for example, Todd A. Eisenstadt, 'Electoral Federalism or Abdication of Presidential Authority? Gubernatorial Elections in Tabasco', in Wayne A. Cornelius, Todd A. Eisenstadt and Jane Hindley (eds.), Subnational Poltiics and Democratization in Mexico (San Diego, 1999), pp. 269-93; and Zrate, this volume. There is also plenty of recent journalistic evidence: see, for example, n. 137 below. 24 I realize that a three-way tug-of-war is a conceptually tricky metaphor, but it does capture the sense of three principles of rule contesting for supremacy within a hybrid system. On patrimonialism, see Max Weber, The Theory of Social and Economic Organization (New York, 1964), pp. 351-4. 25 Alan Knight, 'Habitus and Homicide: Political Culture in Revolutionary Mexico', in Wil Pansters (ed.), Citizens of the Pyramid. Essays on Mexican Political Culture (Amsterdam, 1997), p. 22, ro7-8. Given the slipperiness of the term, and the striking evidence of cacical longevity and reproduction over time, I tend to agree with Purnell and Buder (this volume) that analyses
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responds to individual or collective advantage and is to be found, not only 'suspended in webs of significance',20 but also embedded in rational, pragmatic and instrumental relationships, premised on hardheaded notions of self-interest. Indeed, there are probably few political actors who are as self-interestedly rational as the cacique and his close followers.27 An important practical corollary follows. If caciquismo is regarded as a deeply rooted cultural attribute - a 'damned inheritance' of the colony or even of pre-columbian polities then its eradication, its surrender to democratizing and/or bureaucratizing forces, begins to look unlikely, and its perverse survival seems entirely predictable. How do you dislodge assumptions and practices which are hardwired into the Mexican political psyche? If, however, caciquismo responds to the specific actions of powerful actors, notably the caciques themselves, and the interests they 'represent', then their behaviour, survival, and rationale become more comprehensible, and, perhaps, the means of their eradication become more accessible, at least in intellectual terms.28 I. Definitions These lacunae would seem to justify taking a renewed look at caciquismo. Accordingly, in 2002, twenty-five years after the Cambridge Peasant and Caudillo conference, Wil Pansters and I organized a conference at St Antony's College, Oxford, which was primarily funded by the Hewlett Foundation. This book is the product
of caciquismo or caudillismo which are premised on a dichotomous tradition-versusmodernity scheme are probably not very helpful (which is a kind of auto-critique: see Alan Knight, 'Peasant and Caudillo in revolutionary Mexico, 1910-17', in Brading, Caudillo and Peasant, pp. 50-8). Of course, the organizations within which caciquismo flourishes are highly variable: some are old (e.g., peasant communities), some relatively new (e.g., sindicatos). To the extent that 'traditional' and 'modern' simply mean 'old' and 'new', the empirical point is valid, and underscores the durability and mutability of caciquismo. However, 'tradition' and 'modern' usually come with a good deal of teleologica! and normative baggage and, for that reason, may be best avoided. 2 6 Geertz, Interpretation of Cultures, p. 5 (with uncited attribution to Weber). 27 Cornelius, Politics and the Migrant Poor, pp. 142-3, 151, notes the 'strongly instrumental' nature of cacical patron-client ties, and suggests that 'the cacique's relationship to his followers tends to have a far more utilitarian character than that of other local leaders whose influence derives largely from the esteem in which they are held'. Note, too, Arturo Alvarado Mendoza, El portesgilismo en Tamaulipas (Mexico, 1992), p. 294 (although I would not accept that the instrumental, non-charismatic character of portesgilismo set it apart from other Mexican cacicazgos of the time). 28 That is to say, we can better grasp what makes caciquismo tick and how it might be combatted. Intellectual grasp alone, of course, achieves nothing; there needs to be effective commitment and corrective action. There is an obvious parallel here with electoral reform: the failings of Mexican democracy - often attributed, in deterministic fashion, to the benighted politico-cultural baggage which burdened most Mexicans - were in some measure effectively addressed once powerful groups made a commitment to reform and created a meaningful system of oversight (the IFE).
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of chat conference. This, the dark-blue (Oxford) version, differed from its lightblue (Cambridge) precursor in one or two important respects. First, it took not caudillismo, but caciquismo, as its central concept; and it avoided any specific mention of peasants (although plenty of peasants figure in the pages which follow). The reason for this was simple: the Cambridge conference focused squarely on the armed revolution and its aftermath, in which caudillos figured prominently and, arguably, peasants comprised the revolutionary rank-and-file.29 The Oxford conference, twenty-five years on, had to recognize the passage of time and the production of new research. It therefore expanded the focus to encompass the regime which followed the armed revolution, down to the late twentieth century. Such a shift in focus implied a corresponding shift from caudillos to caciques, and from a largely peasant rank-and-file to a more assorted set of clienteles and institutions, including labour unions, universities and established PRIista 'machines'.30 It also involved the recruitment of a generation of younger scholars whose work breached the old barriers of 1920, or even 1940, and ranged over the broad sweep of the last century.3' Why should this broader focus involve a shift from caudillos to caciques? Here we broach the crucial conceptual question which, while it should not detain us too long, does require some preliminary clarification. Names and concepts are important, as a hardheaded natural scientist suggests:32 Does it matter what words we use to describe a model if we agree about its consequences? Perhaps it does. We need formal models, but we also need intuition about why the models give the results they do, and the words used guide our intuitions and tell us what to look for. A good deal of historiographical debate and polemic derives from contrasting use of terms. We may usefully distinguish between ('emic') terms, which are those used ('subjectively') by contemporary historical actors and ('etic') terms deployed by historians and other social scientists, ex post facto, and supposedly 'objectively' or even 'scientifically'.33 Both are important. As historians we must try to fathom how historical actors thought, spoke and wrote. However, it would be nonsensical to
29 The role of the peasantry in the Revolution is a matter of debate (which ties in with the orthodox, revisionist and other interpretations mentioned in n. 3 above). However, the contributing authors in the Brading volume certainly privileged the peasantry over other 'subaltern' groups, as they were asked to. 30 I refer to 'machines' - rather than 'cacicazgos' - in part to accommodate the 'Atlacomulco group' and its erstwhile leader, Carlos Hank Gonzalez (see Hernndez, this volume, who, without totally convincing me, rebuts the caciquista credentials of Hank and his group). 31 The organizers of the conference set out to recruit such scholars, in order to avoid a re-run of the 1977 event. Cost constraints meant that we could not invite all the veterans of 1977, but we did benefit greatly from the participation and comments of three: Rayond Buve, Friedrich Katz and David Brading himself. 32 John Maynard Smith, 'The Origin of Altruism', Nature, 393 (1998), pp. 639-40. 33 Marvin Harris, Cultural Materialism: The Struggle for a Science of Culture (New York, 1979), pp. 32-6.
26
MEXICO
rest content with purely 'ernie' formulations, as some historians have advocated, or we would have to believe in witches and the wrath of Zeus as agents of historical causation.34 Historians do, however, tend to stick closer to the ernie usage of their subjects (at the risk of sometimes ensnaring themselves in hermeneutical traps), while political scientists, hankering after the hard positivism of the natural sciences, prefer to deploy supposedly robust etic terms, often neologisms of their own making. Thus, an emic 'tin-pot fascist junta' becomes an etic 'bureaucratic authoritarian regime'. Mexico's ruling party - a pulpo or aplanadora, according to some (historical) critics becomes the political scientist's 'hegemonic' or 'dominant state-party'. 'Cacique' and 'caudillo' are primarily emic terms, with a rich semantic history. Like many emic terms, these have evolved and do not conform to rigid definition (as the neologisms of political scientists do, or should). 'Cacique' was originally an Arawak term denoting a chief, one who 'keeps a house'; in colonial Mexico, caciques were indigenous rulers, vital cogs in the machinery of colonial administration.35 During the nineteenth century, however, 'cacique' came to mean a political boss, who - according to some stood at the interface between 'traditional' communities and the new ostensibly 'modern' institutions of the (usually republican) nation state. Thus, 'cacique' was detached from its indigenous roots and came to denote a form of political boss, mediator or broker.36 Caudillos, in contrast, arose in the nineteenth century, principally as a result of the wars of independence (thus there was no tradition of colonial caudillos). Caudillos tended to be grander figures than (mere) caciques, and they were assocated with organized violence; a loose English translation might be 'warlord' or 'man on horseback'. In Argentina, however, the term 'caudillo' came to jefer to a political boss (i.e., a Mexican cacique): proof, were it needed, of the treacherous fungibility of such emic terms.37 Should we therefore retain such terms, or, in robust positivistic style, consign them to the dustheap of history, opting instead for 'scientific', 'objective' terminology? Maybe the dilemma is spurious. While, as I have suggested, some 'emic' and subjective concepts (e.g., witches and the wrath of Zeus) signally fail to advance our historical understanding, others may reflect perceptive 'local knowledge'. 'Caudillo' and, a fortiori, 'cacique' seem to fall into this category. It is not suprising that they do: while, for example, witchcraft was invoked to explain events for which historical actors had no very good explanation (like plague or cattle murrain),
34 E. H. Carr, What Is History? (Harmondsworh, 1964), p. 25. 35 Marshall R. Nason, 'The Literary Evidence, part 1', in Kern, The Caciques, pp. 27-8; Robert Haskett, Indigenous Rulers (Albuquerque, 1991), pp.133-7; Charles Gibson, The Aztecs Under Spanish Rule (Stanford, 1964), p. 36 and passim. Fernando Salmern Castro, 'Caciquismo', in Michael S. Werner (ed.), Encyclopedia of Mexico. History, Society and Culture (Chicago, 2 vols., 1997), vol. i, pp. 177-9, offers a useful resum of the term. 36 Indians could still figure as caciques, of course; however, the bases of their 'caciquista power had shifted. 37 Nason, 'The Literary Evidence, part III', pp. 111-2.
'caciques' was a term used to describe flesh-and-blood local bigwigs, who were known, feared, respected or hated.'8 People recognized caciques and understood their rationale; indeed, they had to, since caciques have been ubiquitous in Mexican politics and they have necessarily figured in the calculations of political actors of all kinds: peasants petititioning for ejidos, trade unionists mounting strikes, civic movements pressing for reform, as^rnng polticos looking to get on, or individuals petitioning for redress, reward or protection. For the same reasons, all governments have had to reckon with and, to some degree, work through cacical intermediaries. The cacique rather less so the caudillo is therefore a permanent and unavoidable inhabitant of Mexico's voluminous archives.39 Following (Mexican) emic usage - which, I repeat, is in this context a helpful guide - we can consider the cacique as a political boss or broker, while the caudillo corresponds more to a warlord. In doing so, we roughly concur with Daz Diaz, who regarded the caudillo as a more elevated and praetorian figure (though we need not accept his additional, normative judgement, that caudillos might be good while caciques were bad).40 Several conclusions follow from this. First, it is this distinction which justifies the switch from 'caudillo' (the Cambridge 1977 conference keyword) to 'cacique' (Oxford, 2002). The celebrated leaders of the armed revolution - Villa, Zapata, Obregn4' - were caudillos, in that they led popular forces in battle and achieved national or regional prominence on the basis of their
38 Thus, I would hypothesize, 'local knowledge' was a better guide to reality in respect of caciquismo than of, say, Catholicism, which involved transcendental beliefs beyond any empirical validation. When it comes to miracles and Marian apparitions (see, for example, the interesting work-in-progress of Eddie Wright-Rios), it is hardly possible to reach a consensus of historical testimonies, which fly in divergent directions; caciques, on the other hand, while they might polarize opinion and vie for 'good' or 'bad' cacical status, can be readily identified, and their activities can often be recounted. Thus, something closer to a factual - not necessarily normative - consensus is possible. I mention this because historians often differ - radically - over the reliability of 'local knowledge' and vox populi. Are we dealing with credible canny subalterns or deluded clods? My suggestion is that it depends a lot on the field of inquiry and, in this case, popular testimony is often persuasive. 39 A classic case is the 12-page indictment of the Osornio cacicazgo in Quertaro, penned by Jos Siurob (1935) in Archivo General de la Nacin, Presidentes, Lzaro Cardenas, 606.3/49. It should be recognized, of course, that some archives - notably Gobernacin - act as magnets for reports, complaints and denunciations of this kind, hence the incidence of caciquista archival evidence should not be taken as a simple statistical index of caciquista reality. Nevertheless, the evidence is so extensive and recurrent that it clearly signals a widespread phenomenon. 40 Fernando Daz Daz, Caudillos y caciques (Mexico, 1972), pp. 2, 6. Gilbert M. Joseph, 'Caciquismo and the Revolution: Carrillo Puerto in Yucatn', in Brading, Caudillo and Peasant, p. 201, refers to 'the caudillo [as] merely the cacique writ large', which captures the difference of degree, but perhaps elides the two concepts overmuch. 41 Obregn, by virtue of surviving and achieving the presidency, necessarily began the transition from caudillo to cacique; but his military reputation, reliance on the army, and relative lack of institutional supports, meant that the transition was truncated; Calles, who
2 6
CACIQUISMO IN T W E N T I E T H - C E N T U R Y M E X I C O
military prowess.42 However, after 1920 the role of the caudillo declined perhaps only Obregn and a handful of failed praetorian leaders (Gmez, Serrano, Escobar) could claim the title - while that of the cacique, the political boss, operating within a clientelist system, became more common and relevant. Caciquismo stemmed from institutionalization, albeit institutionalization of a particular kind. As I later argue, caciques regularly used force, but force was not their primary weapon. Most caciques were civilians and many eventually occupied positions in organizations, such as sindicatos or even universities, which, although they were familiar with violence, did not, like the revolutionary army, have violence as their raison d'tre. To refer to Luis Morones or Fidel Velzquez as syndical 'caudillos' would be, at best, metaphorical and somewhat misleading.43 Furthermore, caciques operated at all levels of the political system (I shall later propose a hierarchy of nested cacicazgos), such that it makes good sense to talk of municipal caciques, 'mini-caciques' and similar street-corner varieties.44 To talk of a 'municipal caudillo' would outside Argentina make little sense; Argentina's 'caudillos fuertes de los suburbios' sound, to Mexican ears, faintly ridiculous.45 Thus, the pre-eminent figures of the Revolution can be roughly categorized: Villa and Zapata were caudillos, but not caciques; early death robbed them of the possibility of such a transition, to the benefit of their posthumous reputations.46 However, Obregn (nationally), Cedillo
had never been a pre-eminent revolutionary caudillo, was a masterful national cacique architect of the PNR, ally of organized labour, jefe mximo of the official political machine and paterfamilias of the 'revolutionary family'. 42 There were, of course, many lesser caudillos, regionally or locally powerful commanders, upon whom the grand, evanescent coalitions of the Revolution - Maderismo, Carrancismo, Villismo - were built: ste Brading, Caudillo and Peasant, and Alan Knight, The Mexican Revolution (2 vols., Cambridge, 1986),vol. 2, pp. 273-6. Incidentally, during the armed revolution the common generic label for popular military leaders was cabecilla rather than caudillo (and never, of course, cacique). 43 Enrique Krauze, Caudillos culturales en la revolucin mexicana (Mexico, 1976), which deals with political intellectuals, pushes the metaphor even further. 44 Claudio G Vlez-Ibez, Rituals of Marginality (Berkeley, 1983), pp. 144, 187. Vox populi helps again: in 1935 a baker ('panadero en pequeo') from Tehuacn, Puebla, reported to President Crdenas the abuses of the municipal treasurer (a member of the local Barbosa camarilla) and argued that now was 'the moment to get rid of all the small-town cacicazgos {cacicazgos pueblerinos), which have caused and continue causing such enormous abuses': Vicente Castellanos to Crdenas, 11 Aug. 1935, Direccin General de Gobierno, Archivo General de la Nacin, caja 35A/4, 2.33x8. 45 Nason, 'The Literary Evidence, part ill', pp.111-2. 46 Possibly Villa was mutating into a local cacique during his three short years at Canutillo, 1920-3. We should recall that Zapata's son, Nicols, turned into a pretty nasty local cacique: John Womack Jr, Zapata and the Mexican Revolution (New York, 1969), pp. 379-85. M y terminology differs from that of Gilbert M. Joseph, ' Caciquismo and the Revolution', p. 201, who, defining the difference between cacique and caudillo as purely one of scale, rather than (also) modus operandi, sees 'cacique-to-caudillo progressions' in the careers of both Villa and Zapata. I do not think that Villa - still less Zapata - ever became caciques.
(regionally), and Gabriel Barrios (locally) made such a transition, at least partially.47 The point of the exercise, of course, is not to hang labels around individuals' necks, but to explore the modalities of particular political systems or processes. With this in mind, and drawing on the 'ernie' distinctions just discussed, we can reenter the 'etic' terrain of supposedly objective, academic social science. Fortunately, the transition is fairly smooth. The characteristics of the cacique, as distilled from Mexican talk and practice, fit quite snugly within the greater universe of political bosses/mediators/'link-men' who have been discerned in a variety of countries: consider Brazil's coronets,48 hervs gamonales, the city bosses of New York's Tammany Hall and the grandi elettori of southern Italy. Historically, I repeat, they may be seen as products of the incongruous union of 'modern' politics with 'traditional' society;49 conceptually, they are representatives of patron-client systems, which embody hierarchies of authority, involving actors of unequal staus and power, who are linked by bonds of reciprocity and patronage (also unequal). Such systems, as I have said, are antithetical to both democracy and bureaucracy, since neither fair and free elections nor the rigorous impersonal and meritocratic rules of a classic Weberian bureaucracy apply.50 In fact, it is not clear where, within Weber's famous triad of systems of authority (traditional, charismatic and rational-legal), caciquismo is to be located. Though 'charismatic' caciques are not unknown, they are far from the norm.5' 'Rational-legal' caciquismo is a
47 Seen.41; Dudley Ankerson, Agrarian Warlord: Saturnino Cedillo and the Mexican Revolution in San Luis Potos (DeKalb, 1984); Romana Falcn, Revolucin y caciquismo: San Luis Potos, 1910-38 (Mexico, 1984); and Brewster, this volume. 48 Note the interesting comparative analysis of Luis Roniger, 'Caciquismo and Coronelismo: Contextual Dimensions of Patron Brokerage in Mexico and Brazil', Latin America Research Review, 22/2 (1987), pp. 71-99. 49 Franois-Xavier Guerra, Le Mexique: de l'Ancien Rgime la Rvolution (2 vols., Paris, 1985), vol. i, p. 182, represents an influential perspective. I stress 'may', since (see n. 22 ) the tradition/modernity dichotomy is open to serious question. 50 These are, of course, 'ideal types', analytical criteria against which to judge a messy and fluid reality. Many recent polities would represent some sort of balance between these contrasting practices; our task as social scientists is to evaluate the balance and the trends at any given time. 51 A good example of a charismatic cacique might be Eligio Daz of Santa Fe de la Laguna, Michoacn, who is beautifully captured in Jos Eduardo Zrate Hernndez, Los seores de utopa. Etnicidadpoltica en una comunidadpurhpecha (Zamora, 1993), pp. 156-64. Though called a 'cacique', Daz - 'tata Eligio' to his devoted followers - stamped his personality on a militant Indian movement, was renowned for his courage, and struck fear into the hearts of his opponents (who, 'when confronting him, experienced a form of paralysis, and could barely speak against him, unless they were drunk'). Like Zapata, Diaz was killed after leading his cause for some ten years. His reputation, also like Zapata's, was thus preserved for posterity and became embellished with myths (e.g., that he has fought in guerrilla wars in Vietnam, Central America and Iran). 'Charismatic' leaders who, unlike Diaz or Zapata, achieve and retain power are, I suspect, likely to undergo what Weber called the 'routinization of charisma', whereby they become machine politicians, noted more for instrumental calculation than charismatic leadership.
contradiction in terms, even though the deals and trade-offs which are the stuff of cacical politics may be eminently rational (that is, explicable in terms of the rational pursuit of goals and even amenable to rational-actor analysis, including game theory). Caciquismo is therefore 'rational' without being 'legal', since by definition it involves systematic flouting of the law. It bears some family resemblance to Weber's 'patrimonial' regimes. But these were characteristically 'traditional' and to denote caciquismo as inherently 'traditional' is to throw another large and lumpy object into an already overloaded holdall (where it consorts most incongruously with chiefdoms, theocracies and absolute monarchies based on the principle of the Divine Right of Kings). It also misconceives the very fundament of caciquismo, which in most cases has been neither sacred nor prescriptive;52 and it overlooks the remarkable stamina of caciquismo, its capacity to mutate, to respond to changing social, economic and political environments, and to co-exist, quite vigorously, with secular 'modernity'. Also, as I note below, caciquismo differs from Weber's traditional forms of authority by virtue of lacking clear rules of succession, grounded in either heredity or divine right. Caciquismo is resolutely secular (which does not prevent a few curas from attaining cacical status) and it is inherently vulnerable to succesion crises. 2. Modalities Thus, caciquismo in general is a distinctive form of patrimonial and clientelist authority, and twentieth-century Mexican caciquismo is a distinctive subset, the product of Mexico's peculiar sociopolitical development since the Revolution. What are its distinctive characteristics? Caciquismo is arbitrary and personalist. Formal rules take second place to informal personal power. This arrangement is well captured in familiar dichos: 'reward your friends and punish your enemies'; 'justice is for our friends and the law for enemies'; 'laws and rules are never a stumbling block among friends'; 'aqu no hay ms ley que yo'.53 This does not mean that caciques are necessarily capricious despots (indeed, there have been 'good' caciques, like Fortino Ayaquica of Atlixco in the 1920s or 'Toms', the 'good
52 Compare Weber: 'a system of imperative coordination will be called "traditional" if legitimacy is claimed for it and believed in on the basis of the sanctity of the order and the attendant powers of control as they have been handed down from the past, "have always existed'": Theory of Social and Economic Organization, p. 341 (I suspect this has suffered in translation). 53 The first, of course, is Sam Gompers' well-known dicho-, the second and third are to be found in Alain Rouqui, The Military and the State in Latin America (Berkeley, 1989), p. 34, and Nason, 'Literary Evidence, part I', p. 34, citing Marta Lynch; the fourth - 'I am the only law around here' - comes from Cornelius, Politics and the Migrant Poor, p. 142. I have left a few graphic phrases in the original Spanish, providing English translations in the accompanying footnotes.
[ejidal\ cacique' of El Maguey [Ecuandereo, Michoacn] in the 1980s).'4 Though arbitrary, caciques may follow well-known, predictable paths. But such paths are determined by messy practice, not universal principle. They are not formally mapped, but comprise part of 'local knowledge'. Caciques need not hold formal office in order to exercise power. (Calles' Maximato is the best-known example; but Portes Gil, as de facto boss of Tamaulipas, 'exercised absolute control over the administration of Governor Aguilar', thus recreating, at state level, the informal power of which he, as provisional president in 192930, had been a victim)." Heliodoro Charis, cacique of Juchitn for twenty years, never held formal office; nor did 'Don Pablo', cacique of Huncito (Michoacn).'6 In the Morelos village studied by Romanucci-Ross, four leaders 'exercised the village's real leadership whether they happened to be in office or not. Leadership was thus independent of formal office . . [and] decisions were made by the same people, regardless of who happened to hold offfice at any given time'.'7 However, some caciques - impelled, in part, by the rule of 'no re-election' shuttle through a sequence of offices, making upward, downward and sideways movements, while retaining - specific offices notwithstanding - a durable regional power. Juvencio Nochebuena, longtime cacique of Huejutla, in the Huasteca Hidalguense, served as presidente municipal of Pachuca, federal deputy, local deputy, senator for the state of Hidalgo, and even general inspector of police in Mexico City.'8 Gonzalo N. Santos carved out an even more illustrious career for himself, while remaining boss of San Luis, especially the Huasteca Potosina.59 In
54 Ernest Gruening, Mexico and its Heritage (London, 1928), p. 311, 11. 2; Sergio Zendejas and Gail Mummert, 'Beyond the Agrarian Question: The Cultural Politics of Ejido Natural Resources', in Wayne A. Cornelius and David Myhre {eds.),The Transformation of Rural Mexico. Reforming the EjidalSector (San Diego, 1998), p. 182. See also Jos Eduardo Zrate Hernndez, Procesos de identidad y globalizacin econmica. El Llano Grande en el sur de Jalisco (Zamora, 1997), p. 184, regarding Lucio Rosales of Tolimn; and Zrate, this volume, on Cosme Moran of Cihuatln, Jalisco. Of course, any imputation of a 'good' (or 'bad') cacique is likely to be highly subjective; in the second case, the authors note, 'the term ["good cacique"] has been used by outside observers... but not by local residents', which is a major caveat. By their very nature, caciques sometimes polarize opinion: Juan Pastin of San Andrs Tuxtla has been seen as both a fearless agrarian luchador and a vicious selfinterested cacique: cf. Miguel Covarrubias, El Sur de Mxico (Mexico, 1980, pp. 61-3, and Heather Fowler Salamini, Agrarian Radicalism in Veracruz, 1920-38 (Lincoln, Nebraska, 1978), p. 160. 55 Alvarado Mendoza, El portesgilismo, p. 208. 56 Rubin, Decentering the Regime, p. 48; Manuel Jimnez Castillo, Huncito. Organizacin y prctica politica (Mexico, 1985), pp. 454-5. 57 Lola Romanucci-Ross, Conflict, Violence and Morality in a Mexican Village (Palo Alto, 1973), p. 124. 58 Frans J. Schryer, Ethnicity and Class Conflict in Rural Mexico (Princeton, 1990), p. 128. 59 Wil Pansters, 'Citizens with Dignity: Opposition and Government in San Luis Potos, 1938-93', in Rob Aitken, et al. (eds), Dismantling the Mexican State? (Basingstoke, 1996), pp.244-66.
26
such cases, formal office was sometimes the fig-leaf of caciquismo: it legitimated and, to be sure, augmented an existing cacical authority.60 The cacique rewards his friends and punishes his enemies. He follows Diaz's old maxim: pan o palo. Rewards (pan), which I shall discuss more fully below, range from material handouts (land, credit, cash) through intermediate material-cumintangible benefits (jobs), to 'non-material' benefits (e.g., protection, which may mean shielding the client from the sticklpalo of rival caciques). The stick is also crucial: 'caciquismo is unthinkable without direct violence'.6' But, as mentioned above, caciquismo is not praetorianism; indeed, to the extent that the ideal (regular) military conforms to Prussian/Weberian standards of impersonal rules and discipline, it stands poles apart from caciquismo.6l In addition, since the 1920s the Federal army has been a force for centralization. On both counts, therefore, caciques and army may find themselves at odds. However, if we consider the function, rather than the form, of political violence, it could be argued that the social control exercised by Mexican caciquismo, c. 195080, made bureaucratic authoritarianism of the Southern Cone type unnecessary: caciquismo and praetorianism represent alternative means of securing social control. Mexico's rural bourgeoisie could rely on caciques, rather than army bayonets, to keep order: 'it's only by means of these people', as a provincial businessmen put it, 'that all the people can be kept under control ... it's necessary to set up a person in whom they (the people) can have confidence. And this person serves as an intermediary between these people and the authorities, in order to keep control over them'.63 In the cities, too, freelance pistoleros could sometimes do the army's dirty work.64 The contrasting forms of repression are important, however. Cacical violence tends to be low-key, sporadic,^even surgical (especially, it seems, in the cities, where non-violent alternatives are readily available, and where the political price of bloodshed may be higher).65 However, good - that is, effective - caciques do not engage in wholesale violence and repression, even out in the sticks. Unlike modern armies, they lack the hardware, manpower and organization. They also rely extensively on
60 While it is important to stress the informality of cacical power, it is surely too strong to say presumably as a general rule - that 'a cacique ... holds no elective office': Cornelius, Politics of the Migrant Poor, p. 142. It may be, in fact, that 'formality' becomes increasingly important (if only as a legitimizing figleaf) the higher up the political hierarchy one goes: unelected caciques are common at the grassroots (e.g., in urban settlements or rural villages); but at state and national level some formal office (usually, but not necessarily, elected) is usually required. 61 Boege, Los mazatecos, p. 237. 62 That is not to say that all armies do so conform. The Argentine proceso ('dirty war") was carried out by caudillo-style local and regional commanders whose principles were hardly classically Weberian. 63 Pilar Calvo y Roger Bartra, 'Estructura de poder, clases dominantes y lucha ideolgica en el Mxico rural', in Bartra, Caciquismo y poder poltico, p.126. 64 Claudio G. Vlez-Ibez, Rituals of Marginality (Berkeley, 1983), pp. ioi, 167. 65 Cornelius, Politics and the Migrant Poor, p. 146.
non-violent methods: th epan offsets the palo, to a greater degree in cacical than in military/authoritarian 'regimes'; indeed, caciques are almost invariably civilian, though, as I shall note, often well-versed in gunplay. Caciquismo, on balance, is more consensual perhaps even 'hegemonic', in the Gramscian sense than bureaucratic authoritarianism.66 We have noted the existence of'good' caciques; a good cacique is 'someone who knows how to get on with people'.67 As a result, caciques are often more fondly remembered than military despots: the latter may be appreciated (by the right) for saving the country; but, with some exceptions perhaps Guatemala's Ubico? they lack the populist, patrimonial, don de mando which characterizes the (successful) cacique; they are, in a sense, all stick and no carrot. Compare, for example, Porfirio Daz and Victoriano Huerta: Daz, the gran cacique of the Porfiriato, always stirred mixed feelings and, recently, has benefited from charitable revisionist portrayals, including the telenovela Vuelo del Aguila. Huerta, the counter-revolutionary military tyrant of 191314, was cordially hated and has never been historiographically rehabilitated.68 And I would not anticipate record viewing figures for a telenovela perhaps 'Pasos del Chacal'? offering a sympathetic version of Huerta's sanguinary career. It follows that caciquista regimes are more durable than military ones; they are more flexible, less 'exceptional'. The regime of the institutional revolution in Mexico, we might recall, lasted 71 years longer than the 'bureaucratic-authoritarian' regimes of the Argentine, Brazilian and Chilean military put together. Caciques (unlike caudillos) operate at all levels of the political hierarchy. (I shall present a typology later, embracing five levels: national, state, regional, municipal and local.) But they are usually strongly associated with a particular territory, of which they are often - some would say invariably natives.69 While the 'municipal
66 Calvo and Bartra, 'Estructura de poder', p. in. Of course, 'bureaucratic authoritarianism' is an ideal type; in practice, it may represent a bundle of political practices, caciquismo and clientelism included. Frances Hagopian, 'Traditional politics against state transformation', in Joel S. Migdal, Atul Kohli and Vivienne Shue (eds.), State Power and Social Forces (Cambridge, 1994), pp.37-64, convincingly argues that 'traditional' forms - including coronelismo - underpinned, resisted and to a degree subverted Brazilian 'bureaucratic authoritarianism'. I suspect this is more true of Brazil than of Argentina or Chile; and, of course, Brazilian military rule was, to a degree, more consensual. 67 Romanucci-Ross, Conflict, Violence, and Morality, p. 130. 68 Michael C. Meyer, Huerta: A Political Portrait (Lincoln, N E , 1972), is a scholarly study, but its revisonist thrust is not persuasive. 69 Cornelius, Politics and the Migrant Poor, p. 142. Even caciques who had a sectoral base - such as a sindicato - usually had a geographical base which went with it (e.g., La Quina of the oilworkers union had Ciudad Madero, Tamaulipas); and the same seems to be true of the numerous petty caciques who 'represent' informal workers, such as trash-combers and street-vendors, e.g., in Tepito, Mexico City: see John C. Cross, Informal Politics. Street Vendors and the State in Mexico City (Stanford, 1998). Of course, the larger the organization, the less any specific geographical base is likely to count: Fidel Velzquez, long-time leader of the C T M , did not depend on a specific community or zone.
caudillo' is an oxymoron, the 'national cacique' is simply unusual and, among the great universe of caciques, rare. The national cacique such as Diaz or Calles - is unusual, in part, because he confronts no superior cacique, only inferiors; whereas the majority of caciques are Janus-figures, who have indeed must have links both up and down the political/cacical hierarchy. They are, in other words, brokers, or 'link-men'; their functions involve reconciling upward and downward 'linkages'.70 If these linkages represent the cacicazgo's 'external relations', its internal relations the 'domestic policy' of caciques also reveal recurrent patterns. One pattern - that o f p a n o palo has been mentioned, and will be further discussed later. Another concerns cacical cycles. Given the personalism inherent in caciquismo, cacicazgos typically reflect a personal career. They rise, mature, weaken and die.7' Fully-fledged cacicazgos therefore have limited life-spans. Interestingly, the most durable cacicazgos appear to be syndical: Fidel Velzquez lasted some sixty years at the head of the C T M ; Heliodoro Hernndez Loza, head of the local textile union, controlled El Salto de Juanacatln (Jalisco) for forty years.72 Possibly the institutional props of syndical caciquismo are unusually strong. Political caciques rarely last that long. Diaz's national cacicazgo of 35 years was a record. Cedillo (1920-38) did well for a state cacique, as did his successor, Santos (1938-58). Portes Gil lasted from 1924 to 1936, although his influence suffered a break in the early 1930s, and survived, albeit in attenuated form, down to 1947.7 Tejeda's hegemony in Veracruz was appreciably shorter (c. 192934), as was Osornio's in Quertaro.74 At the regional level, Juchitan's Charis lasted some twenty years, from the mid19305 to the mid-1950s, by which time his power was in decline; Juvencio Nochebuena, a comparable cacique, experienced a similar rise and fall.75 Municipal caciques may last - like Flavio Ramrez of Arandas (Jalisco), who held power from
70 Joseph, 'Caciquismo and the Revolution', p. 198; Cornelius, Politics and the Migrant Poor, pp. 147-8; Philip C. Parnell, Escalating Disputes. Social Participation and Change in the Oaxacan Highlands (Tucson, 1988), pp. 4, 47. 71 The 'anthropomorphic fallacy' is therefore less risky when applied to cacicazgos than, say, to regimes or nations. 72 Jorge Durand, ' Burocracia sindical y control municipal. El caso de El Salto, Jalisco', in Jaime Tamayo (coord.), Perspectivas de los movimientos sociales en la regin Centro-Occidental (Guadalajara, 1986), p. 242. See also Fernndez and Maldonado, this volume. 73 Alvarado Mendoza, Elportesgilismo. The latter argues, correctly, I think, that Portes Gil was not a caudillo (pp. 105-6), but I am less persuaded by the notion that he was not a cacique either (p.207). This would seem to exaggerate the bureaucratic/corporatist quality of the Partido Socialista Fronterizo, at the expense of its personalist/clientelist characteristics. It may be, of course, that Alvarado Mendoza is working with a different (nineteenth-century?) model of'caciquismo'. 74 Fowler Salamini, Agrarian Radicalism-, Marta E. Garca Ugarte, 'Saturnino Osornio: remembranzas de una poca en Quertaro', in Martnez Assad (coord.), Estadistas, caciques y caudillos, pp. 335-62, which summarizes the same author's Gnesis del porvenir. Sociedad y poltica en Quertaro (1P13-1940) (Mexico, 1997). 75 Rubin, Decentering the Regime, pp. 48-52; Schryer, Ethnicity and Class Conflict, ch. 8.
1930 to 1945 but they may also circulate wth some rapidity/6 Some would-be caciques, of course, never make it.77 The Achilles' heel of established cacicazgos as of the Mexican national political system which for many years they underpinned is the political succession. Orderly succession, whether of hereditary monarchs or democratic presidents, requires strict rules, strictly adhered to. Cacicazgos lack such rules, hence succession crises are endemic. As the old cacique fades or the not-so-old cacique is ousted the result may be a swift replacement by a new cacique, a phase of factional infighting and instability, or, possibly, a transition to a more democratic or, at least, rule-governed system (more of that in conclusion). Though nepotism may be rife within cacical systems, straightforward hereditary succession is not the norm: the 'cacique heredero' who, like Crisforo Martel of the Huasteca Potosina, lacks the 'force and intelligence' of his deceased father, is likely to fail in his attempt to succeed.78 In other words, cacical systems demand a certain level of ability (intelligence, eloquence, courage, intuition), as well as luck and ruthlessness - all good Machiavellian virtues, of course.79 Over time, as the Mexican political system became institutionalized and civilianized, under the aegis of an expanding central government, so the potential for quasi-hereditary cacicazgos tended to grow.80 Three generations of Figueroas, for example, have misgoverned Guerrero.8' The Atlacomulco group has dominated the state of Mexico (and played a big part in national politics too).82 But these are far from typical.83 Other state caciques - Cedillo, Santos, Tejeda, Portes Gil,
76 Toms Martnez Saldaa, 'Formacin y transformacin de una oligarqua: el caso de Arandas, Jalisco', in Toms Martnez Saldaa y Leticia Gndara, Poltica y sociedad en Mxico: el caso de los Altos de Jalisco (Mexico, 1976), pp. 69-70. 77 June Nash, In the Eyes of the Ancestors. Belief and Behavior in a Mayan Community (Prospect Heights, 1985, first pubd. 1970), p. 73. N o doubt there are many such stories of failure, most of which are lost to posterity. 78 Gonzalo N. Santos, Memorias (Mexico, 1986), p. 25. Note also the failure of Everardo Merino, nephew of the cacique Nicols Merino, of Cihuatln: Zrate, this volume. 79 Friedrich, Princes of Naranja, develops the Machiavellian theme to very good effect. 80 In one sense, this is blindingly obvious: the 'revolutionary' (post-1920) regime is the first in Mexican history to last, with some real continuity of personnel and institutions, beyond a long-ish generation (the Porfiriato lasted 35 years); hence it is the first to allow multigenerational political dynasties to form. See n. 137 below. 81 Ian Jacobs, 'Rancheros of Guerrero: The Figueroa brothers and the Revolution', in Brading, Caudillo and Peasant, p. 76-91. See also n. 144 below. 82 Alvaro Arrela Ayala, 'Atlacomulco: La antesala del poder', in Carlos Martinez Assad (coord.), Municipios en conflicto (Mexico,1985), pp. 7-26; and Hernndez, this volume. 83 Dynasties and camarillas are, of course, familiar features of Mexican politics (the Salinas family being a case in point). But the classic cursus honorum - outlined, for example, by Peter Smith, Labyrinths of Power (Princeton, 1978) - is not typically cacical (though it may well be clientelistic): it involves formal education, followed by formal (often 'technocratic') office, and a good deal of spatial mobility. This is another way of saying that the centralization and 'technification' of political power in Mexico have diverged from earlier cacical practices. As
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Osornio left no political dynasty. At lower levels in the cacical hierarchy, the hereditary principle sometimes works, as the sons of caciques succeed their fathers (it is rarely the daughters, although cases have been known).84 Apart from the stochastic factors of ability, luck and ruthlessness, one powerful factor weakening hereditary succession is that caciques - like Mexicans in general - invest in their children's education, which in turn has the effect of uprooting cacical offspring, impelling them to the city, especially to Mexico City, even to the United States. Studying law, economics or public administration - what we might call the technocratic turn may provide attractive entres into Mexico's higher political elite. But such studies do not prepare caciques; and graduates of such studies are hardly likely to want to become caciques - certainly not at the lower levels. Indeed, low-level caciquismo may represent a risky, relatively low-income career, certainly compared to big business, banking, commercial farming or national politics.8' Hence, like boxing, it offers a way up for poor, tough boys from the barrio. Upward mobility, in short, inhibits cacical dynasty-building. Formal education is an indifferent preparation for informal politicking.86
3. National caciquismo
I turn now to my five levels o caciquismo: national, state, regional, municipal and local.87 At the top stands the president: 'the only cacique in Mexico is to be found
I suggest in conclusion, however, this does not mean that caciquismo is moribund; it merely co-exists with non-cacical political forms, establishing an articulation of political modes which sometimes displays tension, but sometimes works to mutual advantage. 84 Parnell, Escalating Disputes,^. 29, 82, gives examples of hereditary caciquismo (the Torres and Sesto families of Villa Alta, and the Cartucho family of Betaza, Oaxaca]. Female cacicas crop up in urban communities (e.g., Vlez-Ibez, Rituals ofMarginality, p. 134), but are rare in rural Mexico. However, Gabriela Rojo, niece of Governor Rojo Gmez of Hidalgo, acquired a somewhat cacical role in the early 1980s: Schryer, Ethnicity and Class Conflict, pp. 207-8. 85 On the bourgeoisie's aversion to cacical careers: Frans J. Schryer, The Rancheros ofPisaflores (Toronto, 1980), p. 138. It is worth stressing that establishing - and maintaining - a cacicazgo can be not only dangerous, but also very hard work: Carlos Loret de Mola, Los caciques (Mexico, 1979), pp. 64-5. 86 Maybe the 1990s witnessed the high point of technocracy in Mexican politics, at least for the time being. The decline of both the PRI's technocratic wing and the Foxista business technocracy, accompanied by the rise - or resurgence - of more 'political' figures like Bartlett, Madrazo and Lpez Obrador, seem to indicate a revalorization of 'political' over 'technocratic' expertise. I am not, of course, equating 'political' with 'cacical', nor am I categorizing the latter trio as 'caciques' tout courf, according ro Roderic Ai Camp, Mexico's Mandarins (Berkeley, 2002), pp. 69, 257, they are better described as 'hybrid politicians'. But we may be witnessing a shift away from the technocratic trend which seemed to prevail in Mexico during the last quarter of the twentieth century; and some 'hybrid politicians' may also display cacical qualities, especially when it comes to grassroots provincial politics. 87 N o doubt the cake could be sliced differently. I think five levels, corresponding to recognisable territorial units, provides the right combination of discrimination and parsimony.
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in Los Pinos', as Snchez Vice put it (but he was addressing - and seeking to ingratiate himself with? - President Echeverra).88 As already suggested, however, the 'national cacique' is odd from a number of perspectives. First, he is the only cacique who lacks a superior, and who does not, therefore, play the classic 'Janus' role of all the rest: he looks one way - down - not simultaneously up and down. There is one partial and interesting objection to this generalization: the president/ cacique has to manage foreign relations, notably relations with the United States. In some periods of enhanced 'dependency' - 1920-23, 194046, post-1992 - this relationship has imposed clear obligations and restraints. But the 'conditionality' imposed by foreign relations is rather different from that imposed by a superior (national) cacique on inferior caciques within the political hierarchy. The sanctions are different; so, too, is the political culture, the rules of the game. The USA can offer both rewards (recognition, loans, trade) and penalties (non-recognition, denial of credit, decertification).89 But these sanctions are different from 'domestic' sanctions; and they are governed by different criteria.This reflects the fact that the culture of US-Mexican relations contrasts with that of domestic politics. The rules of the game are different ; in particular, US opinion, both governmental and public, frowns on cacical practices, hence the one thing the Mexican national cacique cannot afford to do, in his dealings with the USA, is to behave like a classic cacique. In the censorious, Weberian, Puritan eyes of the United States, he must avoid seeming corrupt, nepotistic, violent and undemocratic.90 Hence the 'schizoid' syndrome, whereby Mexican leaders offer their good side to the judgemental cameras of the north, while leaving their bad side in the obscure shadows of Mexican informality.9' Within the domestic political system, too, the national cacique is subject to different demands and expectations, compared to lesser caciques. First, I suspect that national caciques care more for the judgement of posterity, which may similarly encourage decorum and respectability at the expense of violence and corruption, at least excernally. Historia de bronce, afcer all, deals with national, not municipal, presidents.The lower in the hierarchy we go, the less the judgement of history counts, the less it serves to bridle cacical excesses.92 Second, and more
88 Los Pinos being the Mexican president's official residence: Loret de Mola, Los caciques, p. 52. 89 In the old days the USA could also threaten armed intervention. This has not been a realistic option for some seventy years, however. 90 No matter that the US political system has its cacical features, too. Huey Long and Gonzalo N. Santos would have got along famously. 91 Alan Knight, 'Mxico bronco, Mxico manso: una reflexin sobre la cultura cvica mexicana', Poltica y gobierno, 3/1 (1996), pp. 5-30, develops this argument. 92 The history of several recent presidents may seem to question this assumption. However, even when presidents fall into disgrace - on account of corruption, clientelism, nepotism or other quasi-cacical abuses - they are at pains to exonerate themselves, and to appeal to the judgement of history, not least by publishing massive memoirs of stupefying tedium. Lowerlevel caciques can be more brazen. Compare, for example, Santos's racy Memorias with Carlos Salinas Gortari, Mexico. Un paso difcil a la modernidad (Barcelona, 2000).
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important (if true), national caciques probably enjoy greater 'relative autonomy' vis--vis dominant classes than their regional, local or municipal counterparts, especially since 1940.93 This derives from a combination of factors, some already mentioned. The president/cacique must take foreign opinion into account; may be concerned about the judgement of posterity; and heads a complex set of bureaucracies, some of them relatively merito- and technocratic. He therefore has both more incentive and more capacity to flout powerful vested interests. Fiscal resources also offer a clear contrast: the president has more money, including large discretionary funds, with which to build networks of patronage, reward friends (and punish enemies), and play the role of a benign populist paterfamilias.94 It does not follow, of course, that, endowed with these resources, presidents habitually and successfully flout vested interests: since Cardenas they have done so sporadically and often unsuccessfully. But measures like the 1982 bank nationalization indicate a degree of'relative autonomy', conferred on the president by his central, executive powers, for which it is difficult to find regional, municipal or local counterparts.95 Caciques at these lower levels, especially since the 1940s, have often reflected and served the interests of elites; they have displayed less 'relative autonomy'; or, to put it bluntly, they have governed more egregiously at the behest of such elites - to the point where serious analysts have depicted caciquismo, sometimes convincingly, as a simple carapace of class rule.96 Finally, within the national political system, the president/cacique is the only unique cacique; all other caciques form part of a larger group, hence they have their peers and rivals; but the Mexican president, save for the unusual period of the Maximato (1928-34), brooks neither peer nor rival. In addition, national caciques may start out with regional bases - Diaz in Oaxaca, Obregn in Sonora, Crdenas in Michoacan - but successful national caciquismo involves a progressive 'nationalization' of the cacique's power and clientele. The classic case was Crdenas, who let slip his Michoacn feudo in pursuit of national power, constructing new, national clienteles - military, campesino, and syndical - which successfully transcended any regional base. Tejeda, in contrast, tried to use his Veracruz cacicazgo as a springboard to national power and failed; Cedillo sought to retreat to his Potosino
93 Boege, Los mazatecos, p. 230. This begs a big question concerning 'dominant classes' which cannot be answered here. 94 Knight, 'Mxico bronco', p. 22. This was undoubtedly true for the second half - and especially the last quarter - of the twentieth century. As I note in conclusion, however, recent policy has somewhat shifted resources from the federal government to state and municipal governments while, more important, divided government and congressional oversight make discretionary spending by the federal executive more difficult. Taken together, these qualifications may imply a diminution and/or a decentralizaion of discretionary spending. 95 Carlos Elizondo, 'Property Rights in Mexico: Government and Business after the 1982 Bank Nationalization', Oxford D. Phil, thesis, 1992. 96 Luisa Par, 'Caciquismo y estructura de poder en la Sierra Norte de Puebla', in Bartra, Caciquismo y poder poltico, ch. 2. See also Schryer, Ethnicity and Class Conflict, pp. 196-7.
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bunker, and came even more dramatically to grief.97 But there is a major price to pay for the presidency: the unbreakable rule perhaps the unbreakable rule of Mexican politics, 'no re-election'. The Mexican national cacique enjoys enormous power for six years,98 but does so in the certain knowledge that - like those Aztec sacrificial victims who for a time were lavishly fed and feted, before finally having to climb the slick steps of the sacrificial temple - this happy time will end, and that it is but a prelude to their certain (political) extinction. Presidents who have tried to buck the trend - either flirting with re-election (e.g., Alemn, perhaps Salinas) or seeking to control their successors (Echeverra) have, with the sole exception of Calles, experienced rapid disappointment, even humiliation. Of course, 'no re-election' is not confined to the presidency. But lesser caciques/ officials can rotate: one of the arts of the cacique is to compile a c.v. of sequential offices. This is possible given the range of options at the state/regional and, a fortiori, municipal/local levels. Modest ambitions thus have their rewards; at the national level, where one pre-eminent office prevails, there is no political life after the presidency. This pattern is also possible because, as already suggested, lowerlevel caciquismo, being 'purer', takes a more cynical, instrumental attitude to formal office. Formal office gilds, augments, and legitimizes (prior) cacical power (some caciques, we have seen, do not even need to hold formal office); but formal office is not the real source of power. Again, the Mctximato is the only national example of this dysjunction between dejurean defacto authority; and it proved highly unstable, hence short-lived. Crdenas' triumph over Calles (and subsequent presidents' successful, if less spectacular, defiance of their predecessors/mentors)99 reveals the central importance of formal office - i.e., the presidency - within the national political system. Given the power, prestige and legitimacy attached to the presidency, the office can make the man, which is quite the reverse of the classic cacical process, where the man makes the office, or, indeed, dispenses with it altogether. Hence the recent trend towards the appointment of politically inexperienced presidents, men who had acquired doctorates abroad rather than elected office in Mexico. The predominance of tcnico presidents (a 'tcnico cacique' would be a rare beast) confirms the odd, partial character of national caciquismo. It may also help explain both the gulf which, under Presidents Salinas and Zedillo, separated the cupular leadership of the PRI - the president and his immediate (largely technocratic) entourage from the rank-and-file polticos of the party, caciques included, and, perhaps, the subsequent revival of the polticos following the traumatic defeat of 2000.,ot>
97 Heather Fowler Salamini, 'Revolutionary Caudillos in the 1920s: Francisco Mugica and Adalberto Tejeda', and Dudley Ankerson, 'Saturnino Cedillo: a traditional caudillo in San Luis Potos, 1890-1938' , in Brading, Caudillo and Peasant, chapters 7, 8. 98 Although he usually runs into a lame-duck period during the last quarter of his sexenio and, quite often, a major crisis at the end. 99 Zedillo's recent treatment of Salinas drew some fanciful comparison with the Crdenas/Calles confrontation of 1934-6; another example, perhaps, of history repeating itself, first as tragedy, then farce. 100 See n. 86 above.
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The same contrast is evident if we consider the growth of the Mexican state, a key process of the twentieth-century which has important, if sometimes misunderstood, implications for caciquismo.101 It is a commonplace of Mexican historiography that, since the Revolution, the state has grown in size, scope and power, thus favouring the centralized authority of the presiden t/cacique. New institutions - the C R O M / C T M , the official party, the Federal bureaucracies and their technocratic elites - have all tended to enhance national at the expense of regional and local power. Centralization did not necessarily mean 'Weberianization', of course. To the extent that these burgeoning institutions embodied clientelist practices, so clientelism and caciquismo were not eliminated but nationalized: for example, in the entrails of the Party or the C T M . However, some Federal institutions, crucial to the centralization of power, displayed more classically Weberian characteristics: the Banco de Mxico, the Ministries of Hacienda and Relaciones Exteriores. The Federal government, though itself a nest of clientelism,102 also possessed pockets of meritocracy; and analysts often assumed that these would grow with the neo-liberal transformation of the 1980s and '90s, as the state divested itself of its swollen rent-seeking functions and conformed to principles of market efficiency and administrative transparency.103 Two particular phases of state growth are apparent: first, a phase of political stabilization (192040), during which regional challenges to 'the centre' were countered and central authority was enhanced and, in the process, civilianized; second, a phase (from the late 1960s through the 1970s) when state economic power and the state payroll - rapidly expanded, resulting in a plethora of Federal agencies whose tentacles reached the furthest corners of the country. Cumulatively, these processes built the 'Leviathan' state which has become a staple of Mexican political analysis, contributing a god deal to the assumption, mentioned at the outset, that caciquismo was in terminal decline, a victim of centralized, bureaucratic, presidential power. We should be cautious, however, about accepting at face value this classic account of Mexican politics, and of the 'political culture' which underpins it. In both periods, the expansion of the state was halting, at times contradictory, and often compromised in practice. If we 'unpack' the burgeoning state (I prefer to 'unpack' than to 'deconstruct' or 'decentre'), we find that state power was regularly stymied by vested interests, national, regional and local. Sometimes this involved outright vetos (of socialist education in the 1930s or fiscal reform in the 1970s);
101 I have discussed the make-up of the state more fully elsewhere: Alan Knight, 'The Weight of the State in Modern Mexico', in James Dunkerley (ed.), Studies of the Formation of the Nation State in Latin America (London, 2002), chap. 9. 102 Smith, Labyrinths of Power, and Ai Camp, Mexico's Mandarins, are valuable guides to elite formation, recruitment and circulation. 103 These assumptions appear to have been overly optimistic. For one thing, the process of divestment gave great scope for corruption and cronyism. Recent (2004) news from Mexico still contains a large quantum of corruption stories, involving members of all three major parties (PRI, PAN, and PRI), and some minor ones too (e.g., the PVEM).
often it involved more subtle co-optation, not - as conventionally argued - of civil society by the state, but rather of the state by civil society, especially by powerful propertied actors in civil society who could grapple with the tentacles of state power and turn them to their own collective advantage. Thus, as Jeffrey Rubin has convincingly argued, the hegemonic party and centralized state were never as strong, pervasive, and powerful as usually imagined.104 A key figure in this sustained political prestidigitation - this deft conversion of centralizing state power into particularistic private power was the cacique, the 'link-man' between the different levels of state authority, who, for generations, had refined such forms of political sleight-of-hand. I now turn to the 'classic' caciques who fulfilled this function of political mediation and reciprocal cooption.
4. Classic (subnational) caciquismo

It may be possible to slice the layers of the political hierarchy at several different points, thus producing a variety of typologies. My first cut produces five levels: (1) the national; (2) the state; (3) the regional; (4) the municipal; (5) the local. Interestingly, these often correspond roughly to ancient political units: national can be equated to the old viceroyalty of New Spain; states loosely correspond to the Bourbon intendancies; municipalities are on a par with the older altepetl, the 'ethnic states' of Aztec Mexico, 'comparable in size to the early Mediterranean city states', which became the corporate headtowns of colonial Mexico and thus formed the basic building blocks of both empires; and, finally, 'local' denotes the individual towns and villages (pueblos), which radiated out from the altepetl!0'' Indeed, there may even be a deeper logic at work. At the lowest level, for example, local caciques control communities on the basis of personal knowledge and face-to-face relations. Human capacity sets an upper limit to the maximum clientele that can be maintained in this direct fashion (the figure seems to be about 150).106 Higher up, where forms of indirect rule (and, eventually, functioning bureaucracy) must apply, superior caciques' control of lesser caciques is also subject to systemic constraints, in that effective control requires a measure of information, judgement and personal contact.107 Beyond a given point of territory and (more important) population 104 Rubin, Decentering the Regime, pp. 15-23, 60, 238. 105 James Lockhart, The Nahuas After the Conquest (Stanford, 1992), p. 14. 106 Robin Dunbar, Gossip, Grooming, and the Evolution of Language (London, 1996), pp. 69-76. A good example of cacical face-to-face relations is provided by Schryer, Rancheros of Pisaflores, p. 91: fearing an asassination attempt (a rival faction had just tried to poison him at a wedding banquet), Porfirio Rubio, cacique of Agua Zarca, Hidalgo, 'ordered all future visitors from the cabecera whom he did not recognise shot on sight' (my emphasis). 107 This raises the interesting but difficult question of the impact of technology on caciquismo. In an age of roads, cars, phones and fax, are the boundaries of personal control appreciably wider than they were a generation or more ago? Does this facilitate a hands-off, 'absentee' caciquism Parnell, Escalating Disputes, p. 23, mentions the case of a cacique, David
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control falters, delegation becomes abdication, and the superior cacique loses his grip. Or, in seeking to maintain control, the cacique institutionalizes and bureaucratizes the system, thus converting it into something less classically cacical - as the Federal government has done. Second level caciques operate at the state level. In fact, the 'state' is a somewhat arbitrary unit, which may derive from the vagaries of history as much as any ecological or economic rationale. Most combine distinct politico-ecological regions; only small states, like Aguascalientes or Quertaro, display a rough homogeneity, whereby 'state' and 'region' may be considered coterminous.108 Most 'state' caciques are therefore regional caciques who have achieved control of their states on the basis of a particular territorial base (inter alia). Examples are legion: Portes Gil, long-time boss of Tamaulipas, was strongest in the central part of the state, weaker in the north, and heavily dependent on a tactical alliance with the Tampico stevedores.109 Yocupicio of Sonora was strongest in the north, and faced challenges from the agrarista, CTMista south."0 Cedillo and Santos ran San Luis, but their real fiefs were the Valle del Maz and the Huasteca respectively. In a sense, therefore, the classic state (level 2 ) cacique is often a regional (level 3) cacique who has made it one step up the ladder. This ascent may be precarious; and holding together a multi-regional state is a tricky business. State cacicazgos are perhaps, as Loret de Mola suggests, the hardest to sustain: 'only a man wih enormous capacity for wheeler-dealing can extend his cacicazgo over an entire state. This is a gigantic undertaking'."1 State caciques always face subregional challenges: Oaxaca, where state caciques usually emerged in the central valley, but had to reckon with the centrifugal forces of the Isthmus, including Juchitan, is a classic case. They are also vulnerable to concerted movements of civic resistance and democratic opposition, such as San Luis Potosi's Navismo."1 Such 'bottom-up' threats are all the more serious when they combine with 'top-down' pressures. State governors/caciques cannot avoid presidential scrutiny and sanctions. Presidents
Mendiolea, who commutes, once a fortnight, from Oaxaca City to his cacical seat, Villa Alta. We know, too, of communities where long-distance migrants - now based in Mexico City or even New York - continue to exercise influence and authority in their pueblos of origin. I know of no study of this 'absentee-caciquismo' trend. However, I suspect that face-to-face relations remain important, and that the imperatives of delegation affect rising caciques now, as in the past. In particular, technological advantages have been somewhat offset by population growth: each of the five political units I have identified have grown substantially in size since the Revolution. 108 Garcia Ugarte, 'Saturnino Osornio', p. 335, quoting an Osornista on the 'miniature', hence manageable, nature of Quertaro, c. 1930. 109 Alvarado Mendoza, Elportesgilismo, pp. 151,156, 294. n o See Adrian A. Bantjes, As If Jesus Walked on Earth. Cardenismo, Sonora and the Mexican Revolution (Wilmington, 1998). m Loret de Mola, Los caciques, p. 64. 112 Carlos Martinez Assad, 'Nava: de la rebelin de los coheteros al juicio poltico', in Martnez Assad, Municipios en conflicto, pp. 55-74.
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may be too lofty to worry about regional, municipal or local caciques; but state caciques have been a perennial threat and problem. Conflicts and ousters have therefore been common. During 192040 they were often violent: Crdenas cut through a swathe of Callista state caciques in the mid-1950s; his toppling of Cedillo in 1938-39 was an exemplary lesson in centre-state relations (yet, at the same time, Crdenas connived at the construction of the cacicazgo Avilacamachista in Puebla: after all, Manuel Avila Camacho was a faithful follower and, ultimately, Crdenas' chosen successor)."3 Later, though the violence dwindled, the conflicts continued. Presidents Avila Camacho and Alemn purged Cardenista state governors. More recently, Salinas removed a clutch of state governors, partly in response to democratic protests. Mexico-watchers hailed a new democratic dawn. But, in part, Salinas was following an old tradition, whereby the national cacique sacifices state caciques on the altar of public opinion and political expediency. At level three and below we encounter the classic caciques, 'amos y seores de los destinos de nuestra Patria Chica'." 4 They are less celebrated than the state caciques mentioned above, who have tended to dominate the recent historiography. But they are notable for their longevity, for their ubiquitous archival presence, and for the key role they have played in the construction and maintenance of the postrevolutionary political system. They would include Juchitn's Heliodoro Charis and Huejutla's Juvencio Nochebuena, already mentioned; Gabriel Barrios of the Sierra Norte de Puebla and Ernesto Prado of the Once Pueblos of Michoacn."5 The size of their fiefs and the cut-off point between them and (level 4) 'municipal' caciques, whose power radiates out from a single headtown - are not easy to define, especially given the variation in size of Mexican municipios."6 It is clear, however, that the cases just cited involve caciques who controlled several municipios and who, on that basis, could figure as major players in state politics. Ernesto Prado (and the other Prados) hailed from the pueblo of Tanaquillo (population about 400 in 1940), in the municipio of Chilchota (total population about 9,000); but their influence spread beyond both their native pueblo and its municipio, throughout the Meseta Tarasca, reaching as far as La Piedad and Ptzcuaro."7 Juvencio Nochebuena controlled the Huasteca Hidalguense, distributed his protection and patronage widely, and was a key player in state
113 Wil Pansters, Politics and Power in Puebla (Amsterdam, 1990). 114 'Lords and masters of the destinies of our Little Country': J. Hernndez Garca et al., Chihuahua, to Crdenas, 11 June 1936, Mugica Archive, Instituto Nacional de Estudios Histricos de la Revolucin Mexicana, Jiquilpn, 61/10. 115 Keith Brewster, 'Caciquismo in Rural Mexico During the 1920s: The Case of Gabriel Barrios', Journal of Latin American Studies, 28/1 (Feb. 1996), pp. 105-28 (and Brewster, this volume); Senz, Carapn, pp. 10, 23-4 and Caldern (this volume). 116 In particular, note the sheer multiplicity (hence, smallness) of Oaxaca's 570 municipios (a quarter of the national total). 117 Jimenez Castillo, Hudncitp, pp. 137, 235; Caldern, this volume.
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politics (as Gabriel Barrios had been, a decade earlier, in Puebla)."8 Some regional caciques, like Charis and Nochebuena, lasted up to twenty years, rotating (or spurning) office in a way that superiors - state governors, not to mention presidents - could not have managed. Such longevity suggests an ability to resist challenges, whether of cacical rivals, or of broader civic opposition movements. Their territories are manageable: the 'regions' of 'regional' caciques (for example, the Huasteca Potosina) tend to reflect a certain economic and ecological unity; they enjoy, perhaps, an organic - in the case of Juchitn an ethnic solidarity which states often lack."9 Regional caciques usually pose no serious threats to presidents. Many, in fact, owe their longevity to presidential favour: presidents do not mind perpetuating regional caciques, but they would balk at perennial state governors. A considerable crop of caciques (Prado, Nochebuena, Charis) were raised along with Crdenas and, thanks to their close personal identification with el general, flourished long after Crdenas had left Los Pinos.120 Regional (level 3 ) cacicazgos are usually built on the basis of lesser (level 4) municipal cacicazgos-. Don Flavio of Arandas and Don Melchor of Paracho; Alberto Dorantes of Sahuayo and the Valdespino family of Santiago Tuxpn (Michoacn);121 Jos Mozo of Tlalnepantla, on the outskirts of Mexico City;122 the Caso clan of Naranja;123 Fernando Basurto Limn of Zacoalco (Jalisco);124 'Jaime Lira' of Zacapoaxtla (Puebla), 'Arturo Martnez' of Zimapan (Hidalgo), and 'Marcos Calvo' of Mixquiahuala (Hidalgo);125 Pablo Pea and Amado Palacios of Nuevo Laredo;126 the Medina family of Balleza, the Licns of Meoqui, and the Salidos of Guazapares (all Chihuahua);127 Emilio Vargas of Huazalingo and Andrs Guilln of Chililco,
118 Schryer, Ethnicity and Clasi Conflict, pp. 127-42; Brewster, 'Caciquismo in Rural Mexico'. 119 Rubin, Decentering the Regime, ch. 2. 120 Crdenas still exercised palanca (leverage) in 1970, shorly before his death: Vlez-Ibez, Rituals of Marginality, p. 99; see also Caldern, this volume, and Romanucci-Ross, Conflict, Violence and Morality, p. 176. 121 J. Remedios Rodrguez to Mugica, 4 Aug. 1933, Mugica Archive, Instituto de Estudios Histricos de la Revolucin Mexicana 'Lzaro Crdenas', Jiquilpn, Michoacan, vol. 24, doc. 217, which points out that the Valdespino family currently provide the presidente municipal, the juez, the jefe de armas, the president of the ejidal commission, and the president of the cooperative, while also controlling the civil registry, the cemetery, and 'hasta el ltimo puesto de gendarme'. 122 Agustn Garca to Crdenas, 25 June 1940, A G N , Direccin General de Gobierno, caja 99, 2/ 321 P(i2) 1613. 123 Friedrich, Princes of Naranja. 124 Knight, 'Habitus and Homicide', p. 115. 125 Par, 'Caciquismo', pp. 47-8, Martnez Vzquez, 'Despojo y manipulacin campesina', pp. 158-62, 175-6. 126 Jess Gamboa to Crdenas, 10 Feb. 1936, archivo particular de Emilio Portes Gil, A G N , 68 T-6, lamenting that 'things had got to the point where no one consulted the municipal president or town council, but they all said, sotto voce, that Pablo and Amado fixed everything'. 127 Mark Wasserman, Persistent Oligarchs (Durham, N C , 1993), p- 125.
junior allies of Nochebuena in Hidalgo.118 Apart from being necessary cogs in the great cacical machine, these municipal cacicazgos offer the possibility of promotion, whether by means of preferment from above, or mobilization from below. Primo Tapia, the great agrarian cacique of Naranja, briefly transcended his local and municipal roots, bidding to become a regional cacique at least equal to Ernesto Prado; but his death curtailed the process, and his successors in Naranja, principally the Casos, had to content themselves with municipal status.129 As the Tapia case illustrates, lower level caciques are vulnerable to the vicissitudes of power higher up; and this was particularly true during the turbulent period c. 1920-35, when a succession of military revolts and national factional disputes produced rapid turnover of caciques at the lower levels - usually, it seems, the work of aggressive state governors.'30 Following the mid-i930s greater stability prevailed, hence the greater durability of cacicagos at both regional and municipal level. Given the personal, face-to-face quality of patron-client relations, cacical units cannot sprawl extensively. Even municipal caciques therefore need client caciques - caciquillos, 'mini-caciques''3' - at the local level (five). The latter, who hold sway over local communities (pueblos, villages, even street blocks)'32 are like hidden capillary roots, digging deep into the earth, drawing sustenance for the proliferating branches above. Again, the formal offices occupied by local caciques are highly variable: they may be political officials, judges, police, teachers (the maestrocacique is a common phenomenon) or, in 'traditional' Indian communities, ancianos, roughly 'elders', whose authority derives in part from their place in the cargo system.'33 Even parish priests can figure as local caciques (which is not altogether surprising if one recalls the role of colonial curas, analysed by William Taylor).'34 Some local caciques are remarkably durable: in San Miguel El Alto (Jalisco) a municipal secretary, immune to the strictures of no reeleccin, held formal office and a good deal of informal power uninterruptedly for thirty years.'35
128 Schryer, Ethnicity and Class Conflict, pp. 141-2. 129 Paul Friedrich, Agrarian Revolt in a Mexican Village (Chicago, 1977 ) and Princes of Naranja. Even by maintaining a 'level 4' (municipal) cacicazgo, the Casos of Naranja were in some ways punching above their weight, given the small size of their home base. 130 E.g., Mugica to Crdenas, 28 June 1938, Mugica archive vol. 179, p. 393, on municpal turnover in Chiapas. Many other examples could be given. 131 Or caciquitos-, Vlez-Ibez, Rituals of Marginality, pp. 144,187. 132 Vlez-Ibez, Rituab of Marginality, p. 88. 133 See Rus, this volume. Local caciques who combine cargo positions would be the closest to (Weberian) 'traditional' authorities (see n. 41). The schoolteacher/whitecollar cacique appears to have become the norm in some regions: in the Villa Alta district of Oaxaca, for example, 'only schoolteachers, government employees, and merchants are candidates for cacique status': Parnell, Escalating Disputes, p. 40. 134 William Taylor, Magistrates of the Sacred (Stanford, 1997). For cura-caciques: James Greenberg, Blood Ties (Tucson, 1988), p. 5, and Parnell, Escalating Disputes, pp. i9-2off. 135 Leticia Gndara Mendoza, 'La evolucin de una oligarqua. El caso de San Miguel el Alto', in Martnez Saldaa and Gndara Mendoza, Poltica y sociedad en Mxico, p. 270.
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The local caciques of Yucatn - brief, fair-weather allies of radical governor Felipe Carrillo Puerto - survived his fall and, in some cases continued to prosper.'36 Indeed, one is tempted to formulate a rule of thumb which states that cacicazgos are potentially durable in inverse proportion to their scope and power: presidentcaciques are short-lived but very powerful; local caciques may be weak, but can endure.137 5. Cacical modus operandi Having sketched the typology, I want to give some attention to the cacical modus operandi, especially as it applies at levels two, three, and four, where the cacique's 'Janus' character is most apparent. Caciques face 'upwards' and have certain obligations to their superior patron(s). In polities with a competitive though caciquista electoral system, it is the cacique's mobilization of the vote which counts for most, and, indeed, such caciques usually carry party labels. Tammany Hall's Boss Tweed was a Democrat; in Spain, Sagasta and Cnovas each headed a hierarchy of Liberal and Conservative caciques. Colombia follows the Spanish pattern. In Mexico, however, though elections were regular and, at times, significant, they were to a degree sui generis, especially from the late 1920s to the late 1980s. Since the dominant party (PNR, PRM, PRI) won the vast majority of elections, caciques were usually members and servants of that party. Only at the lowest level was there some slippage, notably in the multiple municipios of Oaxaca, where a crude form of electoral pluralism existed long before the political reform and national apertura of the 1980s and '90s. Usually - and at levels two and three almost invariably caciques worked for the^PRI (or its predecessors, the PNR and PRM). However, as I have sid, this could create an optical illusion of party hegemony which would be unwarranted. Given the near-monopoly of the PRI, aspirants to office were strongly advised to work within its ranks, hence the PRI figured as a broad church, and competition for office was conducted within the party, in the sure knowledge that the (internal) winners would gain electoral office. The internal competition therefore counted for more than the public election. During the
136 Joseph, 'Caciquismo and the Revolution', pp. 212-17. 137 I suspect this may be more true of post-1940 than before. One 'structural' reason might be that the 1920s and '30s were years of endemic political instability when, furthermore, local caciques were sometimes popular, radical figures, at odds with local landlords, priests and elites. After c.1940 greater stability was achieved, under the auspices of the PRI, and caciques more faithfully reflected local vested interests. For a good example of enduring local caciquismo, see 'Alcaldes estilo mexicano', Proceso, no. 1220,19 March 2002, pp. 8-9, which focuses on Tepakn , a Yucatn pueblo (pop. 2,890) run by the Fernndez family since 1965, during which time a father, his two uncles and three of his sons served as municipal presidents, relying on pistoleros, and hounding opponents from the community. The Fernndez family 'have the reputation of being caciques and killers', comments a civic activist; 'Tekapn is not a municipio', a local peasant observes, 'it is the rancho of the Fernndez'.
1930s, as the new official party (PNR, 1939-38; PRM, 1938-46) consolidated, internal competition was brisk, and the party primaries (plebiscitos) were often boisterous affairs, involving fraud, a degree of violence, but also a measure of mass participation. Later, the corporate PRI achieved greater 'top-down' control over these internal processes of selection. Either way, however, lower level caciques had a part to play: less by way of fixing the election of PRI candidates against all comers, than by brokering the choice of PRI candidates - which, I repeat, could be a messy, corrupt, even violent, business, especially prior to the 1940s.'38 Of course, come election day, caciques had to get out the vote, and they used a range of methods to do so (July 1940 was a notorious instance).'39 But, especially post-1940, there was a ritualistic quality to the exercise, given that the result was largely a foregone conclusion. A massive majority reflected credit on the cacique; hence the famous 'Soviet' precincts of the PRI, where the party racked up 90100 per cent of the vote.'40 Victory was pretty much assured, so overwhelming victory - which looked good and humiliated the opposition became the goal. Only since the late 1980s have such results become anomalous. However, a potential paradox lurks here: to the extent that democracy has prospered and electoral competition has become more vigorous, so the role of local caciques in some regions may have grown, since the embattled PRI - and perhaps their rivals too'4' now need to get the vote out as never before. Apart from elections, caciques have or had a range of obligations to their superiors. They owe political support in a more generic fashion: they have to get people on to the street, whether to mount political demonstrations at the right time and place or to welcome visiting dignitaries governors, presidents to the locality. In the Huasteca Hidalguense, 'outsiders were always impressed by the large turnout of "Nochebuena's Indians" and the hospitality provided at the local banquets'.'42 The palanca (leverage) of city bosses could be measured by the number of buses they filled.'43 Caciques also have some responsibility for order: the best cacique is
138 Gruening, Mexico and its Heritage, is a rich source: see pp. 425, 433, 443, 453, 455, 458, 464, 469-70, 488. There is also abundant archival information. 139 A G N , Direccin General de Gobierno 99, 2/311 P(i2); El Universal, 16 July 1940, lists casualties. See also Knight, 'Habitus and Homicide', p. 119. 140 Gonzlez Casanova, Democracy in Mexico, p. 125. 141 The PRD, being in part an offspring of the PRI, has always shared some of the genetic material of its political parent (including some cacical genes). One standard criticism of the PAN has been that it lacks grassroots organization - there is no PAN machine. Thus, Vicente Fox won the 2000 election on the basis of a loose, diverse, electoral coalition (the 'friends of Fox'), coupled with a positive television presence. State and local elections demand somewhat different assets and approaches; while these do not have to be cacical in character (they can perfectly legal, democractic, and transparent), the pressure of political competition seems likely to select for some cacical practices (see Eisenstadt, 'Electoral Federalism', p.275, for some examples). 142 Schryer, Ethnicity and Class Conflict, p. 140. 143 Vlez-Ibez, Rituals ofMarginality, p. 208.
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one who incurs few headlines, while egregious repression may be the signal for the intervention of the centre (Aguas Blancas being a recent example).'44 Particularly important, the cacique is a source of information and political intelligence. We know that Diaz maintained a detailed correspondence with governors and jefes polticos. The files of both Presidentes and Gobernacin bulge with provincial reports (not all from recognisable caciques, it is true). And we may presume that, as the telephone replaced the telegraph, so cacical hierarchies were increasingly linked by direct conversations. Knowledge is power, especially in a fairly opaque polity like Mexico, where the media have been traditionally coy, and where rumour, gossip, cabal and camarilla flourish. 'Local knowledge' can be crucial. Gonzalo N. Santos, arriving in Mexico City in the mid-i92os, found his intimate knowledge of Huasteca politics a valuable asset:'45
in those days there were no long-distance telephones, no radio, still less television or airplanes, and the politicians in Mexico City knew only the most celebrated national leaders, they were therefore ignorant of the fact that I had been in charge of the wild politics of San Luis for nearly four years and I new all the tricks of the trade, though not the great mysteries of the capital'.
In some cases, where the 'cognitive capacity"46 and political reach of the central government are limited, the cacique may be in a strong position, capable of filtering political intelligence in and out of his territory. There is evidence that, by 1910, Diaz was ill-informed by some state caciques; as, perhaps, they themselves were by their own municipal caciques lower down the cognitive chain.The growth of the state's reach and cognitive capacity has presumably curtailed this phenomenon. Gobernacin should know when a leaf falls in the selva lacandona. But, perhaps especially in some southern states, cacical power - analogous, it has been said, to British colonial 'indirect rule' - has remained strong, filtering information in and out.'47 In Chiapas, in 1993, the central government no doubt chose to ignore signs of impending insurrection, for fear of derailing the NAFTA negotiations. But it may also be that over years if not decades the caciques of Chiapas self-interestedly screened out 'negative' intelligence, to the detriment of central government comprehension. In return for fulfilling such obligations to the satisfaction of his superior(s), the
144 Seventeen people were killed at Aguas Blancas, Guerrero, in June 1995, victims of the repressive regime of Governor Rubn Figueroa ('Mexico's most notorious cacique', Christan Science Monitor, 14 March 1996). Figueroa alleged that they were involved in armed subversion: 'they came for a war and they got a war', he allegedly stated, rhetorically asking, in good cacical style, 'are we or are we not the authorities?'. A year later, after repeated protests and inquiries, Figueroa was removed from office. 145 Santos, Memorias, p. 280. 146 Laurence Whitehead, 'State Organization in Latin America Since 1930', in Leslie Bethell (ed.), Cambridge History of Latin America [6/2]: Latin America Since 1930: Economy, Society and Politics (Cambridge, 1996), pp. 46-7. 147 Boege, Los mazatecos ante la nacin, p. 236.
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cacique can expect some benefts in return: political protection from above;'48 access to patronage; public works; and the prestige of political junkets. In that many of these represent not simply individual rewards (cash for the cacique or jobs for his cronies), but also collective benefits (roads, schools, irrigation) for the community, they are converted into distributive resources for the cacique himself - part of the pan he scatters among his own clients, which makes him a 'good' or, at least, a tolerable cacique. Indeed, it is these downward linkages which count for most in the cacique's modus operandi; for, if he can keep the local constituency 'happy', he has discharged his primary function in the eyes of those above. Most cacical activity therefore concerns state, municipal, or local brokerage. I will discuss this - quite complex activity under three headings: factionalism; violence (palo); and patronage (pan). 5a: Factionalism Factionalism and caciquismo appear to be inseparable. Factionalism is also ancient: Peter Guardino's description of late colonial village politics embodies elements which are to be found throughout postrevolutionary Mexico.'49 Factionalism the organization of social and political conflicts around rival patron-client networks of some longevity occurs at different levels. At the lowest level, it divides pueblos (hence, the image o gemeinschaftlich 'closed corporate communities' needs serious qualification, though not necessarily total rejection).'50 Higher up, it may divide communities (internally), or pit rival communities against each other. Caciques often manipulate factions to their own advantage - cacical battles for power are essentially factional. But caciques also mediate between factions. Either way, the two phenomena are inseparable, and probably mutually supportive. But since factionalism, like caciquismo, is Protean, it demands some sort of rough disaggregation. One clear, recurrent, variant is the battle for power and political supremacy fought within the formal politico-administrative structure: this may be termed spatial factionalism. Rival pueblos struggle for pre-eminence (or emancipation). In particular, 'head towns' (cabeceras) strive to retain control of their 'subject towns' (sujetos) while the latter seek independence.'5' More generally, neighbouring pueblos confront each other, vying for resources and recognition: Yahualica versus Atlapexco in Hidalgo; Amilpas versus Soyaltepec in Oaxaca.'52 Land, roads, forests
148 Gruening, Mexico and its Heritage, pp. 451, 454. 149 Peter F. Guardino, Peasants, Politics and the Foundation of Mexico's National State. Guerrero, 1800-57 (Stanford, 1996), pp. 28-30. Friedrich, Princes of Naranja, p. 136, goes further: ' what I have called cacical processes are of course nothing new, are older, in fact, than the Upper Paleolithic'. 150 There is a large literature. James B. Greenberg, Santiago's Sword. Chatino Peasant Religion and Economics (Berkeley, 1981), ch. 1, is a useful overview. 151 Guardino, Peasants, p. 28; Par, 'Caciquismo', p. 52; 152 Schryer, Ethnicity and Class Conflict, pp. 119, 198, 215; Philip Adams Dennis, Conflictos por tierras en el Valle de Oaxaca (Mexico,1976); see also Greenberg, Santiago's Sword, pp. 72-3.
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and water rights all figure as prizes in conflicts which may endure for generations even to the point where the distant origins of the conflict are lost in the mists of time. Recurrent conflicts - even pitched battles like the 1937 'Nopala War' in the Juquila district of Oaxaca - reinforce such allegiances, converting them into something like the 'hereditary hatreds' of Colombia.'53 Meanwhile, within communities, too, spatial factionalism is common. Rival barrios contest for pre-eminence and political office.'54 A second variant - perhaps even more common - is familial factionalism: factional struggles organized around key families and their clienteles, along the lines of Verona's Montagues and Capulets.'55 Needless to say, such factions are usually headed by caciques (there are even examples of caciques promoting fictive feuds in order to enhance their own power).'56 Like spatial factions, these family feuds can also acquire a life of their own. They are prosecuted though decades and generations ('friendship is short, hatred is long');'57 and local politics come to revolve around 'violent peasant entrepreneurs', Mexican counterparts of the Mafia or Camorra.'58 Though families real and fictive may often split apart on the rocks of factionalism, there remains a rough congruence, a continuity of family and clientele loyalty over time. What lies behind such factional disputes? On the face of it, considerations of naked power and personal rewards bulk large. Whether spatial or familial, factionalism appears as a kind of Hobbesian 'zero-sum-game', in which each actor struggles for advancement in a ruthless, amoral, unprincipled world: 'es pleito entre los mismos, hombre, de qutate tu para ponerme yo'.'59 It is the politics of the baboon troop writ large. (This analogy suggests a second element: power means patriarchy, and a distinct set of factional disputes appear to have been provoked and perpetuated by 'cuestiones' de faldas').'60 In many cases, however, power appears as an end in itself. Caciques, though by no means indifferent to material rewards, are driven by the libido dominandi, the lust for power.'6' Defeat can even engender a psychological collapse.'62 Their factional followers, similarly motivated, catch the
153 Greenberg, Blood Ties, p. 74. 154 Schryer, Ethnicity and Class Conflict, p. 243; Schryer, Rancheros ofPisaflores, p. 120; RomanucciRoss, Conflict, Violence, and Morality, p. 37; Greenberg, Santiago's Sword, p. 68; Elsie Clews Parsons , Mitla, Town of Souls (Chicago, 1936), p. ix, which also notes, p. 7, that the decline of barrio rivalry has made for a more peaceful ambience. 155 Gruening, Mexico and its Heritage, p. 474, notes the parallel. 156 Par, 'Caciquismo', p. 51. 157 Romanucci-Ross, Conflict, Violence, and Morality, p. 115. 158 Schryer, Ethnicity and Class Conflict, p. 143; Friedrich, Princes of Naranja. 159 'It's a battle of equals, man, to get you out to put me in': quoted by Bantjes, As If Jesus Walked the Earth, p. 29. 160 'Questions of skirts'. Schryer, Ethnicity and Class Conflict, p. 144. Many more cases could be cited. 161 Friedrich, Princes of Naranja, pp. 72, 134. Compare Gruening, Mexico and its Heritage, pp. 442, 446, on Zuno's 'horrible and insatiable lust for power'. 162 Vlez-Ibez, Rituals of Marginality, pp. 197, 202.
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crumbs from the cacical table (and hope one day to sit below the salt themselves). Or, more negatively, the imperatives of this Hobbesian world compel families and individuals to play by its remorseless rules: individual altruism spells disaster, collective factionalism is a logical form of self-protection (again, we note the relevance, in the abstract at least, of rational-choice models and game theory). To put it more simply, if you can't beat 'em, join 'em. However, factional struggles often seem to reveal an underlying rationale. They are not mere struggles for power and position. By the same token, caciques lead factions which embody a certain collective identity; caciques therefore 'represent' collective identities and struggles. Four such identities seem to recur (and they may blend and permutate in complex ways). First, there is an obvious class rationale. Both internal (intra-community) and external (inter-community) factional battles may be premised on class allegiances. In the 1920s Primo Tapia and the agrarian caciques of Michoacan captained their agraristas in a bloody struggle against the landlords and their allies.'03 The affarista leaders later caciques of the Laguna waged a similar war in the 1930s.'04 Agraristas versus ricos was a common pattern in factional disputes, evident, inter alia, in Gobernacin reports (and one assumes that Gobernacin informants were not usually doctrinaire Marxists who imposed such class labels).'6' As a result, the radical agrarian cacique became a stock figure of Mexican local politics, especially during the turbulent period c. 192040: apart from the well-known level 2 agrarian caciques (Cedillo, Tejeda, Mugica, Crdenas), there was crop of lesser (level 3 and 4) caciques, such as Primo Tapia, Ernesto Prado, Juan Pastin, and 'Young Flores' of Pisaflores.'66 Some 'agrarian' caciques were distinctly opportunistic;'67 others, for all their cacical corruption and violence, were genuine luchadores, respected by their peasant followers, feared by their landlord enemies. Some, like Primo Tapia, paid a heavy price for their radicalism. A second rationale was (and is) ethnicity. Both internal and external conflicts often exhibit an ethnic dimension, notably where a mestizo cabecera dominates Indian dependencies.'68 Dyadic rivalries, too, are coloured by ethnicity. Indian Yahualica confronts mestizo Atlapexco, whose inhabitants disparage the Indiada of their neighbouring community.'69 Hence caciques, too, come in various ethnic shades. We tend to envisage the classic postrevolutionary cacique along the lines of the mestizo boss Don Melchor of Paracho, graphically described by Carleton Beals; but Indian caciques and these are 'caciques' in the generic sense, of course, not
163 Friedrich, Agrarian Revolt; see also Boyer, this volume. 164 Toms Martnez Saldaa, El costo social de un xito politico (Chapingo, 1980). 165 Gruening, Mexico and its Heritage, p. 435; Eyler Simpson, The Ejido: Mexico's Way Out (Chapel Hill, 1936), pp. 358, 366. 166 On the latter, Schryer, Rancheros of Pisaflores, pp.87-9. On Pastin, see n. 54. 167 Raymond Buve, 'State Governors and Peasant Mobilization in Tlaxcala', in Brading, Caudillo and Peasant, ch. 10. 168 Alan Knight, The Mexican Revolution (Cambridge, 1986), vol. 1, p. 9. 169 Schryer, Ethnicity and Class. Conflict, pp. 119, 245, 266-7.
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the old colonial sense are legion.'70 Indeed, recent political and ethnic mobilization has probably added to their number. A third rationale concerns 'natives' and 'newcomers'. Some factions appear to recruit migrants, newcomers to the community, in opposition to 'natives'. These may not follow any prior class or ethnic attachment. Clearly, with population growth, community fissure, and increased migration, conflicts of this sort have tended to increase.'7' A final rationale is remarkably common, but has been scarcely studied in any systematic comparative fashion. It concerns 'conservatives' and 'progressives'. Clearly, this vague dichotomy may mask, or reflect, other divisions, including those of class, ethnicity and place-of-origin already mentioned. But it also appears in a free-standing form, apparently irreducible to prior, 'underlying' allegiances. It seems to pit those committed to 'change' or 'progress' against those who cleave to 'custom', 'tradition', the old ways. (There are several variations on this theme: tontos!correctos, cerrados!civilizados)'1* It follows that no class or ethnic group has a monopoly of either stance. 'Conservatism' in this respect is not the same as political conservatism, conventionally defined ; for example, popular Indian groups may reject 'progress' and espouse 'conservatism' (e.g., in seeking to defend fiestas or cargo systems), while well-to-do elites may oppose them.'73 The key point - which helps explain the apparent ideological indeterminacy of this alignment - is that groups are often defined in terms of their espousal or rejection of external influences (in this sense, one might substitute, say, 'autonomist' for 'conservative' and 'cosmopolitan' for 'progressive'); and 'influences' may vary greatly over time and place. In the 1930s, for example, external influences included land reform, socialist education, anticlericalism and unionization. 'Progressive', 'radical' and 'cosmopolitan' roughly went together. More recently, however, external influences have tended to follow the market (hence, consumer goods, bus lines, tourism) as well as federal government initiatives of a less socially radical kind: roads, electricity, INI, CONASUPO, PRONASOL. A single public works or educational project can, in some cases, provoke a deep factional schism within a community.'74 Finally, a sui generis 'external influence' which similarly provokes factional responses along 'conservative/progressive' lines is, of course, Protestantism, which, notably in Chiapas, has provoked conservative, Catholic, costumbrista reactions. In all such situations, caciques play a major role. By definition, caciques broker relations between communities and 'outside forces', both governmental and non170 Rus, this volume; Simpson, The Ejido, p. 479; Boege, Los mazatecos, p. 59. For Don Melchor of Paracho, see Carleton Beals, Mexican Maze (Philadelphia, 1931), p. 209. 171 Romanucci-Ross, Conflict, Violence and Morality, p. 38. 172 Romanucci-Ross, Conflict, Violence and Morality, pp. 38-9,112; Parnell, Escalating Disputes, pp. II, 24, 34-5, 65-6. 173 Parnell, Escalating Disputes, pp. 53-4. 174 Romanucci-Ross, Conflict, Violence and Morality, ch. 7 (the balneario)-, Parnell, Escalating Disputes, pp. 34jff. (the Escuela Tcnica Agropecuaria).
governmental.,7S And, just as factions assume 'conservative' as against 'progressive' stances, so, too, do the caciques who lead them. While the cacique/factional phenomenon can thus be disaggregated in terms of underlying rationales, it can also be analysed in structural (game-theoretic?) terms. Here we find ourselves repeating Dahl's old question: who governs? Or, given the Hobbesian world of caciquismo, who wins? At the risk of being - again - overly schematic, I think four outcomes are evident; or, given the complexity and circularity of some cacical stories, sequences of these four 'outcomes' unfold. First, a dominant cacique establishes his authority, either crushing his rivals, as Charis did in Juchitan, or successfully mediating among them from a position of strength, as Gonzalo N. Santos did in San Luis.17,5 Nationally, this is the usual position of the president who, since the mid-i930s, has brooked no rival and who, at most, mediates among lesser caciques and would-be presidents. Elsewhere in the hierarchy, however, such security is a rare luxury, and dominant caciques like alpha baboons - must be ever watchful against upstart rivals. Rivalry and insecurity may be all the greater the higher up the hierarchy we proceed (from level five up to level two). A second pattern might be called collective caciquismo. It is harder to discern, precisely because of its more discreet, collective character. We are dealing here not with one egregious individual the classic cacique of folklore and fiction but with a power-sharing group. A good example is that of Arandas, where four, five or six leaders shared power, avoiding internal dissent, collectively resisting challenges.'77 Romanucci-Ross describes a similar arrangement in a Morelos community.'78 If cacical unity can be maintained, this is a highly stable system, even capable of selfreproduction across generations (something which father/son cacical dynasties rarely achieve). It may be harder to research, however, since it attracts less comment or criticism. A third pattern is one of unstable diarchy, where two caciques, usually captaining rival factions, establish a rough stand-off (the Verona syndrome, we might call it). For this to occur, the stronger cacique must be unable or unwilling to crush his rival (hence, the diarchy may be chronically violent or watchfully peaceful).'79 Syndical factions, which, we have seen, can produce highly stable, long-term cacicazgos, can also generate chronic violence: for example in the Puebla and Veracruz textile factories of the 1930s, where the aggressive C T M sought - unsuccessfully to eliminate the intransigent CROMista rump.'80 In such situations the 'centre'
175 Cornelius, Politics and the Migrant Poor, p. 158. 176 Rubin, Decentering the Regime, p. 47. Santos's remarkable career is traced in Santos, Memorias, Pansters, 'Citizens with Dignity', and Claudio Lomnitz-Adler, Las salidas del laberinto (Mexico, 1995) chap. 11. 177 178 179 180 Gndara Mendoza, 'La evolucin de una oligarqua', pp. 249, 255, 263. Romanucci-Ross, Conflict, Violence and Morality, pp. 39,124. Assuming the rivalry is real and not fictive in the first place. Burt, Veracruz, to State Department, 3 Feb. 1938, State Department Records (Internal Affairs of Mexico) 812.504/1703; P. Vela Rodrig uez to Departamento Autnomo de Trabajo,
especially in association with caciquismo? I shall suggest some historical and functional arguments; but there are a couple of broader 'psycho-social' considerations which may be mentioned. First, as Paul Friedrich showed, potential caciques (in his case, the 'Princes of Naranja') were, from an early age, inured to harsh treatment, violence and abuse.'94 It is not surprising that, as they entered the political and agrarian struggles of post1910, they meted out harsh treatment to their opponents. A second factor is drink. The association of violence - political and apolitical - with drink seems clear. Not only are crimes of violence regularly associated with borracheras-, it is also the case that inebriation offers a valid plea in mitigation of violent crime.'95 More generally, too, the Mexican legal system takes a lenient view of crimes of violence. Sentences tend to be short; recidivism is frequent.'96 The arbitrary authority of the cacique, of course, conspires with judicial leniency in promoting acquittals. Quite literally, pistoleros can get away with murder. It is worth noting, too, the intimate assocation of caciquismo with liquor: not only do caciques ply their clients with drink (it is a classic form of cheap patronage),'97 caciques are also be to found running cantinas, stills and - notably in the border towns during Prohibition bootleg operations (which reminds us that the narcotraficantes of today stand in an old tradition).'98 In Chiapas the association of liquor and 'entrepreneurial caciquismo ' seems to have been particularly close (witness the Pedrero brothers' cacicazgo of the 1940s and '50s).'99 Thus, while the search for a macho personality easily degenerates into circular reasoning, there are certainly aspects of Mexico's judicial and political systems which have militated against successful depistolerizacin, hence in favour of continued poitical violence. At least two broader historical argument are also important. First, there can be
194 Friedrich, Princes of Naranja, p. 4ff. 195 Romanucci-Ross, Conflict, Violence and Morality, pp. 136, 143; Gruening, Mexico and Its Heritage, p. 456, gives an example from the State of Mexico, June 1925 'Sunday night there was skirmishing between the Rivapalacistas and the Dariolopistas ... provoked by the drunkenness and lust for blood of Margarito Gmez, of whom it is said that he shot at a bootblack just because he wore a Dario Lpez emblem'. 196 Knight, 'Habitus and Homicide', p. 116; Gruening, Mexico and Its Heritage, pp. 473, 479, notes the influence of constitutional inviolability (the 'political fuero') in the 1920s: as Diputado Enrique Hernndez Alvarez boasted to the police, shortly after shooting and killing Senator Manuel Hernndez Galvn in a Mexico City restaurant in 1936: 'Yes, I killed him, but look at my fuero. I am a deputy and you can't arrest me'. Whatever the legality of the claim, it proved politically effective. Times may have changed since the 1920s, but the notion of elite impunity - in respect of both corruption and crimes of violence - does not seem to have disappeared. 197 Jimnez Castillo, Hudncito, p. 484. 198 Joseph, 'Caciquismo and the Revolution', p. 215; Wasserman, Persistent Oligarchs, pp. 131-7; Nicole Mottier, 'Organized Crime and Political Corruption in Ciudad Jurez, Mexico, 1928-1937', Masters diss., Oxford University, 2004. 199 Lewis, this volume.
no doubt that the legacy of the armed revolution was an armed society, a society in which the possession of arms (guns and armas blancas) was widespread and where, no less importantly, their use was familiar, quotidian and even acceptable.100 Like other revolutions, the Mexican Revolution schooled young men in the use of the weapons and then - at various junctures - told them to go home and peacefully cultivate their milpas. Some of these 'hard boys' declined and, as conventional political warfare waned, they sought alternative employment.*01 Of course, conventional political warfare waned slowly: the military revolts of the 1920s, coupled with the Cristiada, gave ample opportunity for further recruitment and mobilization. But unconventional violence became more important: banditry, social and unsocial; defensas sociales and guardias blancas; urban crime and smuggling; paramilitary recruitment by local caciques; the arming of agraristas and schoolmasters during the turbulent 1930s. The defensas sociales, in particular, dominated communities and threw up political leaders from Chihuahua to Chiapas. Governors like Almeida of Chihuahua rose through the ranks of the defensa social-, Ernesto Prado of the Once Pueblos of Michoacn based his power on the local defensa.202 The political colouration of this violence varied as much as cacical politics itself. Prado was a die-hard Cardenista and agrarista-, but guardias blancas often served as the shocktroops of conservative caciques, like Manuel Parra of Veracruz.203 Over time, a degree of pacification occurred, especially at state and national levels. While, in the 1920s, the central government needed the services of armed regional caciques we could also call them petty caudillos - like Gabriel Barrios of the Sierra Norte de Puebla, by the 1930s that need had diminished. Armed challenges to the central government receded (note the fiasco of Cedillo's revolt), while the opportunity cost - both political and budgetary - of maintaining semiindependent armed fiefs had grown. Armed caciques (petty caudillos) gradually gave way to civilian caciques. The latter did not eschew violence, but they possessed a broader repertoire of political resources. In addition, the ageing national political elite stopped killing each other, and adopted more decorous means of sanctioning defeated enemies (note Crdenas's gentle treatment of Calles). As a result, political
200 Schryer, Rancheros of Pisaflores, p. 79, records an eye-witness account of a rebel attack on Pisadores in October 1922, when 'the [Federal] soldiers [garrisoning the town] came running and were joined by our boys here in town who still had guns from the revolution'. 201 Simpson, The Ejido, p. 433. 202 Gruening, Mexico and Its Heritage, p. 437; Wasserman, Persistent Oligarchs, pp. 37-8, 44-5; Senz, Carapn, p.23. 203 Fowler Salamini, Agrarian Radicalism, pp. 132, 136-7; Antonio Santoyo, La Mano Negra. Poder regional y Estado en Mxico (Veracruz, 1928-43). Two aspects of Parra's egregious career deserve mention in this context: first, though his cacical violence was largely local, it also erupted in the national capital, when Veracruz gubernatoral candidate Manlio Fabio Altamirano was gunned down in the Caf Tacuba (allegedly) by Parra's pistoleros in 1936; second, by breaking up the Tejedista machine in Veracruz, Crdenas appears to have benefitted Parra's local cacicagzo.
violence was purged from the top, but pushed down to the nether reaches of the sociopolitical hierarchy. We may roughly generalize, therefore, that, since the 1930s, political violence correlates with the lower levels of caciquismo mentioned above. This, however, is a political trajectory and explanation, broadly valid for the nation as a whole. There is a contrasting socioeconomic pattern which follows its own independent logic and which displays marked regional differences. The Revolution of 1910 to the extent that it responded to some underlying socioeconomic malaise represented a collective protest against a generation of Porfirian 'development', especially in respect of the impact which commercial (often export) agriculture had had on peasant communities.204 Mutatis mutandis, similar causal patterns developed at later stages in Mexico's history. Roughly, market demand for coffee, cattle, timber, oil, drugs stimulated regional 'booms', characterized by rising land values, pressure on peasant resources, internal stratification and proletarianization, leading to social and political conflict, in which caciquismo played a central role. In that these were often phases of'primitive accumulation' involving the irruption of the market into erstwhile 'regions of refuge' they tended to affect hitherto 'remote', Indian, central/southern, or sierra communities: highland Sinaloa, the Huasteca, parts of Oaxaca, highland Chiapas. If, during 191020, sugar seemed to be the most socially divisive crop,205 after 1940 coffee cultivation appears to correlate most closely with phases and regions of violence (something which students of Colombia or Peru might not find surprising). Demand for coffee was buoyant, and coffee cultivation was well-suited both to temperate hillsides (the sort of terrain which subsistence peasants had long inhabited and which older haciendas had largely spurned) and to direct peasant cultivation (which meant that conflict often pitted peasants against peasants, as well as peasants against n'ot hacendados - but commercial middlemen). Thus, while the conflicts generated by, say, logging and stockraising in Chiapas are now well known, there has also been a cycle of violence associated with coffee in Oaxaca and the Huasteca.206 Since these were often regions of entrenched caciquismo, coffee booms gave an added impetus to cacical violence: the stakes were higher, there was now more to fight over. In some cases, such booms converted relatively tranquil zones into battlegrounds, as a new generation of pistoleros were hired, or older thugs came out of retirement.207 Needless to say, the same argument can be made, a fortiori, in respect of the drugs boom of the 1980s and after. Again, drugs follow an old tradition of export-led agrarian change, associated with heightened tension, social conflict, and cacical violence. Drugs are unusual only because of the scale of the demand, and the illegal nature of the product which, of course, exacerbates the familar problems of caciquismo and violence.
204 205 206 207 Knight, Mexican Revolution, vol. 1, ch. 3. Knight, Mexican Revolution, vol. 1, pp. 105-6,349. Schryer, Rancheros of Pisaflores, ch. 7; Greenberg, Blood Ties, p. 4ff. Schryer, Rancheros of Pisaflores, pp. 116, 155.
$c. Patronage Market booms, whether of coffee or drugs, also generate resources. Thus, they put more pan - more patronage in the hands of caciques. It would be quite wrong, therefore, to assume, a priori, that commercialization and market-deepening must result in a more transparent political economy, committed to doux commerce. (Consider contemporary Russia.) But this raises the important question of patronage, the positive side of cacical authority. I have stressed that caciques do not and cannot rule solely on the basis of coercion (palo). Even syndical caciques have to do something for their rank-and-file. But what they do varies a good deal by time and place. I shall rather arbitrarily divide cacical patronage into economic and political forms; at the same time, and anticipating my conclusion, I shall note, as regards both forms, a distinct evolution over time. It is a commonplace that caciques themselves are out to make money, and that caciques are not usually poor. Some, indeed, are the economic kingpins of their communities or regions. However, during the upheaval of the revolutionary era (roughly 191040), plenty of plebeian caciques rose to power. Of course, they tended to become richer. But their economic patronage could not derive solely or primarily from their own private resources. That is why land reform became crucial. While I would not accept the ultrarevisionist argument which sees the ejido simply as a 'top-down' strategy designed to forge a peasant clientele (since, for one thing, the ejido was often the fruit of dogged 'bottom-up' peasant struggle), it is clear that the agrarian reform underpinned a clutch of caciques at level two (Portes Gil, Tejeda), level three (Tapia, Prado) and below. Some, of course, were opportunistic agraristas.10% But whether agrarismo was 'sincere' or 'cynical', the ejido still offered a solid material benefit, accessible to those who had the right leadership, contacts, and commitment often violent commitment. The agrarian cause needed its luchadores-, and they, in turn, needed the patronage of higher-level caciques. Hence the swathe of deals which Crdenas cut with third and fourth level caciques, such as Prado or the 'Princes of Naranja', bolstering his power in return for (inter alia) ejidal grants and poliitcal back-up. Such grants offered a means not only to reward friends, but also to punish enemies, such as Callista landlords. And, since the ejido was a conditional grant, it afforded lesser caciques notably level four and five ejidal bosses - a convenient means to control and mobilize their local clienteles.209 After c. 1940, of course, the pace of agrarian reform slackened, although there were later bursts of land distribution. Like other postrevolutionary peasantries in France or Bolivia for example - the 'reformed' peasantry, possessed of land, became a more conservative force, tied to the apron-strings of the ruling PRI. Ejidal grants lost their appeal: there was less land to distribute, and the ejidatarios lot was not an enviable one. Ejidal communities, once they had received land, also became more
208 Buve, 'State Govenors', pp. 237-8; Schryer, Rancheros ofPisaflores, pp. 80, Sff. 209 Friedrich, Princes of Naranja, pp. 121-4,157-8.
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26C A C I Q U I S M O IN T W E N T I E T H - C E N T U R Y M E X I C O
introverted, less involved in broader campesino alliances.2'0 (Interestingly, new urban settlements often went through a similar process: a phase of popular mobilization associated with the acquisition and 'tarification' of land, was followed by a lapse into more quiescent, run-of-the-mill politics).2" New forms of economic patronage now came to predominate. In postrevolutionary Mexico - as in postrevolutionary France - the peasants had land, but they now needed credit (for which the ejido offered no collateral). The tyranny of the landlord was replaced by the tyranny of the usurer.2'2 It was expected that the cacique would provide credit: for fiestas, seed, animals, law suits, medical treatment.2'3 Sometimes, the Ejidal Bank supplied the credit; hence, critics alleged, the Bank acquired cacical qualities quite at odds with its formal Weberian status. But often credit was informal and private, linked to the rise of rich - usually local or municipal - caciques who controlled the local shops, cantinas, gas stations and trucks, who held the Pemex or Pepsi-Cola monopolies, who patronized local sports events and fiestas.2'4 Although violence by no means disappeared in some regions, we have seen, commercialization augmented violence these post-i940s level four caciques usually relied a great deal on economic resources and distribution. Furthermore, especially from the 1970s, the federal government became a major distributor of resources itself: through public works, CONASUPO, PRONASOL, PROGRESA and so on. Local caciques' capacity to attract, tap into and channel these resources became crucial. But, historically, cacical patronage took another form: political rather than economic, negative rather than positive. Such patronage typically involved protection against outside threats, rather than the distribution of material rewards. This was an old tradition. Nineteenth-century caciques (who had few material resources to distribute) had, for example, protected their clients against forced recruitment (the leva). The p'erils of the revolutionary era placed a premium on cacical protection. The Defensas Sociales, already mentioned, were born as quasi210 Ann L. Craig, The First Agraristas (Berkeley, 1983), p. 138, records how, following the reparto in Los Altos de Jalisco, 'each ejidal community was involved in its own internal governance problems'. 211 Cornelius, Politics and the Migrant Poor, pp. 146-7, 153, 161, which notes that one consequence of 'demobilization' may be a loss of power on the part of mobilizing caciques; who, as a result, may seek to prolong mobilization, even to the extent of obstructing successful outcomes. For a rural equivalent, see Martinez Vazquez, 'Despojo y manipulacin campesina', p. 161, n. 13. Susan Eckstein, The Poverty of Revolution (Princeton, 1988), p. 84, generalizes this phenomenon further. 212 Martnez Saldaa, 'Formacin y transformacin', pp. 75-6; see also Roger Bartra, Agrarian Structure and Political Power in Mexico (Baltimore, 1993), p. 67; Zrate, Procesos de identidad, pp. 185, 187; and Thierry Linck, Usura rural en San Luis Potos (Zamora, 1982), pp. 141-5, which, though it does not address caciquismo directly, notes that, in many cases, 'the aim of usury is basically the building or reinforcement of clienteles' (p. 145). 213 Boege, Los mazatecos, pp. 54, 237; Simpson, The Ejido, p. 379. 214 Martnez Saldaa, 'Formacin y transformacin', pp. 69-70; Romanucci-Ross, Conflict, Violence, and Morality, pp. 129-30; Jimnez Castillo, Hudncito, pp. 455-6.
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vigilante organizations, designed to protect communities against marauders, especially in the later stages of the armed revolution.215 Over time (and here we may note a distant parallel with the evolution of the early modern state) external protection was complemented, even outstripped, by internal extortion.2'6 The vigilantes began to prey on their own people. But external threats remained: the Cristeros in the 1920s, at least in the centre-west; sporadic banditry (for example, Morelos' El Tallarn) in the 1930s; compulsory military service in the early 1940s; in the late '40s, the feared rifle aftosa.117 Some external threats were extreme and bizarre little, local versions of the. grande peur of the French Revolution. In Oaxaca, strange rumours of child-stealers circulated: trucks were coming to take away children who would be sacrificed beneath the foundations of the Estadio Azteca, or plunged into the Ixtoc oilwell. The local cacique, Hernndez, was credited with halting the trucks and saving the comunity's children.2'8 After the 1940s, external threats were usually pacific rather than violent (although the violence of Mexican cities should not, of course, be underestimated).2'9 The extended reach of the federal govenment, in particular, posed challenges which the cacique, as the gatekeeper of the community, could to a degree monitor: military service, quarantine regulations, public works programmes (roads, dams) and new federal agencies (INI, CONASUPO, PRONASOL). While these could appear as resources, they were also potential threats. Roads benefited some groups, prejudiced others.220 Caciques promoted some public works, but stymied others: they might veto a road or oppose the intrusion of a federal agency. The factional disputes between 'conservatives' and 'progressives', mentioned above, often revolved around such issues; caciques were to be found captaining factions of both kinds, sometimes locked in dyadic local struggles.
215 Knight, Mexican Revolution, vol. 2, pp.437-8. 216 See Charles Tilly, 'War Making and State Making as Organized Crime', in Peter B. Evans, Dietrich Rueschemeyer and Theda Skocpol (eds.), Bringing the State Back In (Cambridge, 1985), pp. 169-91. 217 Even in the (civilized? anomic?) city, defence against a hostile outside (extra-community) world formed part of the cacique's repertoire, to the extent that caciques aimed 'to create a sense of community solidarity by fostering a collective perception of "external threats" to the community's chances for survival and development': Cornelius, Politics and the Migrant Poor, p. 154. 218 Boege, Los mazatecos, p. 123. 219 Vlez-Ibez, Rituals of Marginality , pp. 128-9, 131, 145, 197. 220 E.g., Par, 'Caciquismo', p. 42, on mercantile opposition to road-building in the Sierra Norte de Puebla (specifically, in Zacapoaxtla, seat of the regional cacicazgo). Zrate, Procesos de identidad, p. 180 gives other recent examples of cacical 'gatekeeping' (my term).
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6. Cacical Evolution Ac several points I have noted an evolutionary shift in Mexican politics, often hingeing around the 1940s: the transition from violent to pacific external threats, just mentioned; the decline of military and agrarista caciques and the rise of more civilian, entrepreneurial bosses; the growth in federal government authority and, later, federal spending. It remains, in this last section, to relate this shift more systematically to cacical activities, thus to move from an overly synchronic and structural approach to one that is more diachronic and evolutionary. Since this chapter is already over-long, I will deal with this final topic briefly and superficially. As 'link-men', mediators or brokers, caciques stand at the gateways between different levels of political activity. Since the entire, multi-level system changes over time, cacical activities also change. A broad structural definition, or model, is quite compatible with shifting macro-political circumstances. But the latter are also important. In particular, we should note that the multi-level analysis allows for considerable variation, or 'slippage', between different levels. This 'slippage' may be ideological, or here I am groping for the right word 'procedural'. Ideological slippage is evident when the several levels of political activity are out of step. Examples are not hard to find (especially for the turbulent period 192040). Conservative presidents have co-existed with more radical state governors, as well as lower level caciques: hence, Calles, Tejeda, Primo Tapia. With Cardenas, the pattern was reversed: a reformist president cut deals with conservative caciques, such as Charis and Nochebuena. Throughout, lower levels caciques had to be ideologically flexible: in order to appease the 'centre' and thus to survive, radicals were obliged to endorse Avila Camacho and Alemn.221 This was possible in part because caciquismo, though it'could assume highly ideological forms, tended to the pragmatic and expedient: 'arreglos transcend ideology'.222 Which student of Mexican politics has not been struck by the remarkable flexibility of Mexican (especially PRI) polticos, their capacity to be all things to all men, to 'reinvent' themselves and their party on a sexennial basis, to spout high-falutin' rhetoric, while engaging in political hardball? Such practices have been noted under numerous headings: the 'pendulum effect'; the 'broad church' of the PRI; the dissonant 'public' and 'hidden transcripts' of the regime.223 Caciquismo is both a symptom and an explanation of this 'schizoid' syndrome. Arbitrary, personalist patron-client relations are resistant to ideological politics: something which the ardent apologists of President Salinas, especially those in the USA, tended to overlook. If, on the one hand, the Mexican political system (or, if you prefer, Mexican political culture) has allowed an unusually flexible 'articulation' of contrasting ideologies, so, too, it has permitted a corresponding articulation of political procedures.
221 E.g., Durand, 'Burocracia sindical', pp. 245-6. 222 Vlez-Ibez, Rituals ofMarginality, p. 100. 223 Knight, 'Mxico bronco'; the terms are taken from James C. Scott, Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts (New Haven, 1990).
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By 'procedures' I mean contrasting ways of doing politics: in particular, the three paradigmatic ways previously identified democratic, bureaucratic and caciquista. The commonplace view that postrevolutionary Mexico witnessed the growth of mass corporatist organizations, of more powerful centralized state institutions, and of huge, 'modern' cities, is to a degree correct. It is probably correct, too, to see these bureaucratizing trends as somewhat antithetical to caciquismo. However, as we have seen, caciques have been remarkably durable, capable of responding to major shifts in politics and society. They have to a degree 'cannibalized' the mass organizations and centralized programmes (including, most recently, PRONASOL). 224 They have even cropped up in quintessentially modern, technocratic institutions like universities. Thus, the appearance of 'massification' and 'modernization', of the forging of a new, 'Weberian' Mexico, may be misleading. Twentieth-century Mexico has also witnessed successive democratic movements, dating back to Madero in 1910 and Vasconcelos in 1929. These, too, have fought caciquismo. Caciques have indeed fallen, sometimes toppled by movements of civic opposition (e.g., Navismo), sometimes ousted by reformist or Machiavellian? presidents. Rubin discerns a generational culling of caciques - a mass extinction of the dinosaurs occurring around the late 1960s and early 1970s.225 There is clearly something in this (it partly reflects the natural life-cycle of caciques who consolidated power under Cardenista auspices in the 1930s, as well as deeper changes in Mexican society). In Rubin's own case of Juchitn the eventual outcome - after several vicissitudes, including a phase of'new caciquismo was a genuine popular movement, COCEI. 226 But COCEI, as Rubin notes, is far from typical. Anti-cacical insurgencies (such as Navismo) do not necessarily produce political transformations. In the last year of the last century, democratization took a genuine leap forward with the victory of the opposition in the presidential election.227 By wresting from the PRI both the federal executive and the ample reserves of patronage which went with it, the victory ofVicente Fox certainly transformed Mexican politics. The old rules of the game - already in flux - went out of the window; and the current (2004) political impasse is, in large measure, a consequence of that transformation and of the collective political apprenticeship which all parties and political actors are now serving. By virtue of promoting greater pluralism,228 accountability, and
224 Robert R. Kaufman and Guillermo Trejo, 'Regionalism, Regime Transformation, and PRONASOL: The Politics of the National Solidarity Program in Four Mexican States', Journal of Latin American Studies, 29/3 (Oct. 1997), pp. 717-46. 225 Rubin, Decentering the Regime, pp. 67-8. 226 Rubin, Decentering the Regime, chs. 4, 5. 227 Given the emphasis on (cacical) continuity in this chapter, I would stress that 2000 did witness a major shift in Mexican politics - even if the implications of that shift remain far from clear. A second minor, clarification: I adhere to the pedantic - but correct - school of thought which regards 2000 as the last year of the twentieth century and of the second millennium AD, not the first of the twenty-first century and third millennium. 228 By 'pluralism' I mean the existence of real party competition and alternancia, which now means that electoral outcomes are genuinely uncertain - a key prerequisite of (electoral) democracy.
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transparency, this outcome propelled Mexico towards democracy thus away from the caciquista corner of the three-way tug-of-war mentioned earlier. However, the stamina and ingenuity of vested interests, caciques included, should not be underestimated. The weakening of the federal executive creates space for lowerlevel political actors, some of whom like Governors Madrazo and Bartlett seem reminiscent of the state caciques of the 1920s and '30s. Yet lower in the hierarchy, local caciques can survive and, as in the past, creatively adjust to these changes. Indeed, to the extent that elections now count for more, the cacical ability to get out the local vote is at a premium. What is more, political decentralization - which has become something of a mantra in recent discussions of 'good governance' in Latin America, Mexico included - may have the effect of devolving power and resources not to model local democracies, but rather to classic local caciques. Economic restructuring, too, while it may have weakened (some) syndical cacicazgos, has permitted the survival of others; and, with the dramatic growth of the informal sector in recent years, so the role of caciques - and cacicas - in this sector (streetvending, lottery sales, trash-combing) has probably increased.129 Given that Mexico has lived with an 'articulation of modes of politics' in the past, as contrasting political ideologies and procedures have coexisted in a loose, shifting ensemble, we should not necessarily expect the future to produce clearcut and definitive outcomes, as pundits often seem to predict: an efficiently technocratic Mexico (Salinas' promise, much in vogue c.1990); a transparently democratic Mexico (Fox's vision, ten years later); a popular-democratic (neo-Zapatista) Mexico; or a chaotic, crime-ridden 'Colombianized' Mexico.230 We may get a bit of each, awkwardly articulated. And who better to manage this awkward articulation, to monitor the 'crucial junctures or synapses ... which connect the local system to the larger whole'23' than the cacique, Don Melchor himself, suitably 'modernized', repackaged and even empanizado^1 Perhaps this book, by reviewing case-histories o caciquismo in the twentieth century, may also offer a few cautionary tales for the twenty-first.
229 Carlos Monsivais, 'La moral es un rbol que da moras', Letras Libres-, no. 24 (die. 2000), p. 24; see also Cross, Informal Politics. 230 For example, the apocalyptic vision of Delal Baer, 'Mexico at an Impasse', Foreign Ajfairs, 85/ i (Jan.-Feb. 2004): a vision which contrasts so starkly with her previous upbeat assessments of the Salinas years that one is inclined to ask whether it is Mexico or Delal Baer who has changed so much in the interim. For a more convincing panorama of contemporary Mexican politics, which coincides with the analysis suggested here, see Cornelius, Eisenstadt and Hindley, Subnational Politics and Democratization in Mexico, especially Wayne Cornelius, 'Subnational Politics and Democratization: Tensions between Center and Periphery in the Mexican Political System', pp. 3-18, and Richard Snyder, 'After the State Withdraws: Neoliberalism and Subnational Authoritarian Regimes in Mexico', pp. 295-342. 231 Eric Wolf, quoted in Cornelius, Politics and the Migrant Poor, p. 158. 232 Empanizado = (literally) 'breaded', i.e., tastily prepared; but also involving a play on the name of President Fox's party, the PAN which, as I mentioned earlier, has not shown itself very adept ar emulating the machine politics pioneered by the PRI (and its progenitors); a failure which may be a source of regret, or approbation, depending on your point of view.
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Index
Adams, Richard, A., 252-255 Acevedo, Jess, 56 Agency of the Department of Livestock and Agriculture (Morelia), 143 agrarian reform, 43-44, 71-97, hi, 152-153, 156-157, 159, 161, 164, 167, 172-175 see also ejidos agrarianism, 100, 102, 106, no, in, 117, 119, 132-141 agraristas, 35, 43, 71-93, 95, 103, 106, n o ni, 154, 159, 280-283, 304 Aguilar, Candido, 65 alcohol trade, 81, 138A, 152, 157, 161-166, 174, 176-178 Alemn, President Miguel, 23, 27, 46, 142 Alianza de Propietarios de Camioneros de Jalisco, 215 Allende, Sebastin, Governor, 213, 214, 216 Alvarez Cisneros, Jos, 300-301 Alvarez Mendez, Arturo, 124 Anguiano, Victoriano, 142 anticlericalism, 79, 88, 91, 92, 100, 102, no, 152,157,160, 209, 215 Aranda Osorio, Governor, 166 Arriaga Rivera, Agustn, 138, 145-147 Arriaga, Isaac, 85 Asociacin Profesional de Acadmicos de la UAP (ASPAUAP), 317, 319 Atlamulco group, 235, 258-259, 269 Avila Camacho, President Manuel, 27, 46, 142, 235 Avila Camacho, Maximino, 302
Badillo, Governor Basilio, 215 banditry, 45, 119, 124 Barba Gonzlez, Silvano, 217 Barrios, Angel, 55-56 Barrios Cabrera, Gabriel, 13, 27, 41, 95, 113128 Bartlett Daz, Manuel, 48, 323, 325 Baz, Governor Gustavo, 260, 263 Benjamin, Thomas, 152, 155 Benemrita Universidad Autnoma de Puebla (BUAP), 301, 304-326 Berroeta, Luis, 235 Betancourt, Francisco, 105 Brading, David, 3, 250 Buenda, Guadalupe, 202, 208, 296 bureaucracy, 7, 13, 24, 47, 94, no, 113, 121, 125, 126, 204, 221-222, 238-239, 241, 243, 255, 263-266, 270-271, 274, 286, 289-290, 297, 299, 303-308, 323 bureaucratic authoritarianism, 1617 Bustamente de Gmez, Rosaura, 67 cacique, 8-43, 113, 151, 183, 204-208, 249252, 273 agrarian cacique, 71-93, 95, no, 131-141, 302 entrepreneurial cacique, 40, 151-168, 301 classic cacique, 25-30 communal cacique, 132, 144-149 ejidal cacique, 132 hybrid caciques, 95, 119 indigenous caciques, 35, 161, 169-200
402
INDEX
local cacique, 25, 2930 modern cacique, 68, 94, 96, 113, 152, 325 municipal cacique, 12,18, 28-29 national cacique, 18, 20-25 regional cacique, 27-28 state-level cacique, 26-27, 133 traditional cacique, 51-53, 68, 95, 96, 105, 113, 118, 152,167 union cacique, 201-224, 227-248, 324 urban cacique, 227-248, 252-255, 296 cacical evolution, 4648, 301-326 Calles, Plutarco Elias, 15, 18, 23, 46, 102, 154, 155, 156, 167, 210 Callistas, 213, 215, 216, 217, 222 campesinos, 7193, 113, 114, 126, 127 see also peasants Cano, Lourdes, 318, 325-326 Crdenas del Rio, Dmaso, 133, 143 Crdenas del Rio, President Lzaro, 22, 27, 28, 35, 43, 46, 67, 69, 72, 86-87, 9597, 109-111, 131-150, 156, 173, 250, 273, 279, 299 Crdenas Solorzano, Cuuhtemoc, 149 cardenistas, 131-150, 156-161, 173-175, 213, 216, 217 ' i carrancismoy 67, 116,152-154, 150 Carranza, Jess, 67 Carranza, Venustiano, 79, 151 Casa del Obrero Mundial (COM), 209, 215 Castillejos, Severo, 54-55, 61-62, 67 Castillo, Angel, 109 Cartas, Benigno, 58 Caso, Pedro, 304 Castro, General Jess Agustn, 152 Castro, Miguel, 58 caudillo, 3, 9-12, 113,151-168, 250, 273 agrarian caudillo, 117, 133 modern caudillo, 152, 155, 166 national caudillo, 113, 152, 250 popular caudillo, 153, 274 regional caudillo, 113, 204 traditional caudillo, 155, 166 Cedillo, Saturnino, 12, 18-19, 22, 26-27, 35,
117, 159, 250, 296, 303 centralization, 24-25, 47, 52, 96,109, 205, 215, 294, 297, 299, 312 Chamula, 164-165, 169-200 Charis Castro, Heliodoro, 15,18, 27-28, 37, 46, 67-69 Charisma, 13, 94, 105,109, 113,125-126,151, 161 Chvez, Juan, 86 chegomistas, 51-54, 61-68 Chiapas, 32, 36, 42, 151-168, 169-200, 322 Chihuahua, 28, 41 Catholic Church, the, 71, 83, 85, 94-112, 137, 140,142, 153, 169, 182-184,188197, 208 Crculo Feminista de Occidente (CFO), 208, 210-214 Citizenship, 69, 186, 208, 247, 274-275, 278, 291-292, 294-295 civil-religious hierarchy, 136, 141, 171176, 178-180, 182, 185, 190-191 civil society, 25, 151, 300 class, 35, 68, 75, 80-82, 83, 85, 86, 88, 99, 276, 283, 297 clientelism, 13, 24, 33-38, 72,168, 205, 228230, 234-235, 246, 252, 256, 276277, 284-285, 289, 294-295, 297, 299, 300, 306, 320-326 Coalcomn, 94-112 Coello, Ciro, 160 Coello, Jaime H., 161-162 coercion, 38-43, 113,176, 212, 256 see also violence commercial development, 42, 96, 98-99, 178-180 communists, 211, 213 Communist Party, 307-308 Communist Party of Michoacn, 86 compadrazgo, 72 see also kinship Conchello, Jos Angel, 188 Confederacin de Agrupaciones Obreras Libertarias de Jalisco (CAOLJ), 215
INDEX
403
Confederacin de Obreros y Campesinos del Estado de Mxico (COCEM), 235-237, 243 Confederacin de Trabajadores y Campesinos (CTC), 237, 244-246 Confederacin de Trabajadores Mexicanos (CTM), 18, 24, 26, 37,138,142, 203, 217-218, 223, 235-237, 243 Confederacin Obrera de Jalisco (COJ), 210, 212-216 Confederacin Regional Obrera Mexicana (CROM), 24,37, 215, 230, 324 Confederacin Revolucionaria Obrera y Campesina (CROC), 217, 220, 236, 243 Congreso del Trabajo (CT), 237 conservatism, 36, 95,100, 112, 115, 133 Constitutionalists, 67, 82 Coordinadora Nacional de Comercio Popular (CONACOP), 287-289 Cornelius, Wayne, 228, 252-254, 324 coronel, 13 corporatism, 171, 175-180, 203, 207, 228, 229, 230-231, 233-248, 274, 276, 286, 288, 289, 294-296, 299 corruption, 141, 161-166, 172, 181, 238 Coss, Vincente, 239, 243 Craske, Nikki, 207 cristeros, 45, 94-112, 137, 210 Cruz de la Cruz, Ezequiel, 72, 88 cultural intermediaries, 73, 76, 202, 205, 208, 210-214 debt peonage, 152, 153, 172 de Gynes, Fernando, 55 de la Madrid, Miguel, 267, 268 de la Mancha, Wallace, 236 de la Pea, Guillermo, 141 de la Torre, Claro, 215 de la Huerta rebellion, 154 del Mazo Velez, Alfredo, 258-259, 261, 265 del Rio, Francisco, 105, 107, 109 dmocratisation, 6-7, 47, 170, 178-180,
186, 188-190, 195, 237, 272-295, 299 Department of Action, Culture and Indigenous Protection (Chiapas), 159,176,181,184-185 Daz, Felix, 54-56, 63 Daz, Maria A., 211-212 Daz, President Porfirio, 17-18, 22, 54-58, 60-61, 83 Daz Ordaz, President Gustavo, 89, 262 Daz Quintas, Heliodoro, 54, 56, 60-63, 66 Doger Corte, Jos, 305, 308-326 Doger Guerrero, Enrique, 305, 319, 323 Domnguez, General Juan, 103 Domnguez Rivero, Abel, 244-245 Dore, Elizabeth, 207 Duarte, Ciro, 292-293 Echeverria, President Luis, 189, 263, 266, 300-301 Ejrcito Zapatista de Liberacin Nacional (EZLN), 269 ejidos y il, 43-44, 71-93,112,132,135-137, 139,146, 261, 279, 281-283, 303-304 elections, 30-33, 72,184-187, 203, 213, 220, 227, 230-231, 233, 256, 269, 275, 282, 284, 292-294, 323 electoral fraud, 154, 187, 282 Embriz Osorio, Arnulfo, 71, 78 enganche, 156,172-173 Enriquez, Raymundo, 155,157 Espinoza, Severo, 91, 93 Estrada, Felipe, 146 ethnicity, 35, 51, 68, 72, 78, 80-82, 89-91, 93, 95-96, 99,102,106,114-115,126127,135,154, 276, 289-294, 297 Fabela, Isidro, 235-236, 258-264 factionalism, 33-38, 53, 81,121, 124,142, 148,153,179-180,182,198-200, 273, 277, 281-284, 291, 293, 296, 298, 302, 307-308, 325 Federacin de Estudiantes de Guadalajara (FEG), 298
INDEX
Federacin de Trabajadores de Jalisco (FTJ), 20I, 203-204, 217-224 Federacin Unica de Uruapan (FUU), 139 Federation of Indigenous Communities of the State of Michoacn (FCIEM), 142 federal army , 16, 71,154, 157,187-188, 304 federal government, 117-120,125-126,141, 151, 307, 309, 321 Federal Labour Law, 230, 235, 314 Fernndez Ruiz, Tiburcio, 151-155, 166 Fonseca, Jesus, 104 Foweraker, Joe, 301, 325 Fox, Vincente, 47-48, 291 French intervention, 57-58, 60, 68, 77 Frente de Liberacin Nacional, 190 Frente Unico ProDerechos de la Mujer (FUPDM), 213 Frente nico de Trabajadores de Jalisco (FUTJ), 216 Friedrich, Paul, 71,133, 249-255, 302 Fuentes, Teofilo, 57 gamonal, 13 Garca de Len, Antonio, 167 Garca, Cuca, 85 Garca Barragn, Marcelino, 217* 279-281 Garibi Rivera, Archbishop Jos, 222 Garrido Canabal, Toms, 250 Gavira, Gabriel, 55, 62, 65 gender, 205209, 224 Gledhill, John, 141,150, 254, 300, 322, 323 Gochi, Juan, 79, 86 Gmez, Chechito, 67, 69 Gmez, Gregorio, 59-60 Gmez, Jos F (Che), 51-70 Gonzlez, Julio F., 63 Gmez, Plutarco, 147 Gonzlez, Martn, 54, 64 Gonzlez Gallo, Jesus, 216-217 Grajales, Francisco, 162 Grajales, Victrico, 156-157 Guadalajara, 215, 220-223, 282 Guanajuato, 290294
Guel de la Cruz, Joel, 314 Guerrero, 19, 116, 151, 322 Guifar Morfn, Luis, 107-108 Guilln, Francisco, 105, 107-108 Guilln, Gregorio, 112 Gurrin, Adolfo, 54-55, 61, 64, 67 Gurrin, Evaristo, 55, 61 Gurrin, Pedro Vincente, 57 Gutierrez, Efran, 156-161 Gutierrez Moreno, Rafael, 240 Hank Gonzlez, Carlos, 239, 244, 249-271 hegemony, 17, 25, 30, 97,122 Hernndez, Domingo, 141 Hernndez, Father Leopoldo, 182-186, 188-189, 192, 195 Hernndez, Fidencio, 56 Hernndez, Moiss, 292-293 Hernndez, Salvador, 292 Hernndez, Samuel, 137, 141-142 Hernndez Loza, Heliodoro, 18, 201-224 Hernndez Lucas, Anita, 212, 218, 220-222 Hernndez Toledo, Jess, 144-147 Hidalgo, 15, 27-28, 33, 38,149, 296 Higher Education Modernization Fund (FOMES), 309-310 Hobbes, 37-38 Huasteca, 15,19, 26-27, 38, 42,149, 296 Huerta, General Victoriano, 17 huertistas, 67 identity, 35-36, 71-93 276 ideology, 46, 68, 73-74 92~93> 257, 274, 298 Indians, 114, 118, 140, 153 indigenismo, 156-161 indigenous communities, 71, 75-85, 91,116117,120-125,132, 134, 138,141-142, 149, 169-200, 289-294 institutionalization, 12, 24, 47, 95, 131,149, 152, 156, 160-161, 167, 173-175, 201, 229, 273-274, 289-290, 299, 304326
INDEX
Instituto Nacional Indigenista (INI), 146, 152,163-167, 175, 181, 184, 186,190, 289, 291, 293 Ireta Viveros, Felix, 89, 134, 138-139, 141 Isaac, Caterino, 217-218 Jalisco, 18, 28, 201-224, 278-283 Jara, Heriberto, 65 Jimenez, Albino, 57-58, 68 Jimenez Cantu, Jorge, 263, 267 Jongitud Barrios, Carlos, 296 Joseph, Gil, 250 Jurez, Alberto, 136-138 Jurez, President Benito, 58 Jurez Maza, Governor Benito, 51, 54-56, 61, 63-68 Juchitn, 15, 18, 27, 47, 51-70 Kashlan, Miguel, 194-197 kinship, 34, 53, 68-69, 72, 104, 116, 161, 204-205, 218-221, 232, 236, 238, 241, 245, 276, 292 Knight, Alan, 52, 53, 117, 127, 228, 302, 324 labour unions, see trade unions ladinos, 154, 156, 171-172, 175,181, 190 land privatization, 76-79, 98, 100, 134 land reform, see agrarian reform Lane Wilson, Henry, 66 Lara y Torres, Bishop Leopoldo, 101, 109,
hi
Len, Ricardo, 57, 61-63 Len de la Barra, Francisco, 63 Leyva Solano, Xchitl, 300 local autonomy, 51-52, 61, 68-70, 76, 92, 96, 103, 115, 119, 126-127, 158, 167168, 186, 283, 323 local democracy, 120-123, I 2 7 local government, 27-30, 120-123, 141, 144, 146, 149, 154, 156-157^ I7i-i75> 243 279,281-290,304 Lombardo Toledano, Vincente, 138, 217 Lomnitz, Claudio, 124 Lpez, Csario, 58-59 Lpez, Felipe J., 51, 66-67 Lpez, Pedro, 80 Lpez, Rosala, 59 Lpez Mateos, President Adolfo, 223, 260 Lpez Portillo, President Jos, 267 Lucas, Juan Francisco, 118-119 machismo, 39-40, 151, 161 Macas, Benjamn, 281-282 maderistas, 54-63 Madero, President Francisco, 51, 57, 63-68 Madrigal, Epifanio, 105, 110 Magaa Cerda, Gildardo, 133, 134 Mallon, Florencia, 114, 116 map ach es, 153-155 Mrquez, Enrique, 125 Martnez, Guadalupe , 201-224 Martnez, Jos Mara, 105, 107-109 Martnez, Miguel, 110-111 Martnez Orta, Manuel, 235-236 Marxist theory, 74, 86, 127 Matus, Evaristo, 61 Matus, Vincente, 61-62 Maya, 156, 163, 169-200 Maya, Sixto, 83-84, 88 Meixueiro, Francisco, 59 Melndez, Jos Gregorio, 68 Mndez, Juan, 287-289 Mendoza, Ezequiel, 104-105, m Mendoza, General Tranquilino, 103
Larios, Antonio, 104 Lathrop, Mximo, 145 law and order, 119, 120, 125, 274 League of Agrarian Communities (Michoacn), 134 legitimacy, 114, 121, 151, 205, 230, 257, 301306 Lerdo de Tejada, Sebastin, 57 Len, Enrique, 51, 64-66 Len, Francisco, 54, 57-59, 61-62, 6466, 69 Len, Guillermo, 88
40 6
INDEX
Mendoza Vzquez, Anacleto, 143 Merino, Nicols, 280-283 Merodio, General Telsforo, 64-66 mestizos, 78, 80-81, 96, 99, 290-291 Mexico City, 28, 39, 228, 232-247, 267, 296 Mexico, state of, 19, 258-271 Meyer, Jean, 94, 103 Meyer, Lorenzo, 299 Michoacn, 15, 22, 27-29, 35, 41, 71-93, 94-112, 117, 131-150, 283-289, 300 Middlebrook, Kevin, 231 military power, 96-97, 116, 118-119, 126 modernity, 7, 47, 73, 229, 254, 256-257, 300, 320 modernization, 6, 94, 112, 117-118, 132, 137, 149, 228, 272, 274, 279, 283, 294, 297, 301, 306, 311-313, 318 Molina, Ladislao, 106 Molyneux, Maxine, 207 Monopoly, 152, 161-167, 175, 180, 253-254, 270 Montano, Jorge, 229 Montes, Manuel, 117 Morn, Cosme, 280, 283 Morelos, 15, 37 Moreno, Jesus, 235 Morones, Luis M., 12, 215 Moya Palencia, Mario, 188-189 Miijica, Francisco, 35, 79, 85, 117, 134, 250 Muoz Gmez, Manuel, 60 Nahua, 116, 121,125, 128 Naranja, 71-93, 302, 304, 321 National Agrarian Registry (RAN), 90 National Guard, the, 58-59 National League for the Defence of Religious Liberty (LNDLR), 103, 105-108 National Peasant's Confederation (CNC), 87' I34> 173 Navarro Origel, Luis, 103, 104, 106, 107 neo-liberalism, 296326 Nicols, Ignacio, 58-59, 68
Nochebuena, Juvencio, 15,18, 27-28, 46 Noriega, Eduardo, 77, 80, 83 Oaxaca, 22, 26, 33, 38, 42, 45, 51-70 Obregn, Alvaro, 11, 12, 22, 67, 79,153-155, 167, 250 OPORTUNIDADES Programme, 289 Organizacin Libre de Ambulantes, 287 Osornio, Saturnino, 18-19 Otom, 121, 290-294 Palacios, Guillermo, 76 Palacios, Mario, 63-64, 67 Paniagua, Ricardo, 155 Pansters, Wil, 167, 274, 276 Pantelen Domnguez, Jos, 58 Parochialism, 95, 109, 274 Partido Nacional Revolucionario (PNR), 113,155-157, 159, 160,173, 202, 211, 213, 216, 224, 230 Partido Popular (PP), 138,142 Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI), 6, 9, 23, 30-33, 43, 4647, 69, 142, 146, 148-149,160-161, 168, 170171, 176,183-184, 186-188, 195, 199203, 219-221, 224, 227, 233, 236, 238-246, 255, 262, 268-270, 278, 280-286, 290, 292-294, 299, 301, 305, 317, 323 Partido Accin Nacional (PAN), 188,191, 194-195, 282-283, 286-287, 293-294, 323 Partido de la Revolucin Democrtica (PRD), 149, 282-286, 292-293, 319 Partido de la Revolucin Mexicana (PRM), 134,160, 202, 219, 224 Partido Socialista Chiapaneco (PSC), 154i55> 167 Partido Socialista del Trabajo, 236 Pastin, Juan, 35 patrimonialism, 7, 14 patriotism, 69 patronage, 13, 33, 43~45> 53> 68-69, 74, 91,
INDEX
407
94, 96, II3, 121, 125, I43-I44, 149, 178, 205, 218, 233, 24I, 246, 250, 277, 280-281, 302 peasants, 3, 42-43, 51, 71-93, 106-107, 133, I 39> 155 159 163, 301 see also campesinos Pedrero, Hernn and Moctezuma, 152, 161-166, 167 Prez, Jos Luis, 287 PEMEX, 261, 326 Pichardo Pigaza, Ignacio, 265, 268-269 Pimental, Governor Emilio, 54-56, 60 Pineda, Laureano, 67 Pineda, Pablo, 66, 67 Pineda, Rosendo, 60-61 Pineda Ogarrio, Alberto, 151,153,155-161,166 political intermediaries, 30-33, 73, 114-115, 125, 202, 205, 208, 210-214, 220, 229, 234 250-255, 270, 272-273, 275, 280, 299, 300,320-326 popular liberalism, 83-85 popular movements, 73, 155, 160, 301-303 populist state, 131-132 Porfriato, the, 51-70, 76-79, 84, 92, 96, 98-99, 134 Portes Gil, Emilio, 15, 18-19, 26, 43, 109, 117, 124, 230 Pozas, Ricardo, 276 Prado, Ernesto, 27-29, 35, 43, 134, 136-137, 139-140,142 Prado, Isaac, 139 priests, 101, 104-105, 107, 109-110, 137, 141, 45> 157 PROCAMPO, 246 Programa de Desarrollo Socioeconmico de los Altos de Chiapas (PRODESCH), 185-188, 190-192,194,195-197 PROGRESA, 44, 289 PRONASOL, 44, 45, 47, 268, 289-294 property rights, 83-84, 142, 153 Protestantism, 169-171, 177, 188-189, 191,
192-200 Puebla, 27-28, 37, 41, 95, 113-128, 302, 305I
326 Purpecha, 71-93, 131-150 Quertaro, 18-26 Rabasa, Emilio, 153, 155, 159 Rabasa, Isidro, 157-158 Ramrez, Aristeo, 290, 293 Ramrez, Flavio, 18 Ramrez, Governor Margarito, 210-211 Ramrez, Juan, 221 Ramrez, Pablo, 185, 187-188 Ramrez Corzo, Luis, 154-155 Ramrez Ladewig, Carlos, 298 ranchero society, 97-102, 104, 153, 214, 224, 232 rational choice theory, 7-8, 14 rebellion of Agua Prieta, 67 rebellion of Ayuda, 68 rebellion ofTuxtepec, 53, 57-58, 68, 119 Redfield, Robert, 121 Regalado, Miguel, 79 Regional Agrarian Federation of Chilchota (FRACH), 139 Regionalism, 151 repression, 16, 32, 192, 200 see also coercion, violence Resndez, Fidencio, 86 revisionist historiography, 3-4, 113 Revolutionary Labour Confederation of Michoacn (CRMDT), 86-87, 95> 133, 136, 139-140 roads, 117,123, 143-145, 177, 180 Robles, ngel, 185, 187-188, 190-192, 195 Rodrguez, Carlos, 57, 61, 63 Rodrguez, Everardo Angel, 281-283 Rodrguez, Marcial, 286-287 Roniger, Luis, 124 Rosas, Domingo, 139 Rubin, Jeffrey, 47 Ruiz, Bishop Samuel, 182, 184-185,192 Ruiz Cortines, President Adolfo, 223 rural development, 117-118, 123, 175-180, 321
4O8
INDEX
Rus, Jan, 153 Saenz, Moiss, 120 Salas, Arturo, 282 Salinas, President Carlos, 23, 46, 48, 90, 268-270, 294, 323 San Cristbal de Las Casas, 151,156, 158, 175,180, 184-185, 188, 193, 196 San Luis Potos, 15,18,19, 22, 26, 37-38, 117, 159, 302 Snchez, Jos Mara, 117 Snchez, Marcial, 104 Snchez Coln, Salvador, 258, 260, 263, 265 Snchez Daza, Oscar, 326 Santibez, Alfonso, 67 Santos, Gonzalo N., 15,18,19, 26, 32, 37-39, 117, 125, 302 Saynes, Mariano and Romano, 57 schools, 125,143-145,178, 208, 220, 223224, 259-260, 290, 292, 321 schoolteachers, 73-74, 76,102,106,136,148, 155, 178,181, 190, 222, 261, 292-293, 304 Secretara de Educacin Pblica (SEP), 102,106, ni, 143, 223 f security, 123 serrano rebellions, 51 Serrano, General Francisco, 155, 167 Serrato, Benigno, 133, 137 Schryer, Frans, 149 Sierra Norte de Puebla, 112-128 Silva Romero, Francisco, 217, 220 Sinaloa, 42 sinarquismoy 142 Sindicato de Trabajadores Indgenas, 158, 173 Sindicato de Trabajadores en Molinos para Nixtamal y Similares (STMNS), 218 Sindicato Independiente de Trabajadores no-Acadmicos de la UAP (SITUAP), 317 Sindicato Textil de la Fabrica Atemajac, 221 Sindicato nico de Trabajadores
Automovilistas de Jalisco (SUTAJ), 201, 215, 222-223 Sindicato Unico de Trabajadores de la Universidad Autnoma de Puebla (SUNTAP), 313-326 Socialist Party of Michoacn, 85 socialist education, 97, in, 156, 213 Sociedad de Amigos del Pueblo Purhpecha, 143-144 Society for the Unification of the Indigenous Race, 79 Sonora, 22, 26 state, the, 24-25, 51, 53, 68, 73, 96, 123, 92, 94-96, 115, 125,142, 149, 163, 170, 176, 180, 187, 202, 227, 229-230, 237, 240, 247, 276, 298, 301-302, 314, 321 resistance to the state, 51-70, 103 state building, 71-93, 96-97, 109, no, 114, 131, 201, 203, 228 subalterns, 114-115, 127-128 succession, 14,19-20 Tabasco, 151, 322 Tamaulipas, 15, 26,117 Tampico, 26 Tapia, Primo, 29, 35, 43, 46, 71-93,117 Tejeda, Adalberto, 18-19, 22, 35, 43, 46, 117, 250 territory, 242-247, 302 Thomson, Guy, 116, 118-119 Toledo, Mximo, 58 Topete, Governor Everardo, 216 Totonacs, 121,128 trade unions, 11-12,18, 37, 83,133-134, 138, 156,158,167, 172-175, 201-224, 227248, 253, 260, 277, 299, 303, 306, 313-320 Tuxum, Salvador, 174-176,186 Tzeltales, 163,179-180 Tzotziles, 158-161, 163, 169-200 Unin de Ambulantes Primer de Octubre,
INDEX
409
286-289 Unin de Choferes y Mecnicos Jaliscienses (UCMJ), 215 Unin de Comerciantes Felipe Carrillo Puerto, 285-286 United States, 21,136-138, 158,170,194, 196, 215, 310-311 universities, 253, 296-326 University of Guadalajara, 298 urbanization, 227-248, 283, 324 Urbina, Erasto, 158161 Vaca, Jess, 104 Valencia, Moiss, 138-139, 141-142, 144, 146 Valladolid, Rodolfo, 109 Vaughan, Mary Kay, 76, 97,126 Vzquez, Gabino, 88 Vsquez Gmez, Emilio, 63 Vega, Genaro, 222 Velasco Surez, Governor Manuel, 184-187, 189 Velzquez, Fidel, 12, 18, 203, 217, 223 Velzquez Snchez, Gregorio, 236 Veracruz, 18, 22, 37, 41, 94, 117,151
Vidal, General Carlos, 153-155,167 Vidal, Luis, 154-155 Villa, Pancho, 11,153,155 violence, 16-17, 38-43, 74, 99,106,132, 138-140,149,151,154,161-162,164, 169,179,183,191,195, 205, 224, 230, 233, 236-237, 249-250, 252, 298, 303, 324-326 Weber, Max, 7,13-14, 21, 24, 44, 255, 323 Wolf, Eric, 72, 249-251, 276 women, 201-224 Women's League of Tajero, 90 workers, 86,155,163, 201-224, 227-248, 304 Yucatn, 30, 94,151 Zapata, Emiliano, 11, 155 Zapotees, 51-70 Zedillo, President Ernesto, 23, 269-270, 294 Zinacantn, 165, 177,179 Zuo, Governor Jose Guadalupe, 210, 215

8.1a Caciquismo in Twentieth-Century Mexico - Alan Knight

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C A C I Q U I S M O IN TWENIETH-CENTURY MEXICO

ALAN KNIGHT AND WIL PANSTERS

British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A British Library CIP record is available.

1-900039-67-2 (hardback) 1-900039-66-4 (paperback)

INSTITUTE FOR THE S T U D Y OF THE

UNIVERSITY OF .0NOON - SCHOOL OF ADVANCED STUDY

Typeset in Garamond by Koinonia, Bury, Lancashire

Preface List of Contributors

1 Caciquismo in Twentieth-century Mexico Alan Knight

249 272 296

ROGELIO HERNNDEZ RODRGUEZ Researcher and professor at the C e n t r o de

Caciquismo in Twentieth-century Mexico

n 1977 Dr David Brading convened a conference at Cambridge University at

26CACIQUISMO IN T W E N T I E T H - C E N T U R Y M E X I C O neglected caudillismo a n d caciquismo.'0 It is not i m m e d i a t e l y clear w h y this s h o u l d

4. Classic (subnational) caciquismo

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