Documentos de Académico
Documentos de Profesional
Documentos de Cultura
December 2008
A report of CAAAV Organizing Asian Communities
and the Community Development Project of the
Urban Justice Center
Photos by CAAAV.
Design and layout by Christopher Chaput: cchaput@earthlink.net
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This report is dedicated to the residents, workers, and small business owners in New York’s Chinatown, whose
hard work, diligence, and passions serve as the foundation of a thriving multi-cultural, historic community.
This report was produced in partnership by the Community Development Project of the Urban Justice Center
and CAAAV. It was authored by Chris Fernandez, Laine Romero-Alston and Stefanie Garry of the Community
Development Project of UJC, and Helena Wong of CAAAV. Additional research, writing, and editing support
was provided by Vivian Lu, Deanna Georges, Harvey Epstein, Alexa Kasdan and Betty Chou from UJC, as well
as Esther Wang, Laurel Mei Turbin, and ManSee Kong from CAAAV.
Many thanks to the Chinatown Tenants Union youth members and tenant leaders Bin Liang and Zhi Qin
Zheng, who implemented the community surveys and informed the analysis of this report. Additional thanks to
UJC and CAAAV volunteers, interns, and staff who conducted surveys and documented the changes happening
in Chinatown through extensive canvassing efforts. We also appreciate the guidance and advice provided by
many experts in the field, including Alison Lack from Good Jobs NY and the Furman Center for Real Estate and
Urban Policy. Additional thanks to Vivian Lu and Stefanie Garry for their research and GIS work in producing
the maps included in this report.
2
I. Foreward
Across the United States, from Oakland to New Orleans, Miami, Boston, and New York City, working-class
communities and communities of color are being displaced from cities on a scale not seen since the federally
sponsored programs of urban renewal in the 1960s. In today’s market-driven economy, with increasing luxury
development and gentrification, vibrant historic communities are being eroded by skyrocketing rents, mass
evictions, and the creation of low-wage jobs, only to be replaced with luxury condominiums, shopping centers,
and tourist attractions.
In New York City, one of the world’s major centers of capital, the buying and selling of land for the benefit of
wealthy private interests has become central to the City’s economic development plan. The City’s government
and corporate developers have been joining forces to push development projects in the name of spurring
“economic opportunities.” These public-private partnerships have used processes like rezoning and the use of
eminent domain to remove low-income communities and communities of color.
In the last few years, the City, in partnership with corporate developers, has focused its efforts on Chinatown.
Right now, Chinatown’s historical and cultural significance is at stake. New development projects seek to convert
Chinatown into a playground meant to attract new, wealthy residents as well as tourists. Such projects have
been implemented to the exclusion of long-term Chinatown residents and new immigrants and have facilitated
an increasing number of luxury condominiums and upscale shops and services in the community. As a result,
Chinatown has seen its affordable housing stock diminish, has lost services and small businesses, and its low-
income residents have experienced increased harassment and displacement.
But gentrification isn’t inevitable, and grassroots organizations such as CAAAV along with dozens of groups
across the country, are at the forefront of grassroots organizing to build power and strategize in individual
cities, as well as nationally, through the Right to the City Alliance (RTTC), a national alliance of 38 grassroots
and advocacy organizations and academics. Groups are organizing for the right to stay and participate in
the decisions that impact their communities. Through RTTC, CAAAV has shared experiences and strategies
with Chinatown groups in Boston and San Francisco, and discussed leadership development strategies and
community-led, accountable development models.
Grounded in the experiences of residents as well as extensive primary research, Converting Chinatown: A
Snaphot of a Neighborhood Becoming Unaffordable and Unlivable provides a current snapshot of the impact
of gentrification on New York City’s Chinatown. This report tells a story of how City-led development projects
have proved detrimental to the community’s cultural fabric and have resulted in the mass displacement of long-
time residents. It also tells a story of hope, as residents continue to organize and assert their right to community
and the right to participate in planning decisions by offering alternative forms of development that put
community needs before profit.
Chinatown residents are sending a clear message: Chinatown is not for sale!
Valerie Taing
National Coordinator
Right to the City National Alliance
6
has carried out on-going community-based research to document the ways that current development projects
impact the quality of life of residents, workers, vendors, and small business owners in Chinatown.
Research for this report was conducted through several primary and secondary sources:
• A survey of 147 Chinatown residents was conducted through door-to door outreach in zip
codes 10002, 10012, and 10013. These surveys were collected on the street and at community
meetings between July and December 2005.
• A survey of 88 small business owners in Chinatown was conducted in July and August 2006.
• A canvassing survey of more than 100 Chinatown blocks was conducted between April 2006
and January 2008. Each block within the Chinatown border (refer to map on page 8) was
surveyed for hotels, luxury housing, trendy boutiques and cafes, and new buildings, which
were determined visually by the amount of construction outside and confirmed by records
from the Department of Buildings. Our researchers were able to capture the physical changes
taking place in Chinatown, as signaled by labels, signs, and materials used for storefronts and
housing developments. We were also able to capture changes in retail outlets and services
offered in Chinatown, including the types of goods and services provided, and to whom these
services are directed.
Together these three surveys were able to provide a comprehensive look into the changing nature of Chinatown.
When gentrification takes hold in a neighborhood it completely transforms all aspects of that neighborhood.
What is unique about gentrification in Chinatown is the unprecedented pace at which the City and Developers
are working to transform Chinatown in their “vision”. By interviewing and surveying residents and shop-
keepers we are more able to see the full effect of gentrification.
8
Gentrification in Chinatown is most apparent by the
recent influx of “hip” and luxury businesses. High-end Converting Chinatown:
bars and cafés that were once a rarity in Chinatown are Trendy Shops and Restaurants
beginning to become more widespread. Bars such as
Apotheke which recently opened on Doyer Street and
White Star which opened on Essex are targeted only
to the wealthy and provide little to negative impact on
the community.4 As observed in other neighborhoods
which have experienced gentrification, bars are often
the standard bearers of gentrification. A rowdy
and noisy nightlife is the gateway by which wealthy
individuals enter into working class neighborhoods.
• As evidence to Chinatown’s newfound
“nightlife destination” status Community
Board 3 (which encompasses Chinatown)
reviewed nearly 400 liquor licenses this past
year. 5
• From January 1st till November 13th
2008 there have been 195 commercial
construction permits filed with the
Department of Buildings in Chinatown.6
Many of these new construction permits are for new
shops and stores which do not cater to the average
Chinatown resident. Over saturating the area with unaffordable shops and stores provides young and wealthy
individuals an irresistible opportunity to claim the neighborhood as their own by moving into Chinatown.
The number of new construction sites and development permits issued in Chinatown has increased dramatically,
while the price for newly constructed condos and apartments continues to rise, effectively pricing out current
residents from their own community. Research conducted for this report finds that:
100
Number of Units Sold
80
60
40
20
0
2003 2004 2005 2006 2007
10
2. The Lower Manhattan Development Corporation and City Planners have encouraged
gentrification in Chinatown.
Over the last several years many of these development policies were enabled by the Lower Manhattan
Development Corporation (LMDC), a State-City corporation founded to facilitate the recovery efforts following
9/11. The LMDC’s budget includes $10 billion of federal funds, some of which is specifically earmarked for
upscale real estate development.11 The majority of these capital grants, funded through the Department of
Housing and Urban Development (HUD) Community Development Block Grants, have been awarded to the
more affluent neighborhoods of Tribeca and the Financial District, and little funding has been allocated to the
hard-hit but low-income neighborhoods of Chinatown and the Lower East Side.12
An additional $150 million of these funds has been earmarked for the City’s Economic Development
Corporation (EDC), another public-private entity, to develop the East River Waterfront13 , another development
that will have a large impact on Chinatown.
The planned development stretches for two miles along the East River Waterfront, from Battery Park to East
River Park, encompassing the Financial District, the South Street Seaport, Chinatown, and the Lower East
Side. Construction along the waterfront will include an esplanade, multiple pavilions, and piers targeted for
commercial space along the East River. Several slips – street medians leading inland from major roads – will
be re-landscaped to connect the surrounding neighborhood to the waterfront.14 The City intends to use
commercial development on the waterfront as a way to fund the maintenance of public space, which will draw
businesses likely targeting high-income people and tourists. While the plan suggests community use of some
pavilion space, it offers no guarantees of affordability in the commercially developed piers, nor space reserved for
local businesses.
Most recently the Department of City Planning has
authorized a plan to rezone a large portion of the Lower
East Side. While at first glance it seems like this zoning
plan will help to combat the effects of gentrification in
the neighborhood, the plan itself is dubiously exclusive.
The plan completely ignores the most vulnerable parts
of the neighborhood. The plan protects the more
affluent parts of the East Village from tall out of scale
development but it does nothing for the low income and
minority populations that reside prominently outside of
the proposed rezoned areas, i.e. Chinatown.
“It doesn’t sound like the perfect place for rich yuppies to “At 123 Baxter Street, you will find yourself at the nexus of
root down, but that hasn’t stopped development. Eight new culture, fashion, shopping, entertainment and fine cuisine.
condos, like Hester Gardens, have gone up in the past two Located at the crossroads of three great neighborhoods,
years, or will, catering to outsiders and Chinese folks with Baxter Street offers the unique opportunity to ‘be in the
cash. It’s unclear how much someone who can afford a $2 middle of it all…The energy and opportunity’ of Chinatown.”
million pad will enjoy the one-of-a-kind bodegas-cum-mini-
groceries that stock frozen squid snacks, ‘car cologne,’ ‘grass – JC Deniro Properties
jelly’ soft drinks and ceviche in a can, or the Internet cafés
and salons
It’s as gritty as it is full of tradition.”
Developers have marketed Chinatown apartments as “pieds-à-terre,” or homes close to work for suburban
businessmen who just need a place to sleep during the week. Real estate brokers appeal to the exoticism of
Chinatown’s culture in reference the safety and style of neighboring SoHo and Tribeca.
The uniqueness of Chinatown is unparalleled in New York City. It has been this collision of cultures that has
made Chinatown a top tourist destination throughout its history. Chinatown is place where people can come
to taste and see something that cannot be found anywhere else. Chinatown, however, is more than just a tourist
destination, it is also a home. Its people, tenements, and shops are not merely eccentricities to be enjoyed. It is a
living, breathing neighborhood. By marketing Chinatown as a place only to be enjoyed in passing, ignores a vast
majority of people who call Chinatown home. In order to maintain the authenticity and integrity of Chinatown
there must be a focus on assisting residents who are in need of affordable housing as well as providing more
opportunities for growth of small business.
12
V. The Cost of Gentrification: Attacks on Low-Income
Tenants and Small Businesses
The conversion of Chinatown into a playground for tourists and the wealthy requires that space is developed
for high rent apartments, luxury co-ops and the businesses and services that cater to the new population. This
transformation has not come without a cost. The pressures of development have brought along serious negative
practices. Tenant harassment and displacement have increased significantly during the past several years
Furthermore, Chinatown is increasingly losing its small businesses that cater to Chinatown’s traditional low-
income immigrant tenants.
Yes, landlord
harassment occuring
in building
73%
14
# Units Subsidezed Housing in Zip Codes 10013, 10002 and 10012
Walking down her street and throughout Chinatown, she’s heard more stories about how landlords are evicting tenants. Her
own landlord often harasses her and her husband by taking a long time to make repairs and by not sending out renewal leases
(which they have often had to fight for). Over the summer, a portion of the ceiling in her apartment fell, and the landlord only
came to make repairs after Ms. Wong called 311 and reported her landlord to the City.
“Landlords use various tactics to evict Chinese tenants, and landlords don’t like to rent to Chinese folks because they tend
to be too poor to afford high rents,” Mrs. Wong said. “The elders in Chinatown have lived here for a long time, and we hope
to see more affordable services, products, and most importantly, affordable food. As a resident of Chinatown, I feel that the
culture of the neighborhood should reflect and relate to Chinese immigrants.”
Do you rent or own your locale? Only seven percent of business owners own their property.
16
Primary Customer Base
Despite the increase of high end businesses there is still a significant need for local small businesses that cater to
Chinatown residents.
• 93 percent of small business customers
live in Chinatown. Primary Customer Base
Have Recently Considered Relocating Business • Almost half of small business owners are
Out of Chinatown or Shutting Down considering leaving the Chinatown area.
No Yes
52% 48%
But on November 13th, over 50 residents living at 81 Bowery, a Single-room Occupancy SRO located in the heart of Chinatown,
were evicted by the City due to safety violations the landlord failed to correct.
One tenant, 82 year-old Pui Tak Wong, has lived at 81 Bowery for 20 years.
Their displacement is not lost on Mr. Wong. His landlord had illegally converted long-time SRO rooms on his floor into hotel
rooms, and the two floors below are also operated as hotels. He has noticed big changes on Bowery in the time he’s lived in
Chinatown. A movie theater which stood a few doors down from his apartment building is now a bank, and another movie
theater—the last existing theater in Chinatown—will soon become yet another hotel for tourists.
“I think there are some benefits in attracting tourists, but I don’t like that cultural spaces have to be replaced as a result,” said
Mr. Wong. “I really hope Chinatown won’t change anymore. I don’t want to see any more luxury condo buildings, and I feel that
Bowery is fine the way it is.”
He and other tenants are in temporary housing in the Bronx while they fight for their right to return.
18
VI. Claiming the Right to the Community and Building
An Alternative
Chinatown is rapidly losing not only its traditional character, but also losing the people who have built and
maintained the community for decades. Long-time residents and businesses are under attack and, as is clear, cannot
survive without one another. But the gentrification of Chinatown is not inevitable: there is an alternative to real
estate speculation and the development of Chinatown into a high-end luxury neighborhood. Because of steady
organizing efforts by many community-based organizations and tenants associations, gentrification in Chinatown
is not unstoppable. Through the resilience and power of low-income community members, the development of
alternative forms of leadership, and challenges to current decision-making processes, efforts are already happening
to combat gentrification in Chinatown. This report illustrates how current development practices and the changes
they bring impact various stakeholders in the Chinatown community and presents a framework for reclaiming the
City, including recommendations for the equitable and just development of Chinatown.
Recommendations:
There is much that can be done in New York City on a local level to ensure that tenants’ rights are protected as
well as expanded. In addition, it is clear that small businesses must be taken into account as well when remedies
to address gentrification and displacement in Chinatown are discussed.
Based on our findings as presented in this report, our recommendations on how to protect low-income tenants
and protect and encourage vibrant small businesses in Chinatown are:
1. More tenant protections and an expansion of tenants’ rights:
State:
• The DHCR definition of “family” that is used to determine succession rights to rent-stabilized
apartments should be expanded beyond simply immediate family members.
• The DHCR should mandate that all new buildings that include more than six apartment units
should be subject to rent regulation.
City
• The City and HPD should mandate that all illegally converted SRO rooms should be converted
back from hotel rooms to SRO rooms.
• The City should provide tenants who are taken to Housing Court with the right to counsel, as
well as improved translation services. The City Council should pass Introduction 648 (2007), a
bill that would establish a right to counsel for low-income seniors who are facing eviction.
2. The City must ensure that new developments include more housing that is truly affordable for low-
income tenants:
• Rezoning plans must consider the number of affordable housing units mandated by the plan.
• Instead of using Inclusionary Zoning and other market-based incentives to induce developers
to build affordable housing, the City should mandate all developers to provide a minimum of
50 percent affordable housing in all new developments.
• The DHCR definition of “affordable” should be shifted to preference lower percentages of
Area Median Income (AMI). Affordable housing should be relative in price to that of the
surrounding neighborhood, rather than broad areas like census tracts or congressional districts.
In addition, “affordable” units should be provided for families or individuals who are low-
income or very low-income, i.e., tenants who have an annual income of $20,000 or less.
20
APPENDIX
Primary data was collected through a joint effort between staff, volunteers, and members of UJC and CAAAV.
Most tenant surveys were conducted by 12 Chinatown youth during CJP’s Summer Youth Programs in 2006
and 2007, with two additional surveyors completing the process throughout Fall 2007. The canvassing survey
was carried out primarily by UJC staff and volunteers from 2006 to 2008, and data collection was finalized in
January 2008.
Compilation of secondary data was conducted through web research from the following sites: PropertyShark,
New York City Department of Finance, and the New York City Department of Buildings. Analysis of secondary
data related to the housing rental stock was obtained from the New York State Department of Housing and
Community Revitalization (DHCR) and the New York City Housing and Vacancy Survey (HVS). Finally, this
report utilized analysis of relevant housing and neighborhood data from the Furman Center for Real Estate
and Urban Policy at New York University, obtained through the New York City Housing and Neighborhood
Information System (NYCHANIS) database.
Demographics
13. Are you a Chinatown Resident? ❑ Yes ❑ No
If no, where do you reside? _____________________________________
1) Do you know that the city has an agency (called the Department of Housing Preservation and Development-HDP) dedicated to
respond to housing needs of NYC tenants?
a. Yes b. No
2) Have you ever seen or received written information or material from HPD (EXCLUDING correspondence regarding a personal
complaint you filed)?
a. Yes b. No (If no, skip to question 4)
3) If you have seen or received written information or material from HPD, was it in your primary language?
a. Yes b. No
4) Have you ever used the HPD website?
a. Yes b. No
5) Would you be more likely to use HPD’s website as a resource if it were in your primary language?
a. Yes b. No c. Not applicable (English is my primary language)
6) Have you ever visited an HPD borough office?
a. Yes b. No (If no, skip to question 8)
7) If you have visited an HPD borough office, which of the following statements apply?
a. I could not communicate with the staff and no interpreter was available in my primary language.
b.I could communicate with the staff in English or there was an interpreter available in my primary language.
8) Where do you go for help or information when you have housing problems?
a.Community group
b. Religious group
c. HPD
d. Other (please specify) _____________________
9) In the past 12 months, have you ever experienced any of the following: (Circle all that apply.)
a. Little/no heat e. Collapsing ceiling
b. Little/no hot water f. Leaking pipes
c. Little/no running water g. Leaking gas
d. Exposed wires h. Other (please specify)___________________
10) Have you ever tried to report a problem to the Housing Preservation Department (HPD)?
Yes b. No (If no, skip to question 15) c. Don’t know
11) If you have tried to report a problem to HPD, when you tried to file the last complaint, what happened?
a. I tried to file the complaint, but I couldn’t communicate with the operator.
b. I filed the complaint with the assistance of an interpreter provided by the hotline.
c. I filed the complaint in English myself or with the help of someone I know who interpreted (i.e. I, not the hotline, supplied an
interpreter).
12) If you filed a complaint, did the HPD send an inspector to your apartment to inspect the problem?
22
a. Yes b. No c. Don’t know
13) Have you ever had any of the following happen to you when you tried reporting a problem to HPD (not just in your last attempt)?
(Circle all that apply.)
a. I tried to file the complaint, but I couldn’t communicate with the operator.
b. I filed the complaint with the assistance of an interpreter provided by the hotline.
c. I filed the complaint myself in English or with the help of someone I know who interpreted (i.e. I, not the hotline, supplied an
interpreter.)
14) If you filed a complaint with HPD and received written correspondence from HPD on your case, was it in your primary language?
a. Yes b. No
15) If you have had a problem but never tried to report it to HPD, why not? (Circle all that apply.)
a. Because the landlord fixed the problem.
b. Because I fixed the problem myself.
Because I did not know what HPD is or that they are responsible for handling complaints related to housing .
d. Because I did not know how to reach HPD.
e. Because I did not speak English well enough, and either did not feel comfortable asking for someone to interpret or was
unable to find an interpreter.
g. Other (please specify) _____________________________________________
16) Have you ever had an HPD inspector come to your apartment to look at conditions or problems?
a. Yes b. No c. Don’t know
17) If yes, the last time an inspector came, what happened:
a. I was able to communicate in English with the inspector, or someone I know helped me communicate.
b. I was not able to communicate with the inspector due to language barriers.
c. The inspector spoke my language.
18) If an inspector has come to your apartment more than once, has any of the following ever happened: (Circle all that apply.)
a. I was able to communicate in English with the inspector, or someone I know helped me communicate.
b. I was not able to communicate with the inspector due to language barriers.
c. The inspector spoke my language.
19) If an inspector has come to your apartment, did he/she present a language card to you that asked what language you spoke?
a. Yes b. No c. Not applicable (I speak English or had someone who spoke English with me)
20) If an inspector came to your apartment and reported violations, approximately how long did it take for repairs to be made from the
time of inspection? _____ weeks
21) If the HPD offered inspection or hotline services in your primary language, would you be more willing to complain about housing
problems?
a. Yes b. No c. Don’t know
22) How old are you? ________
23) Sex: a. Male b. Female c. Other _______________
24) Where you born in the United States? ______________________
25) What is your/your family’s county of origin (e.g. China, Mexico, Haiti etc):
26) If you were born outside of the United States, what year did you come to reside in the US?
27) What is your race?
a. Asian d. Caucasian
b. Black e. Other____________
c. Hispanic
28) What borough do you live in?
a. Bronx e. Queens
b. Brooklyn f. Staten Island
c. Manhattan
29) What is your zip code? ________
30) What is your primary language?
a. English f. Polish
b. Chinese (specify dialect)________ g. Arabic
c. Spanish h. Urdu
d. Korean i. Other ________________
e. Russian
31) Do you feel comfortable speaking and reading English (i.e. Are you fluent in English)?
a. Yes b. No
Thank you for completing this survey. Please use this space for additional comments about your experiences as a tenant
YIlu Zhao “Chinatown Gentrifies, and Evicts; Complaints of Safety Violations Now Coming From Landlords.” New York Times 23
10
August, 2002
11
Lower Manhattan Development Corporation. http://www.renewnyc.com/.
12
Lack, Alison. “Who Gets Priority in Times of Crisis? DMI Blog: Politics, Policy and the American Dream. 1 September, 2007.
http://www.dmiblog.com/archives/2007/09/who_gets_priority_in_times_of_1.html. Despite a lack of community-based action in
Chinatown in the past, the LMDC is now taking steps to revitalize and fund more local community initiatives. In November 2007, the
LMDC, in partnership with then-Governor Elliott Spitzer and Mayor Michael Bloomberg, announced the allocation of 33 community
enhancement grants, totaling $37 million. The grants, which were first promised nearly three years ago, will fund a variety of projects.
However, little of the money is earmarked to build housing or provide assistance to small businesses, and given the scope of Chinatown
residents’ needs – for housing, health care, employment, etc. – $37 million, out of a budget that is in the billions, is grossly inadequate.
13
PlaNYC: East River Waterfront. Planning Information Portal. http://www.plannyc.org/project-42-East-River-Waterfront.
14
PlaNYC: East River Waterfront. Planning Information Portal. http://www.plannyc.org/project-42-East-River-Waterfront.
15
New York City Department of Housing Preservation and Development. “Residential Tenants-Frequently Asked Questions for
Tenants.” <http://home2.nyc.gov/html/hpd/html/tenants/faqs-for-tenants.shtml>.
24
For more information or copies of this report contact:
Community Development Project of the Urban Justice Center
123 William St., 16th floor
New York, NY 10038
cdp@urbanjustice.org, www.urbanjustice.org/cdp