Cultural Pluralism

Bibliographical Essay in Public Administration in a Democratic Society

By Mwabilu L. Ngoyi Email: ngoyi19@aol.com

Introduction The literature on cultural pluralism is voluminous and may have been growing at very rapid pace in recent years. However, the following bibliography is patently selective in that it includes only those references that illuminate a transforming relationship between cultural pluralism and the nation-state. It will then seek to capture the issues that will help to shed the light on better approaches on how to reconcile democratic governance and cultural pluralism. In particular, students of public administration would be interested to seek and acquire the knowledge of remedies that can be applied to overcome obstacles to democratization in societies in which cultural pluralism monopolizes the political arena and serves as the sole basis for organizing societal consciousness. Henceforth, themes of nation-state building and disintegration with concepts such as nationalism and self-determination, the role of cooperation and ethnic-conflicts in the absence of cooperation among multi-ethnic or subnationalist groups, and the fragility of democracy will be central in this bibliography. Furthermore, the bibliography will contain primarily books, articles, and monographs that are in English and that meet the requirements of scholarly investigation. This quality is important if the bibliography is to be used as a tool for research. Bases of Cultural Pluralism The subordination of primordial sentiments to the requirements of civil politics must be considered an essential task in multi-cultural societies (Geertz 1963, 105-157). Rabushka and Shepsle (1972, 8-10) noted that sentiments such as loyalties to tribes or sub-national cultural groups or religious sentiments often undermine the stability and the existence of the state, which is the legal basis of sovereignty. These sentiments effectively affect cohesion, competition as well as social interaction in these societies. However, they recognized that cultural identities provided a basis for political cohesion and identified varieties of cultural pluralism that can be prominent in political arena in these societies. These varieties of cultural pluralism comprise: Race

While many scholars in social science contend that this term is controversial and has been used in pejorative manner for ideological or scientific purposes, they nonetheless agree that it refers to phenotypic traits such as skin color, facial form, stature, and hair type (Rabushka and Shepsle 1972, 8). It provides a basis for political cohesion that is essential in multi-cultural societies. However, doubt has been cast whether distinct racial can indeed be identified. Language Social scientists have recognized that language provides a basis for group cohesion as well as inter-group conflict (Rabushka and Shepsle 1972, 9). Different languages can give rise for claims of distinct culture and stability of a nation will be threatened when differences in languages become politically potent. On the other hand, stability in national politics is not always guaranteed in plural societies whose different communities adhere to a common language. Religion Religion plays a critical role in the politics in plural societies, such as the case of Northern Ireland (Rabushka and Shepsle 1972, 9) where violent conflicts have taken place between the conquered Irish Catholics and the conquering British Protestants. But, care must be taken to not dampen the destabilizing influence of race or tribes in plural societies that share common language and religious affiliations. Tribe and custom Tribal categories provide building blocks for political parties in countries such as ex-Zaire or Democratic Republic of Congo and Nigeria. The major civil wars these countries went through in the sixties illustrate the threat that tribal diversity poses for orderly government and the implications it carries in the political arena. Therefore, Rabushka and Shepsle (1972, 10) concluded that ethnic divisions correlate with political divisions and that cultural diversity in its multiple forms can result in similar consequences. Theory of cultural pluralism Furnivall cited by Rabushka and Shepsle (1972, 10) indicated that a plural society was qualitatively distinct from a homogenous one in that it comprises more than one element or

social order that coexists side by side but lacked a normative political consensus. He further observed that the market was the only place of meeting because economic competition constituted the only mutual activity these separate communities engaged in. He also implied that force rather than consensus was necessary to maintain order because of their inclination toward conflict. However, Morris (1956, 194-211) observed inclination toward pattern of cooperative behavior within plural societies when racial or communal categories were split into sub-racial units. On the other hand, Smith (1965, xii-xii) noted that the presence of more than one cultural traditions in the population that differentiate from one another by institutional activities, social organization, beliefs, and values constituted cultural pluralism. This led Rabushka and Shepsle (1972) to assert that a plural society could be considered a political unit considering the fact that a single government ruled these distinct communities. The political implications were enormous and would capture the interest of a student of public administration. As Pierre L. Van den Berghe (1969, 67-81) expressed it, democracy in plural society would not succeed if political parties were formed purely along ethnic cleavages. He further articulated relevant pre-conditions of democracy in plural societies. These are: a) the norms governing the legitimacy of pluralism and the integrity of each separate community will directly affect the prospects for democracy; b) scientific and technological balance between the constituents groups will determine the stability of democracy; c) the prospects for democracy are directly proportional to the degree of consensus about the basic values as well as the procedural norms of government; and d) the prospects of democracy are inversely related to the degree of cultural pluralism. But, political scientists have expressed different views on cultural diversity and dont concur on its political implications. They have theorized on political integration rather formulate theories of plural society. One of their concerns was whether cultural unity could provide a necessary condition to achieve political unity. Coleman and Rosberg (1964, 9) asserted cultural tensions are reduced in homogeneous political community while Coser (1956, 78-79) and Lipset (1963, 77) argue that the absence of cultural diversity might undermine the prospects of stable democracy. Hass (1958, xv-xvi) contended that cultural homogeneity does not constitute a necessary prerequisite for political integration and stable democracy. He argued that practical calculations of mutual economic benefits could engineer cooperative behavior between disparate interest groups and politicians. On the other

hand, Etzioni (1965, 35-36) argued that many cultural characteristics i.e. religion can be amenable to de-politicization and thus may be irrelevant in the process of political unification. Finally, in his work Consociational Democracy, Lijphart (1969, 207-225) contends that elite of different communities could consciously cooperate among themselves and resort to curtail the circulation of more extremist junior elite and to resist mass pressure from the electorate for political change. This would be done in order to control the destabilizing effects of ethnic competition. Finally, Rabushka and Shepsle (1972) noted that the assumptions that underlie the research on plural societies run counter to the facts. These assumptions are: a) mutual interaction and understanding among members of separate communities would foster harmonious relations; and b) education and other forms of social engineering would decrease ethnic conflicts. They observed however that ethnic tensions have been on the rise in industrialized nations where education is widespread such as in Canada, Belgium, and the United States. Thus, pessimistic accounts have followed optimistic predictions. Therefore, such disparity between the facts and prophecies required the re-examination of the theory of plural society. Young (1993, 21-25) defined three formative modes of theoretical discourse on the politics of cultural pluralism that he labeled instrumentalist, primordialist, and constructivist. The instrumentalist school of analysis includes the early wave of scholars that conducted investigations rediscovering ethnicity: Rothschild 1981; Enloe 1973; Young 1976; Kasfir 1975; Melson and Wolpe 1971; Glazer and Moynihan; and Olzak and Nagel 1986. This school based its analysis upon the uses of ethnicity in political arena as well as social competition and worked a way to bring cultural pluralism to the social agenda by making sure it was compatible with an array of influential paradigm (Young 1993, 22). However, social choice theorists argued that instrumentalism fostered the opinion that ethnic groups were self-interested collective actors that maximized material values using communal identity (Hechter 1986, 264-79; Bates 1983, 152-171). Primordialism focused on the psychological and cultural dimension to grasp the emotions that surround ethnic behavior, a deficiency critic leveled at the school of instrumentalism (Epstein 1978, xi; Nandi 1991). On the other hand, the constructivism school has been influenced by post-structuralist

theoretical discourse (Onuf 1989; Berger and Luckmann 1967). This school claims that focus should be placed on the existence of the group itself rather than what compels the ethnic group action. Hence, corollary to Anderson (1983) theory of nation, ethnic group could be considered as an imagined community. Therefore, Young (1993, 24) asserted that it was critical that ethnicity be perceived as manufactured, rather as given, an innovative act of creative imagination. He further added that many scholars of ethnicity were influenced by these schools of thought on cultural pluralism. Nation-State building and disintegration Isaacs (1975, 176-177) and Raanan (1991, 4) pointed out to that the terminological confusion between nation and state, and even further blurred in nation-state was typical. Isaacs defined a nation as cultural homogeneous group and further noted that not all nations become states. He further remarked that most sovereign sates were made of many nations. However, Raanan considered nation-state as a polity whose territorial and juridical limits correspond to the ethnic boundaries of the national entity with which that state identified, often by its name. According to Cobban (1969, 1-76), nation-state, which is a political unit normally larger than the tribe or any community group, is considered as the supreme political realization of Western civilization. Cobban along with Tagil (1995, 8-32) indicated that nationalism was regarded as natural force capable of serving the purpose of man when viewed as a catalyst of nation-state building. On the other hand, Cobban observed that such force could lead to the destruction of man when it resulted in the breaking of the state. Hence, he argued that national self-determination constituted a dilemma and the demand for it has had consequences from the standpoint of individual states or of international relations. Historically, he further argued that French revolutionaries, through their principle of popular sovereignty, changed drastically the notion of the state and opened a new beginning in the history of the nation-state. theory. It was through the association of the idea of democratic sovereignty and the importance of national differences that nation-state became a subject of Nevertheless, there was no consideration of relationship between the culture or

language and the political state before the nineteenth century despite the fact that nation-state has long before existed. At the time, the state represented a juristic and territorial concept. It was until the event of October 1789 when the roi de France et de Navarre became the roi de Francais that the new idea of nation changed. Thereafter, the nation-state was a historical fact, became a theory embodied in the theory of nationalism, which in turn propounded as an ideal the identification of cultural communities in a universal system of nation-state. However, as instrument of destruction, the theory of nationalism became one of the most powerful ever known in the history of modern society. Of particular importance to Africa, Olorunsola (1972, xiii-xvii) remarked that nation-state building is a slow and complicated process for many African countries. Because these countries were the creations of colonial masters, they are vulnerable to tension, malintegration and even fragmentation. Hence, a countrys nationalism will be impaired by its cultural sub-nationalism and the right for self-determination as well as autonomy for each separate community will lead either to perpetual fragmentation of sovereign states or to the creation of multinational states. Young (1993) assessed the changing impact of cultural pluralism on political processes around the world with resulting disastrous consequence with respect to the state system, that is the disintegration of the nation-state as social scientists have known it. This was contrary to his earlier expectations concerning the collective capacity of nation-states and the civil societies to harmoniously manage cultural pluralism (Young, 1976). The work of Beissinger (1993, 93-115) explains in a very brilliant manner the break-up of the great empire-state, the Soviet Union. The Soviet Union was a modern state, which endured two devastating wars and considered a superpower with global commitments. Its unraveling was a spectacular event that took experts on ethnicity by surprise (Laitin 1991, 139-77; Raanan 1991, 113-24) and contradicted what many scholars know about revolution and national integration (Hough 1991b, 102; Hough 1990, 2). Hence, the demise of the Soviet Union presents many paradoxes (Horowitz 1985, 265-77; Hough 1990, 2; Young 1992, 91, 97) that have challenged the understandings of ethnic politics.

When Raanan (1991, 119) was debating what approaches could be applied to prevent the dissolution of the Soviet Union, he argued that the enhancement of individual human rights could not successfully solve the problem of nationalities. It was equally clear that a greater decentralization involving transfer of powers for the republics including autonomy for regions as well as districts could not dampen the flame of sub-nationalism. He further argued that the fundamental question was whether an authority in the Soviet center had the willingness to draw the necessary conclusions. Raanan (1991, 3) indicated that four decades after World War II found only few skeptics who refused to succumb to the prevalent hypothesis of the time that modernization and democratization were the solution to ethnic conflicts and would cause self-determination to fade away. The works by Raanan (1980; 1990), are useful references about ethnic conflict in multi-ethnic societies. Democratic instability and prescriptions Rabushka and Shepsle (1972, 177-217) have observed that military governments are in power in countries such as ex-Zaire or Democratic Republic of Congo, Lebanon, Sudan, Nigeria, and Yugoslavia in which the polity is fragmented. A fragmented polity, which is characterized by a multiplicity of cultural groups and this happens irrespective of the bases of cultural pluralism, gives rise to proliferation of political parties which do not foster cooperative ethnic behavior necessary to achieve a national consciousness. Hence, the military or paramilitary organizations seize power to provide stability and orderly government. Under such conditions, it is difficult for democratic practices of governance to successfully take hold in those countries. How will it then be possible to create sufficient conditions of democratic political stability in such settings of cultural diversity? pluralism, especially in developing countries. Anderson, Von der Mehden, and Young (1967, 67) analyzed and finally cast aside the prescriptions of representation, federalism, cultural neutralism, ideology, assimilation, encapsulation, and expatriation for solution to democratic instability in plural contexts. They This question is important since history shows incompatibility of democracy and cultural

concluded that there was no other alternative than to reconcile the twin progeny of modernization cultural pluralism and nationalism. Rabushka and Shepsle (1972, 213) do not disagree with these findings. Nevertheless, they attempted to provide their formulae whose feasibility and practicability can be questioned. These include: a) denial of and or restrictions on independent, decision-making authority; b) restrictions on free political competition; c) restrictions on the scope of government; d) creation of homogeneous societies; and e) creation of permanent external enemies. Conclusion Nation-state building in (developing) countries with fragmented polity will remain a very slow and difficult process. It can be asserted that such countries will face a difficult task to achieve a national consciousness. Cultural sub-nationalism and the right for selfdetermination as well as autonomy for each distinct cultural group will constitute a risk to perpetual fragmentation of sovereign states. More importantly, these countries are likely to experiment democratic instability and be ruled by military organizations. It is unfortunate that no proven prescriptions are available to solve democratic instability in plural contexts. But, the twin progeny of modernization cultural pluralism and nationalism must be reconciled somehow. Another question needs to be addressed: Can a democratic framework be able to successfully manage the resolution of conflicting interests in the countries with a fragmented polity? These issues will therefore remain a field for investigation for social scientists for a long time to come.

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Selected Annotated Bibliography 1. Anderson, Benedict. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. London: Verso Editions, 1983. 2. Anderson, Charles W., Fred R. Von der Mehden, and Crawford Young. Issues of Political Development. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice Hall, 1967. pp. 82 This book can be considered an experiment in comparative political analysis based on new realities, revealed through events which took place in the politics of the developing world between 1965 and 1972, that recognized national integration and political order as universal political issues. The authors examine three political aspirations such as cultural nationalism, stability, and development that appear to be common to emerging nations of Africa, Latin America, and Africa. They then indicate that leaders of these nations must resolve such fundamental problems that deal with the establishment, maintenance, and purpose of political life itself. The authors point out that the problems of developing nations are of concern for all developed societies. 3. Bates, Robert H. Modernization, Ethnic Competition and the Rationality of Politics in Contemporary Africa. In Donald Rothchild and Victor Olorunsola, ed., State versus Ethnic Claims: African Policy Dilemmas. Boulder: Westview Press, 1983. pp. 152-171. Robert Bates places the emphasis on the rational basis for ethnic competition in Contemporary Africa. He points out to the weakness of classical expectations concerning ethnic behavior and calls for re-appraisal of modernization theories. He argues that ethnic groups are coalitions formed as part of rational efforts to secure desired, but scarce benefits resulting from modernization. 4. Beissinger, Mark R. The Demise of an Empire-State: Identity, Legitimacy, and the Deconstruction of Soviet Politics. In Crawford Young, ed., The Rising Tide of Cultural Pluralism. The Nation-State at Bay? Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1993. pp. 93-115 Beissinger explains the break-up of the great empire-state, the Soviet Union. The unraveling of the Soviet Union was a spectacular event that took experts on ethnicity by surprise. 5. Berger, Peter and Thomas Luckmann. The Social Construction of Reality: A Treatise in the Sociology of Knowledge. Garden City: Anchor Press, 1967. 6. Cobban, Alfred. The Nation State and National Self - Determination. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company , 1970. pp. 1-76. The author attempts to discover how national self-determination operates as an actual historical process. He believed that theory and practice in politics cant be safely divorced, and that the real difficulties, that are encountered when nationalism in the form

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of the theory of self-determination is considered as the basis of a new international order, happen because such divorce existed. He recognized that there was a need to re-evaluate the theory after demonstration of its practical inadequacy in the contemporary world. 7. Coleman, J. S. and Carl G. Rosberg. Political Parties and National Integration in Tropical Africa. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1964. pp. 9. They examine the role of political parties and other groups in the functioning and development of contemporary Tropical African societies and the political systems of which they are a part. They conducted these studies in individual countries and made comparisons among representative samples of different patterns of party development. These studies illuminate the nature of African politics. The authors basic assumption was that political parties are the most crucial political structures to shape these new African polities and that the crisis of national integration constitutes a major impediment in nation building. 8. Coser, Lewis. The Functions of Social Conflict. Glencoe: Free Press, 1956. pp. 78-79. This is an effort to clarify and consolidate conceptual schemes related to data of social conflict. Such effort led to the examination of the use of social conflict concept in empirical sociological research. The aim was to advance the formulation of future inquiries. 9. Enloe, Cynthia H. Ethnic Conflict and Political Development. Boston: Little Brown and Company, 1973. The author disputes development theorys sole focus on the nation-state based on the argument that, even in many established states, ethnicity plays the role of one of the most significant planes of political cleavage. She demonstrates the fallacy of assuming that as the nation-state develops, ethnicity decreases in potency. She studied ethnic phenomena in North and South America, Europe, Asia, and Africa. She has thus contributed to development theory as well as to the understanding of ethnic politics. 10. Epstein, A. L. Ethos and Identity: Three Studies in Etnicity. Publications, 1978. pp. xi London: Tavistock

11. Etzioni, Amitai. Political Unification: A Comparative Study of Leaders and Forces. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1965. pp. 35-36. Etzioni compares four contemporary unification efforts namely the Federation of the West Indies, the United Arab Republic, the Nordic Union, and the European Economic Community. He observed that these efforts, made in every part of the world to develop broader political communities, illustrated ways of augmenting and eventually replacing the nation-state. Upon studying the factors that contribute to the successes or failures of these communities, he then suggested a general framework for the study of regionalism that may enhance the understanding of the mechanisms of political unification.

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12. Geertz, Clifford. The Integrative Revolution: Primordial Sentiments and Civil Politics in the New States. In Clifford Geertz, ed., Old Societies and New States: The Quest for Modernity in Asia and Africa. New York: Free Press Glencoe, 1963. pp. 105157. He examined how new states are abnormally susceptible to serious disaffection based on primordial attachments. He observed that in modernizing societies, where the tradition of civil politics is weak and the conditions for an effective welfare government are not met, primordial attachments tend to be preferred as bases for demarcation of autonomous political units. The tension resulting from competing loyalties of the same general order - one to an overarching and somewhat alien civil order and the other to a communal group - can be considered as one of the driving forces in the national evolution of the new states. On the other hand, this tension is one of the greatest obstacles to such evolution. 13. Glazer, N. and Daniel P. Moynihan. Beyond the Melting Pot. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1975. They have shown how deeply the pattern of ethnicity is impressed upon the life of New York city. 14. Hass, Ernest. The Uniting of Europe: Political, Social, and Economic Force, 1950-57. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1958. pp. xv-xvi. His aim is to dissect the actual process of integration, one of the few situations in which the decomposition of old nations are systematically analyzed within the framework of the evolution of a larger polity, in order to advance generalizations about its nature. 15. Hechter, Michael. Rational Choice Theory and the Study of Race and Ethnic Relations. In John Rex and David Mason, ed., Theories of Ethnic and Race Relations. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986. pp. 264-279. 16. Horowitz, Donald L. Ethnic Groups in Conflict. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985. pp. 265-277 Horowitz explores systematically and comparatively the politics of ethnic group conflict in multi-ethnic societies. He was concerned with theories, patterns, and policies. He observed that ethnicity is a potent source of challenges to the cohesion of states and of international tension. He showed that the problems of reducing ethnic conflict are sometimes connected to the problems of fostering democracy. He conceded, however, that understanding ethnic conflict and conflict reduction is major task. Hence, his major aim was to understand the nature of ethnic affiliations and to devise an explanation of ethnic conflict that fits the observed regularities of that conflict. Subsequently, he set a

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task of comparative analysis of civilian and military ethnic politics. Finally, he evaluated policies of conflict reduction. 17. Hough, Jerry F. Understanding Gorbachev: The Importance of Politics. Soviet Economy 7, 2 (1991b): 89-109. 18. Hough, Jerry F. Editors Introduction. Journal of Soviet Nationalities 1, 1 (Spring 1990): 1-13. 19. Isaacs, Harold R. Idols of the Tribe. Group Identity and Political Change. New York: Harper & Row Publishers, 1975. pp. 176-177. This is a study of the nature of group identity that has resulted from a series of inquiries into encounters between different types of people under changing political conditions. 20. Kasfir, Nelson. The Shrinking Political Arena: Participation and Ethnicity in African Politics, with a Case Study of Uganda. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975. He considered the fluid nature of ethnicity in African politics and observed variability of both ethnic units and the intensity of demands of their members, that results from a notion of ethnicity that emphasizes its situational nature. He then noted attempts of political leaders to restructure the rules of the game to de-emphasize ethnicity in the same manner colonial administrators used the same rules to emphasize ethnicity. Hence, the conditions of fluidity which brought success to the efforts of colonial officials, allows current leaders to temporarily introduce the reverse policy. Therefore, de-participation, which can be considered as a potential strategy and a form of political engineering, allows African leaders to reduce the uncertainties they face and redirect the political energies of the people they govern. 21. Laitin, David D. The National Uprising in the Soviet Union. World Politics 44 (October 1991): 139-177. 22. Lijphart, Arend. Consociational Democracy. World Politics 21, 2 (January 1969): 207225. 23. Lipset, Seymour M. Political Man: The Social Base of Politics. Garden City: Anchor Books, 1963. pp. 77. These studies in the sociology of politics represent the contribution that a sociologist can make to an understanding of democratic political systems. Lipset mainly discussed the requirements for democracy in societies and organizations, the factors that affect the participation of men in politics, and the sources of support for values as well as movements which sustain or imperil democratic institutions.

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24. Melson, Robert and Howard Wolpe, eds. Nigeria: Modernization and the Politics of Communalism. East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 1971. The authors indicated that the most pressing political question people face everywhere is how to reconcile the demands of communal groups for security and autonomy with the requirements of the nation-state for order and unity. They also observed that communal conflicts bring to the front the basic issues of identity and survival. They then attempted to deal with the problem of communal conflict by examining the political experience of Nigeria, where destructive potentialities intrinsic in all communal confrontations were unfortunately realized. 25. Nandy, Ashis. Ethnic Conflict: A Report from India. Conference on Ethnic Conflict, United Nations Research Institute for Social Development, Dubrovnik, Yugoslavia, (3-6 June), 1991. 26. Morris, Stephen. Indians in east Africa: A Study in a Plural Society. British Journal of Sociology 7, 3 (October 1956): 194-211. 27. Olzak, S. and Joane Nagel, Eds. Competitive Ethnic Relations. Orlando: Academic Press, 1986. This is an attempt to address problems relevant to the persistence of ethnicity from a common theoretical viewpoint. 28. Onuf, Nicholas. World of Our Making: Rules and Rule in Social Theory and International Relations. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1989. The author attempts to re-construct a self-consciously organized field of study or discipline named International Relations. 29. Olorunsola, Victor A. The Politics of Cultural Sub-Nationalism in Africa. Garden City: Anchor Books, 1972. pp. xiii-xvii The author examines African politics in countries such as Nigeria, Uganda, Sierra Leone, and Congo-Kinshasa with respect to the problem of integrating sub-national groups into the nation. This study is important because these countries are the creation of colonialism, which cut out enclaves for the colonial powers with absolute disregard for tribal loyalties and ethnic compatibilities. The result was that one state-many nationalism is used to designate political systems of these developing countries. The author then indicated that under such conditions, a countrys nationalism can be imperiled by its sub-nationalism and that self-assertion can lead either to perpetual fragmentation or the existence of the multi-national states. 30. Raanan, Uri. Ethnic resurgence in Modern Democratic States. New York: Pergamon, 1980.

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31. Raanan, Uri. The Nation-State Fallacy. In Conflict and Peacemaking in Multi-ethnic Societies. J. Montville ed. Boston: Lexington Books, 1990. 32. Raanan, Uri. Nation and State: Order out of Chaos. In Raanan, Uri, Maria Mesner, Keith Armes, and Kate Martin, eds. State and nation in multi-ethnic societies. The Breakup of multinational state. Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press, 1991. pp. 3-32 The author first attempted to distill some measure of analytical order out of the confusion in the semantic as well as conceptual areas related to the notions of nation-state, nation, and state. He then examined the applicability of the diverse categories of the Renner-Bauer typology to ethnic conflict situations. 33. Raanan, Uri. The End of the Multinational Soviet Empire? In Raanan, Uri, Maria Mesner, Keith Armes, and Kate Martin, Eds. State and nation in multi-ethnic societies. The Breakup of multinational state. Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press, 1991. pp. 113-124 He examined the developments in the Soviet Union and reached the conclusion that the nationalities problem could not simply resolved by enhancing individual human rights or resorting to decentralization. 34. Rabushka, A. and K. A. Shepsle. Politics in Plural Societies. A Theory of Democratic Instability. Columbus: Charles E. Merrill Publishing Company, 1972. p. 1-22. The authors attempted to develop a formal model that could provide theoretical expectations regarding phenomena in one political universe, that is the plural society. They then subjected these expectations to empirical examination in eighteen plural societies. 35. Smith, M. G. The Plural Society in the British West Indies. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1965. pp. xii-xiii. The author examines the nature and character of West Indian society. In dealing with certain questions such as the differing bases, modes of social integration, the nature and variability of the social order as well as the variety of societal types, the author sought to develop and apply the work of Furnivall. The author particularly applied Furnivalls concept of the plural society as a unit of divers parts, which owes its existence to external factors. 36. Tagil, Sven. Ethnicity and Nation Building in the Nordic World. Carbondale and Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University Press, 1999. p. 8-32 The author observed that ethnic identity in the Nordic region had served as basis for nation building. However, he indicated that the historic harmonious description, which characterized the societies of the Nordic region by a small degree of interethnic tension,

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was no longer accurate. There was a need to re-examine the image of homogeneous region in light of relationships between state and nation, between ethnicity and territory, and between ethnic majorities and minorities. The author tries to analyze the specific Nordic model of ethnic relationship and place it in a wider context, both theoretically and empirically. 37. Van der Berghe, Pierre L. Pluralism and the Polity: A Theoretical Exploration. In Leo Kuper and M. G. Smith, eds., Pluralism in Africa. Berkley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1969. p.67-81 38. Young, Crawford. The Dialectics of Cultural Pluralism: Concepts and Reality. In Crawford Young, ed., The Rising Tide of Cultural Pluralism. The Nation-State at Bay? Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1993. p.3-35 The author gives an overview of the dramatic rise in the political significance of cultural pluralism and of scholars changing understanding of factors that drive and shape ethnic identification. He then defined three formative modes of theoretical discourse on the politics of cultural pluralism that he labeled instrumentalist, primordialist, and constructivist. He asserted that it was critical that ethnicity be perceived as manufactured. Finally, he added that many scholars of ethnicity were influenced by these schools of thought on cultural pluralism. The overall work assesses the changing impact of cultural pluralism on political processes around the world. This is a major contribution that evidences the strength of national movements. 39. Young, M. Crawford. The National and Colonial Question and Marxism: A View from the South. In Alexander J. Motyl, ed., Thinking Theoretically about Soviet Nationalities: History and Comparison in the Study of the USSR. New York: The Columbia University Press, 1992. pp. 61-97. 40. Young, Crawford. The Politics of Cultural Pluralism. Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1976. The author attempted efforts to extrapolate from the comparative experience in the contemporary politics of cultural pluralism in order to identify future trends.