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Comments from readers are welcome; reply to the mailing address above or by e-mail to info@gmfus.org. about gmf Te German Marshall Fund of the United States (GMF) strengthens transatlantic cooperation on regional, national, and global challenges and opportunities in the spirit of the Marshall Plan. GMF does this by supporting individuals and institu- tions working in the transatlantic sphere, by convening leaders and members of the policy and business communities, by contributing research and analysis on transatlantic topics, and by providing exchange opportunities to foster renewed commitment to the transatlantic relationship. In addition, GMF supports a number of initiatives to strengthen democra- cies. Founded in 1972 as a non-partisan, non-proft organization through a gif from Germany as a permanent memorial to Marshall Plan assistance, GMF maintains a strong presence on both sides of the Atlantic. In addition to its headquarters in Washington, DC, GMF has ofces in Berlin, Paris, Brussels, Belgrade, Ankara, Bucharest, Warsaw, and Tunis. GMF also has smaller representations in Bratislava, Turin, and Stockholm. On the cover: Trams in Torino Autumn Berstein Regional Collaboration to Reduce Auto Dependence Lessons from Europe for SB 375 Urban Policy Paper Series February 2013 Autumn Bernstein 1 1 Autumn Bernstein is the director of ClimatePlan, a statewide coalition of non-profit organizations working to advance sustainable development and transportation policy in California. She built a statewide movement to support implementa- tion of SB 375, the Sustainable Communities and Climate Protection Act, which requires each of Californias 18 Metro- politan Planning Organizations to develop a regional strategy for reducing vehicle miles traveled. She was an Urban and Regional Policy Fellow in 2010. Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Case Studies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 Torino Metropolitan Area . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 Greater Lyon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 Verband Region Stuttgart . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 Discussion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 Importance of Leadership from Major Cities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 Overcoming Competition and Parochialism among Municipalities . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 Linking Economic Development to Sustainable Transportation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 Ensuring Community Participation in Abstract, Large-Scale Planning . . . . . . . . . . 9 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 Regional Collaboration to Reduce Auto Dependence 1 Introduction 1 W ith the passage of the Sustainable Communities and Climate Protection Act (SB 375) in 2008, which requires each of Californias 18 Metropolitan Planning Orga- nizations to develop a regional strategy for reducing vehicle miles traveled, the state has embarked on an experiment in metropolitan planning to address climate change. The new law, the first of its kind in the United States, aims to build communities and transportation systems that shrink the foot- print of new development and reduce the emis- sions from automobiles that contribute to climate change. The law calls on metropolitan planning organizations (MPOs) to develop integrated land use and transportation plans that focus devel- opment around transit and slow the growth in automobile travel. At its core, SB 375 asks cities and counties to take a larger view when planning for future growth. Historically, planning in California has hewed to the old adage all politics are local. Cities and counties have made planning decisions based almost exclusively on local economic, fiscal, and political considerations, with little thought to coordination among neighboring jurisdictions. Thus, planning in California has traditionally been seen as a battle over scarce resources, with each city or county trying to get a bigger slice of the pie. For SB 375 to work, cities and towns that are more accustomed to competition than collaboration must come together around a common vision for the larger metropolitan region. Many European regions have worked for decades to reduce auto dependence. Many of the best- known examples such as Stockholm, Sweden, and Copenhagen, Denmark operate under national or state mandates to conduct integrated regional planning. I chose not to study these places because their governance framework is so radically different from Californias that they are politically irrelevant. Instead, I chose to focus on places where metropolitan planning has evolved on its own, as a bottom-up response to challenges such as deindus- trialization. While Californias SB 375 does include requirements to prepare integrated regional land use and transportation plans, implementation of those plans is largely based on incentives. Cities who choose to comply with SB 375s regional plans may receive a larger share of transportation funds as well as regulatory streamlining for projects. Thus, I examined regions where local jurisdictions chose to increase collaboration, rather than places where such efforts were mandated by the central government. As California implements SB 375, the state could learn from metropolitan regions in Europe that have been working collaboratively for years. As a fellow with GMFs Urban and Regional Policy Program, in the fall of 2010, I visited Torino, Italy; Lyon, France; and Stuttgart, Germany, to examine the factors that led to successful metropolitan collaboration, the strategies and policies that have been successful in reducing auto dependence, and how economic considerations helped or hindered the push toward regional planning for sustain- ability. For SB 375 to work, cities and towns that are more accustomed to competition than collaboration must come together around a common vision for the larger metropolitan region. The German Marshall Fund of the United States 2 Case Studies 2 Torino Metropolitan Area I n the early 1990s, economic and political upheaval in Torino spurred an unprecedented experiment in metropolitan planning. After the collapse of the local automobile industry and a corruption scandal that toppled the local political establishment, the City of Torino for the first time directly elected its mayor, Valentino Castel- lani, a professor and political outsider. Under his leadership, the City of Torino voluntarily invited surrounding municipalities and leaders of civil society including philanthropic institutions, academics, business associations, and community organizations to come together to develop a stra- tegic plan for the future of the metropolitan area of 49 municipalities and 1.8 million residents. I had the opportunity to meet Mayor Castellani, his vice-mayor Franco Corsico, and the mayors of two suburban jurisdictions, Carlo Novarino of Moncalieri and Marcello Mazzu of Grugliasco. Throughout our conversations I was struck by the similarity between Torinos challenges and those faced by Californias regions. Each of these offi- cials cited competition among jurisdictions and a lack of appropriate policy and fiscal incentives for collaboration as the biggest challenges to effec- tive regional planning. Despite these challenges, the Torino metropolitan area came together to adopt a strategic plan in 2000. The plan focused on improving the urban environment, strengthening transportation connections both within the region and with other cities, and fostering social integra- tion and economic development. A non-profit organization, Turin International, was established to track implementation of the plan and facili- tate ongoing communication among the various municipalities. Further, a new agency called the Metropolitan Mobility Agency of Torino was estab- lished to coordinate and manage transportation plans for the metropolitan area. This new agency is significant both because it represented a nascent form of metropolitan governance and because of its important role in looking at transportation across the entire metropolitan area. According to those I interviewed, the agency has played an important role in reducing VMT by coordinating transporta- tion systems among the various cities, overseeing large new infrastructure projects, and tracking progress toward regional goals. The Strategic Plan was particularly successful in developing a new economic strategy for the metropolitan area, one that relies in part on the improvement of transportation connections within the metro area and to other European cities. Key aspects of the plan that have had a significant impact on VMT include: LaSpinaCentrale:The flagship transportation project is a makeover of the regional train system, including a major upgrading of the tracks and station infrastructure in the central city. The project, known as La Spina Centrale or the central backbone, was nearing completion at the end of 2012. The project is converting an old industrial rail corridor through the very heart of the city into a multi- modal corridor with mixed-use development clustered around five upgraded stations. Each station acts as a transportation hub that provides improved connections to job centers, educational institutions, urban neighborhoods and cultural centers. Planners attracted new mixed-use development around each of the stations through a combination of regulatory and financial incentives for redevelopment of old brownfield sites. Projects were eligible for permit streamlining while certain costs, such as those associated with cleaning up contaminated sites and providing basic infrastructure, were paid for by the city and province. Reorganizationofthelocalbusnetwork: The new metropolitan transportation agency worked with local transportation agencies and Each of these officials cited competition among jurisdictions and a lack of appropriate policy and fiscal incentives for collaboration as the biggest challenges to effective regional planning. Regional Collaboration to Reduce Auto Dependence 3 cities to better coordinate bus service with the expanding rail system and the City of Torinos new subway system. (The first segment opened in 2006, and additional segments opened in 2007 and 2011. Another line is currently being planned.) Highspeedtrainconnections:The plan helped elevate the importance of better connections to other European centers in order to improve Torinos economy. New high-speed train service between Torino and Milan has been established, and a high-speed rail link to Lyon is currently being planned. Reclaimingpublicspacesfromautomobiles: Torino and its surrounding suburbs have begun to take back piazzas and streets for pedestrians and bicyclists. Many of the regions most beautiful historic piazzas, some dating back 500 years, had become parking lots or traffic roundabouts. The cities are now reclaiming those spaces, establishing car-free zones, including Via Garibaldi, Europes longest car- free street. Driving in Torinos city center is now restricted during commute hours and on weekends. Following the lead of Lyon and many other cities, Torino established bicycle sharing programs in the city center and surrounding suburbs, as well as improvements to the bicycle network, such as the creation of new bicycle lanes and paths. These changes have reversed a trajectory of increased automobile use. The mode share of public transit had been decreasing since 1991 (the first year data is available) and reached a low point of 23 percent in 2006. But between 2006 and 2010, the mode share of transit has increased to 26.5 percent. The reorganized rail system, which became fully operational with the opening of the new Porta Susa train station in December 2012, is expected to reduce driving even more dramatically. The Strategic Plan envisioned the gradual evolution of a stronger governance structure for the metro- politan area, but initial steps in this direction have been hampered by a lack of appropriate incentives, conflicts among municipalities over new develop- ment, and a lack of leadership from higher levels of government. Nearly everyone I interviewed pointed to the leadership of the City of Torino particu- larly Mayor Castellani, but also his successor Sergio Chiamparino as a key factor in the success of the regional plan. However, all noted that local leadership can only go so far. According to those I interviewed, Torino does not have an active partner in the national government to ensure that overarching laws, funding programs, and priorities are not working against its regional vision. Specifically, the national government controls the majority of funds that flow to municipalities for transportation, housing, and other planning-related programs. The distri- bution of these funds does not reward cities that collaborate with neighboring jurisdictions or create disincentives for those who continue to go it alone. Thus, there are no consequences for municipalities that fail to collaborate, and no rewards for those that do. Torinos successes and setbacks provide two impor- tant lessons for California: the need for big cities such as Los Angeles and San Francisco to take a leadership role in planning their regions future; and the important role of the state and federal governments in supporting regional collaboration. Greater Lyon The Greater Lyon Urban Community is widely cited as a leader in metropolitan planning in Europe. It encompasses the city of Lyon and 56 surrounding municipalities, and is home to 1.3 The Strategic Plan envisioned the gradual evolution of a stronger governance structure for the metropolitan area, but initial steps in this direction have been hampered by a lack of appropriate incentives, conflicts among municipalities over new development, and a lack of leadership from higher levels of government. The German Marshall Fund of the United States 4 million inhabitants. The move toward increasing regional collaboration started with concerns about water, wastewater, and garbage that stemmed from a lack of coordination, and led to the formation of a nascent regional authority in 1966. Interestingly, the precursors to many of Californias regional agencies have a similar history. While Californias regional agencies have kept their roles limited, the municipalities of Greater Lyon have gradually developed a robust regional governance structure whose authority now includes large-scale urban planning, transportation, and economic develop- ment. All municipal land use decisions must be broadly consistent with adopted metropolitan plans, and the entire transportation system for all 57 municipalities is managed by a single agency. Greater Lyon is governed by a metropolitan council composed of appointed representatives from each municipality and chaired by the mayor of Lyon, who plays a powerful role in setting priorities, brokering agreements and mediating conflicts. This structure ensures that all municipalities participate in important decisions, while the political muscle of the mayor serves as a force to overcome gridlock. This combination of a legal mandate for coordi- nated planning, financial incentives for compliance (primarily transportation funding), and strong political leadership is an effective framework for collaboration. While conflicts between local jurisdictions and regional plans inevitably arise, Greater Lyon has had marked success in developing a regional transport system reduce automobile dependence and foster compact growth patterns. Key factors in Lyons success include: Multimodaltransitnetworkexpansions linkedtourbangrowthplans. In recent decades, Greater Lyon has greatly expanded its light rail, subway, and rapid bus network, now considered the best regional network in France. New routes are planned in coordination with urban development plans, so that appropriate levels of density are achieved to support ridership. Linkingeconomicdevelopmentwith transitinvestments.Greater Lyons economic development strategy emphasizes new commercial development in areas with fast, convenient transit connections to housing areas and nearby economic centers such as Paris and Geneva. Lyon was the first French city to have high speed train service to Paris and the Greater Lyon area now has three high speed train stations. Greater Lyon has utilized those assets to lure investment in Lyons transit-oriented business districts through a combination of permit streamlining and financial incentives. Stephanie Chemtob at Greater Lyons economic development agency said this strategy has helped Lyon weather the recent economic downturn. Commercial rents have declined less than other nearby major cities such as Marseilles and Barcelona. New transit-oriented development continues at large sites such as the Lyon Confluence, a former brownfield site just south of the city center that is well served by high speed rail and local transit. Bicyclesharing.Greater Lyon was the first European metro area to create a large-scale bicycle sharing program. The Velov program and its success inspired copycat programs all over Europe and now across the globe. Modal share of bicycles tripled in the three years after the introduction of the program, due to the Velov bikes themselves and their interesting ripple effect. For every bike Velov put on the street, another three bikes have been added by private users. Lyons vice-mayor and godfather of the VeloV program, Gilles Vesco, attributed this phenomenon to the changing perception about who belongs in the street. Velov and other changes to the streetscape such as replacing street parking with bike lanes, and For every bike Velov put on the street, another three bikes have been added by private users. Regional Collaboration to Reduce Auto Dependence 5 building tram lines above ground on existing roadways have led to a sea change in how residents use their streets. The Velov program is also noteworthy because it is relatively inexpensive for both the municipality and the user. The majority of the program costs are offset by advertising revenues. This strategy has engendered some criticism due to the proliferation of street advertising, but it demonstrates that large-scale bicycle sharing is not cost prohibitive, even in a relatively small city. This is a key factor in bike sharings rapid spread across the globe. Stablefundingfortransit. Greater Lyon has been able to build and operate a robust multi- modal system thanks in part to a transport tax on employers that amounts to 36 percent of the annual budget for the transit network. The power to levy this tax was granted by the national government. Shapingnationalpolicy tosupportregionalism. As noted in the example above, Greater Lyons success is due in part to support from the national government. Since its inception in 1966, Greater Lyon has played an active role in shaping national land use and transportation policy. Marc Ellenberg, Deputy Director at CERTU, a French national agency that works to support local and regional transportation planning, explained that Greater Lyon, as a pioneer in metropolitan governance, has successfully lobbied the national government to create more financial and regulatory incentives for collaborative regional planning over time. As a result, other regions in France began to follow Lyons model and established their own collaborative governance structures. Decouplingautomobiletravelfromeconomic growth.Automobile use in Greater Lyon and across France began declining even as the economy continued to grow. From 1995 to 2006, the average number of automobile trips per person in Greater Lyon declined from 1.93 to 1.67 trips per day. Nationwide, in 2003, automobile use in France leveled off and began declining for the first time since World War II, even as gross domestic product continued to grow (Figure 1). This is significant because the prevailing theory in transportation planning is that economic growth is inexorably linked to increased automobile travel. Frances investment Figure 1: Relationship between GDP and Vehicle Kilometers Traveled (VKT) in France, 1990 2008. source: CERTU. Sheet1 Page 1 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 60 70 80 90 100 110 120 130 140 ReIationship between vehicIe km traveIed and GDP from base 100 France 1990 - 2008 vehicle km traveled GDP year B a s e
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1 0 0 Greater Lyon, as a pioneer in metropolitan governance, has successfully lobbied the national government to create more financial and regulatory incentives for collaborative regional planning over time. The German Marshall Fund of the United States 6 in a robust national high speed rail network, coupled with its support for effective regional transportation planning, provides powerful evidence that a different economic model one that doesnt rely on perpetual road-building is possible. While Greater Lyon has its share of planning chal- lenges interviewees cited a range of issues, from cronyism to high cost of living to leapfrog develop- ment beyond Greater Lyons borders it was the place where I saw the greatest success in building an effective regional framework for improving mobility. Verband Region Stuttgart In 1994, the 179 municipalities of the Stuttgart metropolitan area came together to form Verband Region Stuttgart (VRS), expanding the power and scope of regional governance. The impetus for the creation of VRS was the economic slump of the early 1990s, coupled with fears about increasing regional competition in a more unified Europe. Stuttgart is an industrial area Daimler, Porsche, and Bosch are all headquartered there and several decades of rapid suburbanization and eroding transportation infrastructure raised concerns about the regions ability to retain its labor force and provide adequate facilities for transporta- tion of people and goods. The push for the creation of a stronger metro- politan government was led by the City of Stuttgart and the center-left Social Democratic Party. They lobbied the state of Baden-Wuerttemberg to pass legislation creating the Verband Region Stuttgart, arguing that the region needed better planning to retain its economic competitiveness. The city saw the law as a means to attract reinvestment in the city center, which was heavily damaged by bombing in WWII and had suffered from disinvestment ever since. The legislation also enjoyed support from Germanys influential environmental move- ment, which saw it as a means to reign in suburban sprawl. Together this coalition overcame opposition from the ruling center-right political party (the Christian Democratic Party) and from the smaller suburban and rural communities who feared the loss of local control. The law passed, giving the new agency authority to create binding land use and transportation plans and an economic development strategy for the metropolitan area. Verband Region Stuttgart took the unprecedented approach of creating a directly elected metro- politan parliament, rather than a governing body composed of delegates from the municipalities. The goal was to create a governing body that would rise above parochial interests. This approach has enjoyed some success, thanks to the following strategies: Planningforgrowthneartransit.VRS was given the authority to develop binding urban development plans, developed with broad input from cities and the public. The first regional plan was adopted in 1998 and updated in 2009. The plan marked a departure from sprawl and auto dependence: 50 percent of new housing is planned along major transit corridors and binding limits have been placed on development in rural areas. Developingacoordinatedregional transportationsystem.The region adopted its first regional transportation plan in 2001. This was the first transportation plan for the entire region, and helped promote better coordination among local transportation agencies. Most of the regions transportation systems are still run by local agencies, although VRS has taken over management of the S-bahn, the train system that connects Stuttgart to many of its inner-ring suburbs. Openspaceplan.VRS also prepares a binding open-space management plan for the regions Verband Region Stuttgart took the unprecedented approach of creating a directly elected metropolitan parliament Regional Collaboration to Reduce Auto Dependence 7 open spaces. The plan regulates how farmlands and forests are managed, limiting development and providing for bicycle and pedestrian trails. While these policies demonstrate that regional governance has made some progress, a linchpin of this new regional vision has sparked a huge public backlash that helped bring down the ruling govern- ment in Baden-Wuerttemberg and set back efforts to improve the transportation system. The Stuttgart 21 project is a massive, 4.8 billion plan to upgrade the Stuttgart regions rail infrastructure. The plan is backed by the city, the metropolitan government, and state and national governments, but it has drawn the ire of tens of thousands of local resi- dents. Protestors cite concerns about the huge costs and negative local impacts of the project such as construction noise and the destruction of hundreds of trees in Stuttgarts central park. Just two months before I arrived in Stuttgart, construction on the project began and led to huge protests and violent crackdowns by the police. Televised images of bloodied protestors sent shock- waves across the nation and sparked a local political crisis. During my visit there were protests every day, and the planners and officials I interviewed were in a state of crisis management. Construc- tion was temporarily halted and a mediator was brought in, but attempts to reach a compromise failed. The crisis so badly eroded support for the regional and state governments that in March 2011, the ruling CDU party, which had governed the state of Baden-Wuerrtemburg for over 50 years, was voted out of office. The Socialist and Green parties who campaigned against the Stuttgart 21 project prevailed and now govern the state. After taking office, the new left-wing government followed through with a campaign promise to hold a public referendum on Stuttgart 21. That vote came in November 2011 and to the surprise of many a strong majority voted to support the controversial project. The new government thereafter allowed construction to proceed, although the projects future remains uncertain. Protests have continued, and construction delays and cost overruns have plagued the project. California is not unfamiliar with controversial transportation projects. But it is noteworthy that even a directly elected regional government like Stuttgarts in a place as transit-friendly as Germany can make the mistake of alienating their constituency and sparking a backlash. Much of the opposition came from within the City of Stuttgart, demonstrating that the jurisdiction was out of step with its residents even while it was taking a leadership role in the larger region. Cities in California will encounter the same tension as they work to develop a regional vision under SB 375. But it is noteworthy that even a directly elected regional government like Stuttgarts in a place as transit-friendly as Germany can make the mistake of alienating their constituency and sparking a backlash. The German Marshall Fund of the United States 8 W hile the case studies vary widely, several themes emerged consistently across this research. Certain factors are essential in understanding why regional collaboration has been successful in these regions, and may play a decisive role in California as the state implements SB 375. Importance of Leadership from Major Cities In every place I visited, a key factor in effective metropolitan collaboration was strong leadership from the largest city. More specifically, the mayor of the main city is, formally or informally, the leader of the metropolitan area. These mayors gener- ally are the most visible and politically influential local elected officials in the region, and they wield that power to establish a regional vision, resolve disputes, push through deadlock, and broker deals. Because large cities are generally where the greatest opportunities exist for transit, mixed use develop- ment, and redevelopment of urban spaces, central city leaders also possess the greatest ability to initiate strategies that will reduce auto-dependence. When there is a lack of strong leadership from the central city, the process breaks down. In Torino, earlier attempts to improve the public transport system faltered due to a failure of leadership from the city itself. Leaders in Lyon also cited this issue as a key reason they were more successful than other, similarly sized regions in France that lacked effective leadership from the central city. The city of Stuttgart played an early leadership role in estab- lishing regional governance, but failed to bring along its own residents in developing an ambitious plan for the regions future. In California, leadership from central cities has been missing from regional plans. Big cities such as Los Angeles and San Francisco generally take a backseat at metropolitan planning organizations, where smaller suburban and rural municipalities often have disproportionate power and influence in shaping metropolitan policy. As a result, metropol- itan transportation plans have been skewed toward highway investment to serve development on the urban fringe encouraging parochialism and frac- tured planning, and resulting in increased traffic and auto dependence. Unless this dynamic changes, it will be difficult for SB 375 to succeed. Overcoming Competition and Parochialism among Municipalities All politics is local, and that was as true in these case studies as it is in California. Local govern- ments, first and foremost, exist to serve local concerns. While everyone knows that myopic local planning can create big regional headaches, the politics and economics of local government will inevitably supersede regional considerations. In the places I studied, overcoming this parochialism began with leadership and vision, but long-term success relied upon incentives and mandates. In Lyon, increasing metropolitan power has gone hand-in-hand with the creation of financial incen- tives facilitated by the national government. These incentives helped build the credibility and influ- ence of the regional government. In the early days of Torinos strategic planning process, leadership and vision from a new mayor brought the region together around a vision. However, incentives and mandates from the Italian government have not followed, and so regional governance in Torino has not continued to expand as hoped. In Stuttgart, a powerful new mandate was given to a new agency governed by directly elected officials. This strategy seems to be working for land use plans two plans have now been approved and implemented but the corresponding transporta- tion vision has been sidetracked not by quarreling among jurisdictions, but by the citizens themselves. Thus the Stuttgart case is a reminder that an ambi- tious regional vision must be tempered by local considerations. Discussion 3 The mayor of the main city is, formally or informally, the leader of the metropolitan area. Regional Collaboration to Reduce Auto Dependence 9 California has neither strong incentives nor strong mandates for regional cooperation. SB 375 mandates a metropolitan planning process and creates some streamlining incentives for new development. These represent a significant shift. However, given the current fiscal climate, the greatest immediate need is for additional financial incentives for municipalities to align their develop- ment plans with a regional vision as Lyon has done. Linking Economic Development to Sustainable Transportation In all three regions, economic development was a central component of collaborative transporta- tion planning efforts. Officials interviewed cited economic concerns as a primary driving force toward greater collaboration, and Lyon and Torino both experienced demonstrable economic improve- ments in the form of new investment and economic diversification. Lyon and Stuttgart each have a metropolitan economic development agency that works closely with transportation and urban plan- ners to attract new investment in transit-oriented locations. This integrated approach demonstrates the potential benefits, both economic and envi- ronmental, of strengthening regional collabora- tion. While SB 375 does not directly address economic development, these case studies suggest that stronger integration of economic develop- ment strategies into regional plans is an important element of success. Ensuring Community Participation in Abstract, Large-Scale Planning The controversy over the Stuttgart 21 project was a unique and unexpected factor in my research, but it provides a cautionary tale for what can happen when regional planning gets ahead of its constitu- ency. Verband Region Stuttgart, with its directly elected parliament, is meant to serve as an innova- tive approach to overcoming parochialism. But the huge backlash against the S21 project points to a challenge that all regional planners face: how to ensure that local residents buy into a wide-ranging, abstract regional plan. In the case of S21, the governments response to public concern came too late. The government temporarily halted the project and made an inten- sive effort to engage the public, but only after public trust was deeply shaken and the government was irreversibly committed to the project (it was fully planned, financed, and set to begin construction). Methods such as mediation, community work- shops, and televised debates are all important, but only if they happen early in the process. In California, implementation of SB 375 has led to unprecedented public involvement in regional plan- ning. Of the five regions that have already adopted SB 375 plans, each reports a spike in public involve- ment. In most regions, this has resulted in broad support for the final plans. However, opposition has plagued the San Diego region, which was the first region to adopt a regional plan under SB 375. The San Diego plan was approved in October 2011 but relied heavily on local land use plans and trans- portation funding priorities that were outdated, in some cases by 10 years or more. A coalition of environmental groups immediately filed a lawsuit, challenging that the plan didnt go far enough to reduce greenhouse gases and invests too heavily in highway projects. The California attorney general joined the suit, and in December 2012, Superior Court Judge Timothy Taylor ruled in favor of the plaintiffs. This ruling will likely be appealed. The San Diego experience has some similarities to Stuttgarts and it speaks to the need for Californias metropolitan agencies to deepen their engagement with community organizations as they develop plans to implement SB 375. Stuttgart 21 project ...provides a cautionary tale for what can happen when regional planning gets ahead of its constituency. The German Marshall Fund of the United States 10 Conclusion 4 C alifornias grand experiment in metropolitan planning is founded upon years of experi- ences, both good and bad, that have exposed the shortcomings of a fragmented approach to community planning. Spurred on by the impera- tives of climate change, gridlock, and the implosion of the housing bubble, California took an important step with the passage of SB 375. The places I visited in Europe turned to collabora- tive metropolitan planning as a response to their own sets of challenges stemming from de-indus- trialization, European unification, environmental concerns, and changing demographics. All three have struggled, succeeded, failed, and struggled again. Their successes demonstrate what is possible, and their failures remind us that all governance is a work in progress. Above all, I was struck by the important role of leadership in developing a vision and sticking to it. This leadership exemplifies a middle pat approach. It is not the sheer exertion of power by those who have it; nor is it the aimless cobbling together of parochial interests that passes for consensus. It means bringing everyone to the table, asking the difficult questions, and holding everyone accountable for the answers. Californias communities face immense challenges today. As these case studies remind us, times of crisis are when leadership and innovation emerge. Californias brief history is rife with crisis and trans- formation, and I believe the challenges we currently face have set the stage for just such a transforma- tion in how we plan our communities. Successes demonstrate what is possible... failures remind us that all governance is a work in progress. Of f i ce s Washington Berlin Paris Brussels Belgrade Ankara Bucharest Warsaw Tunis www.gmfus.org
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