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The Nation as Object: Race, Blood, and Biopolitics in Interwar Romania Author(s): Marius Turda Reviewed work(s): Source:

Slavic Review, Vol. 66, No. 3 (Fall, 2007), pp. 413-441 Published by: Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20060295 . Accessed: 11/01/2013 05:48
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The Nation Race,


Marius

as Object: Blood, and Biopolitics

in Interwar Romania

Turda

Introduction: In 1926,

Biopolitics

and National

Politics

social hygienist and eugenicist Iuliu Moldovan a book Maria Bucur described as "amanifesto that published Biopolitica, state based on biological called for a total eugenic principles?an entirely new way of in Romania."1 By introducing organizing politics biopolitics was not a char into Romanian Moldovan just adopting public discourse, a versatile modernist it with term, he was also investing acteristically to direct mission: of historical narratives national expe specific disparate rience and cultural traditions toward the idea of improving the racial as a of the nation.2 The nation was portrayed qualities living organism, to laws and embodying great physical functioning according biological to gener transmitted from generation symbols of innate virtues qualities, ation. Equally nation the relationship between and state was important, one based on form of knowledge, turned into a specific scientific biology. of biological thus operated processes Biopolitics through investigations the triadic relationship between and state.3 nation, individual, regulating
Research Robert Dr. for this article was funded Marie Iwould Curie Fellowship. also like to thank by the at Slavic Review and the anonymous referees for their con Feldman, to Mioara I am and indebted and suggestions. deeply Georgescu from Biblioteca Documentara Leasevici R?zvan from P?r?ianu See de Istoria for Medicinii a Institutului Fr. I. Rainer, articles and de Institutul de Antropologie me locate helping Bucur, of Moldovan's See, Eugenics

the Romanian

Pyrah, Matt comments structive Sanda Hondor Publica, and

S?n?tate Bucharest; books. 1. ernization resurfaced Statut

Nicolae Bucharest; and Ioana Patriche

Iuliu Moldovan, Biopolitica (Cluj, in Interwar Romania (Pittsburgh, in articles (Sibiu, and 1943) books and he published Moldovan,

1926). 2002),

also Maria

and Mod

83. Many in the 1940s.

etnic

Introducere

ideas biopolitical I. Moldovan, for example, ?n etnobiologie si biopolitica (Sibiu,

1944).
was of biopolitics in 1911 in the modernist 2. The first discussion journal attempted to policies reference of public and social welfare. This health, TheNewAgein reproduction, a was connection article established between these and the state, which strong policies seen as the of implementing those institution See G. W. Harris, "Bio only capable policies. to insist on The New Age 10, no. 9 (28 December trend was 197. Another Politics," 1911): the fusion tioning of between the state in order to science and materialist the func sociology political explain as a was first One such biological organism. interpretation suggested in the Bio-Politics: An Essay and Politics Physiology, Pathology of the Social and

Roberts, by Morley see Al Somatic Organism For an early conceptualization of this direction, 1938). (London, bert Somit, British Journal Science 2, no. 2 (1972): for more 209-38; "Biopolitics," ofPolitical recent see Ira H. Carmen, The Newest Genetica99, developments, "Biopolitics: Synthesis?"

nos. 2/3
3. 1970s,

(1997): 173-84.
It was in with this his sense theory that Michel Foucault of governmentality. employed See Michel the term in the late de Foucault, Naissance Philoso

largely in connection

la biopolitique: Cours au Coll?ge de France (1977-1978)


Theory Ross Dickinson, according of personal gimes hygiene "Learning phy and as Investment: 38, no. 4 on Notes Governmentality An enlarged 523-40. (2006): to whom should biopolitics to state organized public

(Paris, 2004); and Maarten


and Biopolitics," was definition include health Educational

Simons,

by Edward proposed "medical from re practices and institutions;

campaigns

Slavic Review 66, no. 3 (Fall 2007)

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414
Moldovan insisted, was this transformation should become

Slavic Review

Ultimately, tics. How

biopolitics possible?

national

poli

the interwar became concepts During necessary period, biological of national In addition, racial anthropol components identity.4 eugenics, received official endorsement from governments and ogy, and serology this transformation political regimes throughout Europe.5 Accompanying an was the elevation of the national adoration body into object of political as the emblematic of biopolitics of modern theories of national symbol the fusion between the need for biological identification indeed, identity; to the transformation and the quest for national contributed rejuvenation of biopolitics into national politics. Yet in most has scholarship dealing with interwar Romania, biopolitics not received it deserves. the attention The emphasis is either on literary or on cultural and religious constructions of national and identity politics to this interpretation, conflict.6 According in the generational participants about the nation debate themes that were created by succes appropriated are a few notable sive generations of poets, There linguists, and historians.7 exceptions, of Romanian above-mentioned including Maria Bucur's Radu Ioanid's examination eugenics, of study of the history the politics of the

to the various racial from physical racial sciences, programs; anthropology of heredity; and the science scientific and eugenics management demography, and the related and such as psychiatry and psy health; occupational disciplines practices See Edward Ross Dickinson, Some Reflections Fascism, chology." Democracy: "Biopolitics, social welfare theories; 1 (2004): Discourse about Central European 3-4. 37, no. History 'Modernity,'" Laura and Ambivalence Ann Bauman, Stoler, (Ithaca, 1991); Zygmunt Modernity s Race and the Education Order of Things and the Colonial of Desire: Foucault History of Sexuality Tzvetan Lessons and Memory: the Twentieth Todorov, (London, 1995); Hope from Century The Sense of a Beginning Modernism and Fascism: under ;and Roger Griffin, (Princeton, 2004) Mussolini and Hitler 2007). (London, in the Third Reich 5. Margit and Marius ed., Science (Oxford, 2001); Sz?ll?si-Janze, 4. Turda Central debted J. Weindling, Southeast Europe, 6. Much of the recent and to Benedict Anderson's and Paul "Blood and Homeland": and Racial Nationalism eds., Eugenics 1900-1940 2006). (Budapest, in interwar literature with nationalism Romania dealing influential of the nation in is in on Our

conceptualization artifact. See Benedict Communities: Anderson, Imagined Reflections imagined to Anderson, the idea of race does and Spread of Nationalism 1986). According (London, see an not in shaping nationalist For a different role view, imagination. important play and Nation in Latin America "The Hour Race, Gender, (Lon Nancy Leys Stepan, of Eugenics": Laura and Imperial Power: Race and the Intimate Ann Carnal Knowledge in ; don, Stoler, 1991) Colonial 7. mania," terwar National Katherine Rule (Berkeley, 2002); and Marius Turda, The Idea of National Superiority in Central

as a cultural, on the Origin

Europe, 1880-1918
See Katherine and Keith

(New York, 2005).


Ro and National Character in Interwar "National Verdery, Ideology over in In Polemics and Religion "Orthodoxism: Hitchins, Ethnicity in Ivo Banac and and Katherine both Character eds., National Verdery, in Interwar Eastern 103-33 and 135-56; 1995), (New Haven, Europe in Ceaus under Socialism: and Cultural Politics National Identity Ideology (Bucharest, 1998); and Ethnic Building Politics and the Austrian History

Romania," Ideology

Verdery, escus Romania Sorin Alexandrescu, rom?n Paradoxul 1991); (Berkeley, in Greater Romania: Nation Cultural Politics Irina Livezeanu, Regionalism, Irina Livezeanu, "Generational and 1918-1930 1995); (Ithaca, Struggle, of Culture: Lucian Blaga between Tradition and Modernism,"

Philosophy

Yearbook^

(2002): 207-37.

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Race, Blood,

and Biopolitics

in Interwar Romania

415

as well as Viorel Achim 's and Michael Iron Guard, Wedekind's investiga the 1930s and 1940s.8 tions of Romanian during ethnopolitics use of and literary critics did, however, make Romanian philosophers in their definitions of the nation, racial typologies and racial arguments in the cultural and it is essential and political debates that their presence of the interwar period be acknowledged.9 Complementing literary defini Romanian fo and anthropologists tions of national eugenicists identity, arti such as crania and various cused on physical objects, archaeological facts. By conducting technical such as cataloguing and experiments, to create the population, the blood within groups classifying they hoped to be scientific the nation. In about what they considered knowledge a na at other words, and racial anthropology aimed eugenics creating as was deemed tional ontology, wherein the nation paramount. object of the nation These allowed and an representations physical eugenicists to engage in allegedly incursions into the ethnic thropologists objective fabric of society, contrasting their interpretations of national identity with as more texts. those viewed subjective, literary particularly I will look at Romanian In this article, and serologi anthropological the interwar cal research it shaped and examine how period during visions of an idealized Romanian At the biopolitical Volksgemeinschaft.10 contours of the nation the physical the attention of spe time, captured from skeptical cialists and lay commentators in the histor believers alike, to those obsessed essence ical destiny of the nation with national and In this context, and serological research pro specificity. anthropological to the scientific vided that there was a racial nu legitimacy assumption cleus within nation the Romanian that the natural and social environment was what could not obliterate; this racial nucleus and serol anthropology as "Romanian." identified ogy

Movements

"The Sacralised of the Romanian Iron Guard," Politics Totalitarian Ioanid, Political 3 (2004): Viorel "Romanian 5, no. 419-53; Achim, Religions German in Collaboration The Case of Sabin Manuil?," in Ingo Haar and Ethnopolitics: Michael Scholars and Ethnic 1919-1945 Fahlbusch, eds., German (New York, 2005), Cleasing, and Michael "Wissenschaftsmilieus und Ethnopolitik im Rum?nien 139-54; Wedekind, der 1930/40er in J?rgen und Ursula Reulecke, Ehmer, Ferdinand, eds., Her Jahre," Josef zum 80. Rainer Mackensens (Wiesbaden, Festschrift ausforderung "Bev?lkerung": Geburtstag and

8. Radu

2007).
"De ce rasa e poporul in H. Sanielevici, lit Sanielevici, rom?n," Noiprobl?me sociale H. limba 127-36; Sanielevici, "Rasa, (Bucharest, 1927), ?i cultura politice, in H. Sanielevici, si suinta Literatura Ion Pil Daciei," b??tina?ilor (Bucharest, 17-46; 1930), und in der neuen v?lkische Tradition rum?nischen l?t, Rassengeist 1939); (Jena, Dichtung in filozofia C. R?dulescu-Motru, si nafionalitatea sti "Rassa, cultura istoriei," Arhivapentru 1 (1922): and Garabet "Caracterul in?a si reforma social? 4, no. 18-34; Ibr?ileanu, specific 9. See H. erare, ?n literatura," Operen 10. Unfortunately, research during research searchers. deutsche' Turda in the (Bucharest, space 1977), limitations the 92-94. do not me permit Austrian period, to deal racial here after with Saxon racial research with in the Banat racial

Transylvania during 1930s, or Hungarian serology in this article to as is referred For and the Austrian Racial research

interwar

in northern

"Romanian," in the Banat, Interwar

Transylvania as it deals see Maria The

1940. Hence

and Weindling,

Anthropology "Blood and Homeland, eds.,

in

Vienna: "55-82.

re Romanian only "'Volks Teschler-Nicola, 'Marienfeld in Project,'"

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416
After World War I, Romania's territory nearly doubled. diverse of Transylvania, Bessarabia, ethnically regions state to engage thus prompting the Romanian Bukovina, leled process of nationalization and centralization.11 Not to Romania's ethnic became central dressing diversity grams elaborated serology general, Romanian ously multiethnic; nation cradle of the Romanian the interwar during devoted considerable attention in particular. and Transylvania,

Slavic Review

It included the and northern in an unparal ad surprisingly,

of Hungary.12 "Anthropologically, of the Romanian the Romanian the periphery N. Al. nation," geographer in a memorandum in 1941 to the German submitted R?dulescu asserted saw Rasse- und Siedlungshauptamt the interwar period Indeed, (RuSHA).13 the growth of a large body of Romanian racial writings with Tran dealing communities.14 sylvania and its ethnic to back up the forms of national Harnessing biological belonging was character and anthropology scientific evidence by serology provided In Romania, in interwar Europe. istic of racial politics however, allegories an intensifi of race and blood?especially insofar as they represented In interwar Ro cation of national loyalties?were particularly appealing. was nationalism than scientific it rather commitment that deter mania, one took on the of racial anthropology and mined the position question serology.
state af by the Romanian experienced to classic works In addition such as Henry analysis. an L. Roberts, Problems State Rumania: Kenneth (New Haven, 1951); of Agrarian on A Debate in Romania, in a European Na 1860-1940: ed., Social Change Development Jowitt, in Eastern tion (Berkeley, Backwardness and Daniel ed., The Origins Chirot, 1978); of Europe The institutional the and ter 1918 have been subject Political political of much 11. difficulties

pro biopolitical Both and period. anthropology to the ethnic map of Romania, in Not only was this region notori nationalists viewed it as the traditionally in the Kingdom its long inclusion despite the center not represents Transylvania

(Berkeley, 1989) ;see Keith Hitchins, Rumania, 1866-1947(Oxford,


Mark Mazower, eds., Ideologies 2004); and National and John Identities: The Europe (Budapest, of War and Transition R. Lampe, 2006). Eng.,

; 1994) John R. Lampe


Case of Twentieth-Century into Southeastern Europe: interest notwith

and

Southeastern

Balkans

A Century 12. The standing, Centuries

subject generated are critical evaluations

Economic, of Political, rians and the History Colo., (Boulder, of Transylvania in Transylvania, National Movement The Romanian Affirmed: and L?szl? K?rti, The Remote Borderland: Transylvania

Such animated scholarship. See Katherine Verdery, Transylvanian L?szl? and Ethnic 1983); Change (Berkeley, rare. Keith 1992); 1860-1914 in the Hungarian

(Basingstoke, an extensive

Three Villagers: P?ter, ed., Histo A Nation Hitchins, (Bucharest, Imagination 1999); (New

York, 2001).
erschaft f?r das Alter Beweise und die Ureinwohn R?dulescu, "Anthropologische file Reich in Central State Archive der Rum?nen (1941), Prague, Siebenb?rgen" like Box und Maehren, No. in Boehmen 1, p. 12. I would 114, Office RuSHA, sprotektor to this document. also N. Al. to thank Michal See for drawing attention Sim?nek my 13. N. Al. it Transylvania, to con subject la studiul taliei si al Etude an

si antropogeografia rasiala R?dulescu, 1941). (Bucharest, Antropologie is on racial research with focus here the main 14. Although dealing were not not be assumed that other should (and ethnic regions groups) stant

I. Botez, attention. See, for example, Contribuai anthropological and Olga C. Necrasov, de nord si Bucovina indicelui (Ia?i, 1938), cephalic inMoldova et de la Bessarabie de laMoldavie 1941). (Bucharest, septentrionales thropologique

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Race, Blood,

and Biopolitics in Racial

in Interwar Romania

417

New

Paradigms

Sciences

was fluid and undermined racial terminology the interwar period, During an was both a physical Race entity?one interpretations. by divergent as the "sum-total characteris of somatological it described thropologist a cultural conditions.15 the result of specific historical tics"?and artifact, did an about what constituted As there was no consensus race; neither to races on how many agree Attempts Europe. populated thropologists are detectable to standardize in the effort this problem work through The for prominence. three models racial cartography. Here, competed naturalist and anthropologist first was proposed Joseph by the French races: Northern, Ibero six primary identified who Eastern, Deniker, or Atlanto-Mediterranean, or Cenevole, and Littoral Insular, Western four subraces: Vistulian, sub-Northern, along with was outlined Another model sub-Adriatic.16 by the Z. Ripley, who insisted that there racial cartographer William American races: Teutonic, were and Mediter (Celtic), Alpine only three European Hans F. K. G?nther The German racial anthropologist ranean.17 sug races: Nordic, five European that there were Western, Dinaric, gested considered the cephalic index to and Baltic.18 All three authors Eastern, for classification, instrument that cranial be a reliable meaning capacity races: some were dolichocephalic was what differentiated (long-headed), were Northern and Ibero-Insular races; others brachycephalic mainly and Dinaric like Eastern, Western, races; and some races (short-headed), Adriatic were a race The more (medium-headed).19 possessed mesocephalic a the more it claimed and brachycephalic characteristics, dolichocephalic of European the hierarchy races.20 within superior position the utility of cra Toward the end of the nineteenth century, however, was viewed with nial research for racial purposes increasing suspicion.21
and Ethnography The Races An Outline 15. J. Deniker, (London, ofMan: of Anthropology an 8. For a discussion between of the relationship the concept of race and physical see Paul "De la notion Revue d'anthro de race en anthropologie," Topinard, thropology, 1900), 16. Deniker, 17. William 18. Hans Morris-Reich, ther," History 19. In Races 325-35. ofMan, Z. Ripley, The Races (New York, 1899). of Europe: A Sociological Study F. K. G?nther, Rassenkunde See also Arnos 2d ed. (Munich, 1926). Europas, of Franz Boas F. K. G?n and Ideals: A Comparison and Hans "Race, Ideas,

or Dinaric; and Northwestern,

pologie 8, no. 2 (1879): 589-660.

Ideas 32, no. 3 (September 313-32. 2006): of European the Swedish anatomist Anders Retzius first used the ratio 1842, (1796-1860) to to of width between and thus crania, length distinguish dolichocephalic brachycephalic a For a discussion of differ establishing craniological comparative study of racial groups. sur V?tat actuel de l'eth ent traditions of race, see Anders Retzius, anthropological Coup d'oeil au vue de la crane osseux (Geneva, 1860). nologie point de forme du see Carlos C. Closson, "The Hierarchy of 20. For a description, Races," European American For how ideas of racial classification 314-27. 3, no. 3 (1897): Journal of Sociology were Parkin, 21. ropean used and See Races in different Sydel the institutional Silverman, see Frederik Andre Robert contexts, Barth, Gingrich, One Discipline, Four Ways: British, and American German, French, M. Morant, "A Classification by G. Preliminary Biometrika 3-4 Measurements," 20, nos. (1928): of Eu 301

Anthropology (Chicago, 2005).


critique on Based provided Cranial

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418
This

Slavic Review

was a symptom of the growing dissatisfaction with the con suspicion of race, in general.22 As one form of racial research was slowly cept falling new ones were was one into disrepute, progress. rapidly making Serology of these. The innovative work and by physiologists, immunologists, like Karl Landsteiner?who discovered human blood pathologists, 1900?and Ludwik Hirszfeld?who confirmed (A, B, O) around groups of blood to that the percentage in a population varied according groups as a racial origin?not of serology the emergence only helped discipline with deciphering the chemical of blood groups preoccupied properties of improving for the benefit medical assistance transfu (such as blood sions and the discovery of new vaccines), but also brought the fascination of anthropological with blood into the mainstream The research.23 idea of "biochemical called racial anthro races," as Hirszfeld them, provided more races for classifying with a new method bio accurate, pologists by means chemical than by using highly rather contested anthropom?trie characteristics. also demonstrated that blood Equally important, serology were to Mendelian inherited laws of heredity, thus con groups according race a or ex to internal attribute ferring upon impervious distinguishing As the Italian haematologist in ternal influences.24 Leone Lattes declared to a definite his 1923 Uindividualit? del sangue: "The fact of belonging of every human is a fixed character and can be altered blood group being, neither the lapse of time nor by intercurrent diseases."25 Since cranial by answers measurements to of providing had proved definitive incapable historical about racial identity, national that ideologues questions hoped to legitimize could offer the scientific needed theories serology certainty of biological uniqueness.
75. Race See also Benoit Massin, inWilhelmine on Boasian "From Vichow Germany," Ethnography to Fischer: in George W. and the German Physical and 'Modern Anthropology as Method ed., Volksgeist Tradition (Madison, Anthropological Stockingjr.,

Theories' Essays 79-154.

and Ethic: 1996), 22. Hertz,

See Paul J. Weindling, "Central Confronts Racial Friedrich Europe Hygiene: as Critics of Racial in Turda Iltis and and Wein Hygiene," Hugo Ignaz Zollschan " "Blood and Homeland, 263-80. eds., dling, see Paul Steffan, of discussion and blood Handbuch 23. For a general groups, serology P. P. Geneza formelor culturii: Priviri der Blutgruppenkunde critice (Munich, 1931); Negulescu,

asupra factorilor ei determinant


Grouping Technic: A Manual

(Bucharest,

1934); Fritz Schiff and William


Anthropologists, 1958); Theory, "Chance The and Kathleen

C. Boyd, Blood
of Legal and and Appli in the Racial

for Clinicians,

Serologists,

Students

Military Medicine
prehensive Barbara cations, 545-62; 24. Blood

(New York, 1942); Arthur Ernest Mourant,

The ABO Blood Groups: Com


E. Boorman Practical Techniques, and Social Setting of the Aryan

Tables and Maps (Oxford, of World Distribution to Blood An Introduction E. Dodd, Group Serology: H. Schneider, 2d ed. (London, 1961); William and Pauline M. H. Mazumdar, "Blood and Soil:

Application

of the Discovery of Blood Groups," Bulletin of the History ofMedicine 57 (1983):


Serology

Medicine 64 (1990): 187-219. State," Bulletin of the History of


L. Hirschfeld of Different Races," of Hirschfeld between the and H. Hirschfeld, Differences [Hirszfeld] "Serological The Romanian The Lancet 675-79. 197, no. 2 (18 October 1919): "Dr. L. Hirschfeld 's research in 1922. See C. Velluda, appeared Incerc?ri no. 12 de (1922): aplicaciune 367-68. a medodelor in Biology and serologice in Clinical ?n problema and Forensic Medi

presentation Dr. ?i Dna raselor," 25. cine (1st

Hirschfeld, medical3, Lattes, ed.,

Clujul Leone Italian

Individuality 1923; London,

of the Blood 43. 1932),

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Race, Blood,

and Biopolitics

in Interwar Romania

419

race and blood sci of national transcended symbols belonging, a new nationalist one the within they operated register, unifying of the nation and its resurrected physiognomy Subscribing spirituality.26 to this axiom, and serological research redefined the anthropological to the scientific of the nation of the age, standards according body of the nation were placed un the physical and spiritual qualities whereby both state agencies der close inspection and individuals with entrusted by them. the role of protecting As ence; Romanian Racial

Anthropology were been

a racial narrative rather late in producing an the focus of other national competing I. It was War before the French World thropologies anthropologist one of the first racial Pittard who conducted in Ro Eug?ne investigations sur les Roumains In "Recherches de Transyl mania.27 anthropologiques in Etude sur l'indice c?phalique en Roumanie vanie" and, especially, (1919) were Pittard that Romanians from the Old Kingdom (1927) argued were from while those and Transylvania Bukovina dolichocephalic, nation was thus suggesting that the Romanian brachycephalic, composed was advanced racial types.28 A similar argument of different by the direc tor of the Institute of Anatomy in Cluj, the physician and anatomist Vic tor In a series of articles published in the 1920s, Papilian Papilian. hoped to demonstrate of "special the existence characteristics" cephalometric in Transylvania. the Romanians He concluded that the cranial among of Romanians from Transylvania characteristics from differed those of in the Old Kingdom both Romanians in Transylvania. and Hungarians with the latter groups, the former were Compared "hyperbrachycephalic" or broad-headed) to a differ and "mesocephalic": (round they belonged Romanian anthropologists for territories that had
ent racial substratum.29

26. Middle

For Ages,

the

role

"blood" Linke,

has

see Uli for sur

Blood

played and Nation:

in

European shaping The European Aesthetics de

since imagination of Race (Philadelphia, la Roumanie: 22, nos. Nouvelles 4-5

the

1999).
27. recherches 298-328; See, example, le Skoptzy," Eug?ne Bulletin de Pittard, "Anthropologie de la Soci?t? Roumaine la Roumanie: Les (1913): de la Dobrudja Peuple Sporadiques de la Roumanie: Documents pour somatologiques sur de Transyl with Pittard, together avec un essai de repartition g?o Les Peuples des Balkans: Pittard, and (Paris, of the dans exer Pittard 1917). of Anthro Institute trois villages roumains les Roumains des Sciences

Pittard,

(Bucharest, 1913); Anthropologie l'?tude des Tsiganes (Bucharest, 1915). "Recherches 28. Eug?ne Pittard, anthropologiques Revue 3-4 vanie," 29, nos. (1919): anthropologique Alexandru graphique Esquisses cised a

Anthropologie and Pittard,

sur l'indice Etude Donici, c?phalique de ce caract?re See also Eug?ne (Bucharest, 1927). and Pittard, La Roumanie (Paris, 1916); anthropologique influence lasting in Romania. See (Bucharest, Victor romani on Francise I. Rainer, Enqu?tes cranian 1, no. the first Francise 1937). "Studiul Rainer,

57-76; en Roumanie

director

pology des Carpathes 29. ile de

anthropologiques vertical

pilian,

antropologice "Nouvelles

indicelui Papilian, medical ?i maghiari," Clujul rom?nilor ardeleni," asupra recherches anthropologiques

?i transverse-vertical pe crani "Cercet?ri 763-77; (1920): Papilian, and Pa 2, no. 11 (1921): 335-39; Clujul medical sur la t?te des Roumains de Transylvanie," 9

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420
Given the use of the tandem

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in these dolichocephalic-brachycephalic with ethnic in Transylvania? groups writings dealing the alleged racial divide between Romanians from the Old particularly and those from the newly united as well as between Kingdom provinces, Romanians and Hungarians?the re conclusions reached by cranial search contravened the general of Romanian rhetoric which nationalism, insisted on national unity and ethnic homogeneity. In fact, anthropological like those expressed and theories, by Pittard to believe researchers in the existence of a specific Papilian, encouraged Romanian racial type, one that they located in Transylvania. One such sup was the and anthropologist Ion Chelcea, who analyzed porter sociologist the crania collection in the Museum of Natural History in Vienna existing assembled in the second Weisbach by the Austrian anthropologist Augustin half of the nineteenth Chelcea followed the century.30 Methodologically, outlined the German Rudolf principles craniological by anthropologist in his 1914 Lehrbuch der Martin individual cranial Anthropologie, especially measurements on these and so on).31 Based breadth, diameter, (length, Chelcea crania into six racial types: Roman Romanian principles, grouped Mediterranean Da Nordic, (or Ibero-Mediterranean), Dinaric, Kurgan, anthropological he followed the Romanian r?an, and Avar-Turanic. however, Practically, to the existence and thus pointed nationalist tradition of a "Dar?an racial was to be found the inhabitants of the among type," which especially in Transylvania.32 (Western) Mountains Apuseni Chelcea's reflections that although he was suggest anthropological Pittard's about Romania's racial diversity?for arguments by persuaded to differentiate it perfectly he found crania between Romanian possible from Transylvania and the rest of Romania?his of "Dar?an" description to Pittard's bears more cranial characteristics than a passing resemblance not The graphic illustration of this resemblance writings. anthropological a direct to the way in which indicates it is also a testament influence, only in Romania racial anthropology turned nationalist and became increas with racial specificity. ingly obsessed the existence of a distinct Chelcea's claim about Ro Substantiating racial type was the idea of racial permanence?an manian idea that served as a medium for various cultural constructions of the national past during an oft-voiced For instance, Ro the interwar period. image underpinning that the territories tradition was the notion manian nationalist constituting of been Romania had frequently invaded the Romans Greater (from to the Magyars of the Middle and the Jews of modern Ages antiquity
Revue used notes that Papilian of [his] parameters not own scientific to support she does evidence the any anthropology," provide discipline, and Modernization in Interwar Romania, 70. claim. See Bucur, Eugenics Ion Chelcea, de cranii din Ardeal 30. rom?ne?ti (Cercetare antropol?gica)," "Tipuri Bucur 9-10 337-41. 33, nos. (1923): Although anthropologique to define in evolution determinism the "notions of hereditary

Academia Romana: Memoriile Secfiunii ?tiin?fice 10, no. 3 (1934/35):


31. Rudolf Ber?cksichtigung 32. Chelcea, Lehrbuch Martin, der anthropologischen "Tipuri de der Anthropologie Methoden (Jena, 360-62. in systematischer 1914).

341-68.
Darstellung mit besonderer

cranii,"

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and Biopolitics

in Interwar Romania

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new nor idea was neither Romanian: the coun specifically and southeast the Balkans) have been re Europe (especially as ethnic peatedly singled out extremely heterogeneous regions.34 Yet this troubled confirmed what Romanian nationalists history only overtly pro to the national in its quali claimed with respect past: only a race superior ties could have survived centuries of dislocation and foreign domination. as commen that race was the subject of heated What constituted debates, tators could not agree whether or it was Roman, Dacian-Roman, Dacian, For Chelcea, itwas the "Dacian racial type" that the Dacian-Roman-Slavic. Romanians deemed theirs and that gave them the right to rule over terri tories where from that race either now lived or had lived.35 descendants seen as of national This racial expression identity may be challenging the scientific claimed credentials yet itmay also be seen by anthropology; a to be of national metamorphosis. Sorin Antohi specific process defining as "ethnic describes this process universal ontology," whereby categories are and transformed traditions.36 We may see by nationalist appropriated in the topical the emergence of this "ethnic ontology" resemblance be as the historian tween the writings of such different authors Vasile P?rvan, the poet Lucian Blaga, and the philosopher Mircea Vulc?nescu.37 As these essence writers the image of a Romanian national and overtly employed to integrate it into the discussion of national in culture obsessively sought to see the way in which it is possible the very concept of race be Romania, came absorbed into the nationalist rhetoric of inclusion and exclusion, the encounter between individuals different epitomizing representing ethnic groups and cultures. of the national Such a transformation in Romania culture favored the of an anthropological to yet distinct tradition emergence complementary from that set out by western like Eug?ne scholars, Pittard, European or Viktor a racial Lebzelter.38 Iordache Weisbach, F?c?oaru, Augustin times).33 This tries of central
33. For the classical (Paris, version 1920). of this narrative, see Nicolae Histoire des Roumains

Iorga,

et de leur civilisation

34. See, for example, La P?ninsule humaine (Paris, Jovan Cvijic, Balkanique: G?ographie and Christian "Vermessene 'Rassenkundliche' Promitzer, 1918); K?rper: Grenzziehungen im s?d?stlichen in Karl Raser, and Robert Pich Gramshammer-Hohl, Europa," Dagmar und die Grenzen im Kopf 357-85. ler, eds., Europa 2004), (Klagenfurt, Contribution Dada "Crania (Bucharest, 1913); A. Donici, prehist?rica Scythica: et essai du crane ? relatif anthropologique scythe g?o l'origine des Academia Romana: Memoriile 3 Secfiunii 10, no. graphique scythes," ?tiin?ifice and N. Lahovary, a "Istoria metoda de determinare 289-329; (1934/1935): ?i o nou? si reforma social? 7, nos. 1-2 122-73. raselor," stiinf? (1937): Arhivapentru 36. Sorin Antohi, "Romania and the Balkans: From Geocultural to Ethnic Bovarism Tr@nsit online 21 Revue) (2002), (Europ?ische = com_content&:task=view&:id=235&Itemid=411 P?rvan, available at http://www.iwm consulted (last 35. N. Densu?ianu, ? l'?tude

Ontology,"

.at/index.php?option

25 May 2007).
Dada: An Outline Civilizations of the Early of the Carpatho Lucian nostru "R?volta fondului 1928); (Cambridge, Eng., Blaga, in Iordan la memorie and Mircea nelatin," ed., Dreptul Chimet, 3:41-43; 1993), (Cluj, a existenfei Dimensiunea rom?neasc? Vulc?nescu, (Bucharest, 1991). 38. See, for example, the anthropological framework Lebzelter, suggested by Viktor en Roumanie," "La R?partition des Types Raciaux Romano-M?diterran?ens L'Anthropologie Danubian Countries 37. See Vasile

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of Hygiene and Social Hygiene in the Institute affiliated with eugenicist was one author who con in Bucharest, of Statistics Cluj and the Institute em to the crystallization F?c?oaru tributed of this tradition.39 significantly braced the study of Romanian racial history with unabashed nationalist a committed fervor. A new national racial anthropology, required politics "In our national and F?c?oaru stated: has politics, openly anthropology some of the most our the role of clarifying issues concerning important over the territory we possess we do and over the territories rights political not In proffering this assumption, F?c?oaru made clear refer possess."40 ence to a new direction in Romanian national politics. Whereas Papilian a restrained in connecting interest racial anthro and Chelcea expressed a Roman to biopolitics, in constructing F?c?oaru engaged openly pology Romanians ian racial ontology, all territories where could be including
found.41

was devoted to a Romanian developing biopolitical one turns to his racial studies.42 When becomes evident when program was to in 1937 that the final goal of racial anthropology he declared That F?c?oaru

45, nos. it came

65-69. (1935): racial explaining racial taxonomies produced classification: teria for racial 1-2 to eye and hair color.

Despite

his

critical

attitude

toward Iordache

Lebzelter F?c?oaru

and had

and composition, variety western by European the cephalic height, on these criteria, and Nordic;

and races: mania:

Based

He thus anthropologists. the facial index, index, F?c?oaru then identified

when others, on the to rely six cri accepted the nasal four index, principal in Ro living

races and five secondary Mediterranean, Dinaric, Alpine, was first and Indian. The Oriental, West-Asian, Dalic, study pub East-European, as "Criteriile si biopolitic Buletin 10-11-12 lished 6, nos. rasial?," eugenic pentru diagnoz? :341-68; in the collection of Hygiene edited and later as a brochure (1935) by the Institute Criteriile rasial? in Cluj. See I. F?c?oaru, and Social Hygiene 1936). pentru diagnoz? (Cluj, to what Bucur F?c?oaru did not study in Berlin and did not re 39. Contrary assumes, and Modernization in Interwar Romania, in sociology. See Bucur, 37. In ceive a PhD Eugenics corrects "had com in the book she partly this by saying that F?c?oaru later terestingly, at the University in 1929." Bucur, and of Munich in anthropology his Ph.D. Eugenics pleted his PhD in Interwar Romania, received Modernization 112. In fact, F?c?oaru (cum laude) at the in 1931. He of Munich studied from the Faculty of Philosophy University pedagogy with See Fisher, anthropology Aloys F?c?oaru Studenten-Kartei: and 10.489. 's student 's personal Iordache A similar the Archive I would files files. F?c?oaru, "Socialantropologia ca ctiinf? pragmatista," Buletin eugenic si and and racial hygiene with Fritz Lenz. Theodor Mollison, der Ludwig-Universit?t 31, Archiv Jordache, O-Np-SS F?c?oaru Personal of Health, of Ministry Iordache, Bucharest, to for drawing attention like to thank Michael Wedekind my with to Alexandru Dumitriu in Bucharest for his help in locating

M?nchen File, No. F?c?oaru F?c?oaru 40. 41.

biopolitic9, nos. 9-10


Morava ?i Timoc

(1938): 358.

was "Rom?nii dintre advocated R?mneanfu, by Petru perspective eu al rom?nilor lor etnic din Banat ?i din Tim ?i continuitatea spapului and E. Petrovici, 1-4 si biopolitic Buletin ocul 40-62; 12, nos. (1941): eugenic bulgar," For a discussion Transilvania 201-11. "Rom?nii dintre Morava 72, no. 3 (1941): ?i Timoc," see Rebecca Ann Haynes, Roma "'A New Greater in the 1940s, of Romanian irredentism nia?' as Romanian 42. See Claims to the Serbian the articles especially "Die I. F?c?oaru, der Central Banat," F?c?oaru published und 3, no. Europe in Germany das and der 2 (2005): the 99-120. 1930s, Menschen "Beitrag Zeitschrift such in zum f?r during des Studium F?c?oaru, Rassen,"

Rum?nien," Studium Rassenkunde9,

Zeitschrift f?r wirtschaftlichen no.

'Ganzheitsanthropologie' Rassenkunde 6, no. und 26-39.

2 (1937): 248-50; sozialen Bew?hrung

1 (1939):

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Blood,

and Biopolitics

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those the 'Wight to leadership of those who are superior'?namely not only insinuated to races deemed that the Ro superior?he belonging were destined to rule over other ethnic minorities, but that the manians the Romanian national Romanians racial variation within body justified areas over those from other areas as well.43 F?c?oaru from certain ruling contro in one of his most this synopsis of "ethnic hierarchy" developed on three main focuses ideas: racial composition, versial articles, which racial hierarchy, and Romania's racial diversity. All three ideas derive from the interrelationship and spiritual achievements.44 between race, blood, to determine the racial composition of the main Euro First, in order to have synthesized F?c?oaru claimed the foremost racial pean nations, of his time, and indeed he used no less than twenty-five theories racial terms in his he surveyed the "biological value" of European study.45 Next, the "integral, physical and spiritual, genotypic and phe races, specifically or a nation, a race or an ethnic value of an individual notypic group." He into "over-endowed divided them biologically "medium-endowed races," to this racial and "under-endowed races." According races," profile, were in sixth place, while Swedes were at the top of the chart; Romanians one of the last on focused Hungarians places.46 Finally, F?c?oaru occupied the "biological value of the Romanian the histori population" inhabiting cal regions Romania: the Banat, Transyl Bukovina, constituting namely, "western provinces"); Bessara vania, Cri?ana-Maramure? Moldavia, (the Transnistria "eastern provinces"); and Oltenia, and bia, Muntenia, (the "southern Both rural and urban populations (the Dobrudja provinces"). to and F?c?oaru four norms (male and female) were examined, employed assess the "bio-racial level" of these samples of the population: economic determine social mobility, and efficiency, military propensity, spiritual develop com ment.47 As expected, the conclusions reflect F?c?oaru's nationalist mitment. the "western provinces and the Thus, (Bukovina, Transylvania, are at the level; the eastern provinces Banat) (Moldavia, highest biological an intermediary and Transnistria) the Bessarabia, occupy place, while
43. (emphasis 44. (O prima 278-310. 45. nents: I. F?c?oaru, Structura in the original). I. F?c?oaru, ?ncercare for "Valoarea de ierarhizare rasial? biorasial? ?tnica)," a populafiei rurale din Romania (Bucharest, 1940), 16

a nafiunilor Buletin were

eugenic

?i a provinciilor rom?ne?ti europene si biopolitic 14, nos. 9-10 (1943) of 24 the following racial 15 compo percent;

Thus,

Mediterranean,

example, 41

Bulgarians percent;

composed

8 percent. 12 percent; of composed 15 percent; 20 percent; 6 percent; Dinaric, Alpine, East-European, 1 percent, and Mongoloid, 1 per 2 percent; Mediterranean, Lapoid, cent. were Romanians of Alpine, 19 percent; 29 percent; Mediterranean, composed 14 percent; 11 percent; 12 percent; 10 percent; Nordic, Dinaric, Atlantid, East-European, were 3 percent; and Dalic, 2 percent. of Oriental, Hungarians composed East-European, 35 percent; 20 percent; 15 percent, 20 percent; Dalic, Caucasian-Mongoloid, Alpine, 5 percent, 4 percent; and Mediterranean, 1 percent. "Val Nordic, F?c?oaru, Mongoloid, Paleoasiatic-Mongoloid, 50 percent; Nordic, 5 percent; Oriental, oarea of 280-81. biorasial?," race. the Nordic 46. 47. F?c?oaru, Ibid., 292. "Valoarea The lesser known "Dalic" and "Atlantid" races are subdivisions

Dinaric-Alpine, and Nordic,

percent; Alpine, were Germans

biorasial?,"

283.

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are last." The rest and Dobrudja) southern (Oltenia, Muntenia, provinces same vision: and simplistic the of his commentary suggests stereotypical are to be found and racial qualities educated, urban, among superior social classes.48 wealthy 's descriptions were Papilian's, and F?c?oaru How different Chelcea's, of the nation theories from other racial characteristics of Romanian pro ex these authors made the interwar period? Undoubtedly, posed during in fact they but use of racial and anthropological cessive terminology, were in Romania what others in anthropological communicated concepts or what terms.49 Ultimately, to express in poetic philosophical attempting vener is an unconditional from these anthropological analyses emerged Be of the nation. and stereotypical ation for Manichean interpretations also were of different cause the Romanians races, there must composed Chel and Papilian, the nation, of superior be a racial engine origin within This of Transylvania.50 it among the Romanians located cea, and F?c?oaru that in the difficulties of national narrative clearly expressed belonging to define the "Roman when terwar nationalists encountered attempting the nation constituted about what this ambiguity But ian nation."51 to disseminate racial ideas, for as Ann Stoler has these nationalists helped "racisms gain their strategic force, not from the fixity of their es noted, to the changing the internal malleability but from sentialism, assigned
feature of racial essence."52

Romanian One

Racial

Serology of anthropo was Serology of properties relationships to in order physical heredi

in this type those involved troubled issue, in particular, versus racial differences. research: similarity physical logical on the special on to solve this conundrum. Based called to identify blood biological groups, attempted serologists ethnic of the same and different individuals between groups, demonstrate distinctiveness of biological the preservation have been obliterated might never disappeared. tary uniqueness Institute of the National The Director

whose characteristics over time but whose of Statistics

Sabin Manuil?, and demographer statistician in Cluj, a at the Faculty of Medicine professor to the new theories scientists manian publicize

the in Bucharest, and Gheorghe Popovici, were the first Ro among In his 1924 of serology.53

Ibid., 306-7. see Lucian idea of race, and philosophical For a literary Blaga, See also Marin 69-73. Simionescu-R?mniceanu, 14, no. 2 (1935): stil," G?ndirea rom?neasc? la o id?ologie pol?tica 1939). (Bucharest, specific ?n Romania," rasial "Amestecul 50. See Iordache ?i etnic F?c?oaru, 48. 49.

rasa ca "Despre Contribuai Buletin si

eugenic

biopolitic9, nos. 9-10


51.

(1938): 276-87.

in C. R?dulescu-Motru, Carnal 52. Stoler, 53. Roumanie

indicele rasial rom?nese R?dulescu-Motru, cephalic," dup? "Tipul 150-66. rom?n 1999), (Bucharest, Psihologiapoporului 144. and Imperial Power, Knowledge en et hongroise sur les races roumaine "Recherches and G. Popoviciu, S. Manuil? rendus des s?ances de la Soci?t? de Biologie 90, Comptes par risoh?magglutination," See Constantin

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Blood,

and Biopolitics saluted

in Interwar Romania

425

of a new introduction tool: anthropological that the red blood of one indi isohemagglutination, namely corpuscles serum of another vidual mix with the blood from the same spe individual a distilled cies but not from a different one.54 He also offered of version on the Hirszfeld's index of race" and its permanence theory "biological to the laws of Manuil? discovered that according Subsequently, heredity. was 2.20; the "biological index" of the Romanians that of by comparison, was 2.29; and of the Greeks the Serbs and Bulgarians 2.25. Manuil? a unified these indexes under in name?"Southeast generic European that his research these nations that, although dex"?arguing proved not have the same race, from have been might originated they must were connected. Not and Romanians, Serbs, Bulgarians, closely only were also Greeks in their racial constitution: "There related, they unique exists no other people so whose index that of the closely approximates southeast Manuil? concluded.55 European peoples," Manuil?'s article gave rise to a considerable discussion about serology was in Romania. to the first Popovici respond.56 Methodologically, was also a follower of the serological methods Popovici by Emil proposed von and Hirszfeld. to Manuil?, however, D?ngern Contrary Popovici at more a theoretical aimed than just outlining he addition framework; two contentious with the viability of "race" as a sci ally engaged topics: entific and the racial origins of the ethnic groups in Greater Ro concept in Transylvania. From the outset, the mania, especially Popovici rejected of "race" in defining national "In the methodological importance identity. he noted, "race cannot national differences and should Balkans," explain as a last resort."57 With be used for this purpose the advent of serol only was endowed with a new method, as "more described ogy, anthropology more and more that could subtle"; a method objective, precise, identify those and less alterable in blood differences structure that "profound were undetected research."58 therefore served sev previously by Serology eral functions. On the one hand, it demonstrated that within the same "race" there were different races," "serological thereby unequivocally the idea of racial Yet on the other hand, rejecting homogeneity. serology confirmed were that blood characteristics to transmitted according Mendelian laws of heredity, or social envi unconditioned natural by ronment. the results obtained in Thessaloniki Corroborating by Hirszfeld with of Oskar those and Frigyes Verz?r in Hungary, and Weszeczky in Romania, Manuil? added his own contribution to the dis Popovici article, Manuil? the
no. 1 (1924) :542-43; and Roumanie par la m?thode 54. metode 55. 56. Sabin noua," Ibid., Manuil?, Convorbiri 696. ?i asem?n?ri 224-34. ?n structura biol?gica de rasa a

S. Manuil?, de

"Recherches

deBiologie90, no. 2 (1924): 1071-73.


"Cercet?ri literare 56

l'isoh?magglutination," biologice (1924): cu 694-98.

s?ro-anthropologiques rendus Comptes privire la rasse,

sur les races des s?ances

en

de la Soci?t? unei

prin

aplicarea

"Diferente Gheorghe Popovici, Cultural Rom?niei," (1924): popoarelor 57. Ibid., 224. 58. Ibid., 224-25.

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426
on the "biological index from different individuals 12,000 tients in hospitals, schoolchildren, nic origins, Romanians, including Based on this research, Russians. cussion

Slavic Review

He thus analyzed of the Romanians."59 as soldiers, pa social backgrounds (such as well as different eth and villagers), Roma, Jews, and Germans, Hungarians, a conclusion that dif reached Popovici was 2.01, index of the Romanians" the "biological Manuil?'s: fered from that and those of Russia"; of the Balkans them "between peoples situating for instance, was 1.7, "close to that from Transylvania, of the Hungarians from the Hungarian of their brothers plain."60 the same envi to dissimilar within racial composition With respect that the racial index varied noted and Popovici both Manuil? ronment, of ethnic to the geographical distribution groups. Popovici, according The Ro at the center of his argument. this assumption however, placed dif he claimed, of Transylvania, from the mountainous manians regions or Dobrudja: inWalachia from Romanians fered in their blood properties was to the a of the as a rule, the more migrations region exposed general in was in the European A (and the higher the lower it Middle group Ages, one ethnic within variation group B). This geographical specific group on ethnically in mixed was further tested by concentrating subregions were and German where Romanian, villages Hungarian, Transylvania, to the serological to each next other. situated Popovici, According which was their ethnic of each group reflected characteristics affiliation, of other eth and historical not influenced proximity by the geographical reaffirmed? could ultimately nic groups. indicate?Popovici Serology in different ethnic groups or not common found racial elements whether on this assumption, Based their similar origin. be explained could by for why Romanians that the plausible concluded explanation Popovici had approxi in Transylvania in the same areas and Hungarians living was that they might have had the same indexes similar biological mately
racial ancestor: namely, an "autochthonous race" whose existence pre

basin.61 in the Carpathian the arrival of the Hungarians dated from any nationalist to distance himself to Popovici's efforts Contrary did in fact favor Ro of serological data, his argumentation interpretation as such, it had in Transylvania; of historical manian continuity paradigms of to biological theories resonance attracted a for nationalists particular the and increase To discourage any nationalist appropriation belonging. use of tech made of his research results, Popovici systematic credibility theories. of serological in the application like comparative analysis niques a scientific for his sero to maintain In another fa?ade article, he managed of racial origins the theories without reproducing arguments, logical conclusions with Manuil?'s circles. Agreeing nationalist within emerging Euro the "Southeast about his speculation without embracing (although
59. beim zeczky, 60. 61. Oskar "Untersuchungen Weszeczky, Biochemische Zeitschrift Untersuchungen ?ber 107 (1920): mittels die gruppenweise and 159-71; H?magglutination and O. Wes F. Verz?r Biochemische

Menschen,"

"Rassenbiologische "Diferente Popovici, Ibid., 227-34.

Isoh?magglutininen,"

Zeitschrift 16 (1921/1922):

33-39.
?i aseman?ri," 226.

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Blood,

and Biopolitics

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was twofold: final observation first, he argued index"), pean Popovici's in the same that "the Romanians from Transylvania blood groups present as other the Balkans"; from he postulated second, proportions peoples of the Romanians from the Old Kingdom, that the "serological structure" them between and Bukovina the European and the Bessarabia, positioned Asian-African type.62 The impact of Manuil?'s theories on bio and Popovici's research serological was immediate, to for both were connected in Romania political Iuliu Moldovan, the director of the Institute of Hygiene and Social in Cluj, who, in turn, was the mentor of the main Romanian Hygiene and racial anthropologists in the interwar period, eugenicists including F?c?oaru and Petru R?mneanfu.63 Racial narratives and typologies of eth were nic groups in Romania and popularized within this circle negotiated en of friends of national and colleagues.64 The biologization belonging to intersect made it possible for racial anthropology visaged by eugenicists were to transform with the disciplines These that endeavored serology. in line with a new biopolitical the Romanian national program. body National

A Rejuvenated A dominant the period:

Body

Romanian the interwar principle underlay biopolitics during Romania. The nationalist ideal of Greater of a territory myth the fusion of involved (and only by them) occupied by all Romanians various overlapping Romantic notions?the and between unity language of the Dacian the glorification the sanctity of the nation. territory; empire; as a formula for national the content of an Nevertheless, cohesion,
sur les races en Roumanie," "Recherches 62. Georges Revue Popoviciu, s?rologiques 152-64. 35, nos. 4-5-6 (1925): anthropologique In the first volume 63. of Buletin si and published eugenic biopolitic edited by Moldovan in 1927, at the Law the legal physician in Oradea, and lecturer Mihai Kernbach, Academy a short on blood in which he evaluated of the importance groups published commentary new vistas of research for and surveyed serology up by the discovery anthropology opened of the agglutinating eu See M. Kernbach, of blood. Buletin properties "Grupuri sangvine," si biopolitic re Other in researchers 102-6. interested 1, no. 3 (1927): genic serological were search Francise Maria Horia Alexandru and Maria Rainer, Dumitrescu, Manuil?, See Ve?temeanu. caract?re lalte 696-701; Romania Francise umane "Exista cordage ?ntre grupele Rainer, ?i cele sanguine in Omagiu lui Constantin Kirifescu (Bucharest, 1937), antropologice?" Mar?a Horia ?n Romania," "Cercet?ri Dumitrescu, asupra sanguine grupelor med?cala 10 (1934): Manuil? and Maria 12, no. 141-42, 144; and Alexandru "Constat?ri si biopolitic example P. R?mneantu the Population and the Facial cu la metodei privire aplicarea 121-25. 14, nos. 3-4 (1943): is the collaboration between sero-antropologice F?c?oaru and and and R?mneanfu pe teren," occa

Ve?temeanu, Buletin eugenic 64. A

good See

sioned by the Seventeenth


Bucharest. of the Iris Blood in

International
and from I. F?c?oaru,

Congress
"The

of Anthropology

held

in 1937 in

Index Groups P. R?mneantu, "Das Verh?ltnis, zwischen Rassen und chen I. F?c?oaru and P. R?mneanfu, Bev?lkerung"; bei der Siebenb?rgischen Blutgruppen Bev?lkerung," et (Bucharest, d'Anthropologie d'Arch?ologie Pr?historique and 339-42.

Transylvania"; in the Population

Blood Groups P. R?mneantu from

Transylvania"; bei der Blutgruppen "Der L?ngen-Breitenindex all 1939), in XVIIe

the Pigmentation I. F?c?oaru, "The I. F?c?oaru and Siebenb?rgis und die

International Congr?s 323-25, 333-37, 337-39,

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was Romania Greater it idealized Indeed, continually changing. although was a nationalist the interwar period Ro always totalizing ideology, during it as an expression manian could?and did?understand nationalists of one the doctrine of the homogeneous ethnic racial state, upon predicated this interpretation follows From the ideological affiliation.65 importance of the key arguments and advanced by contemporary anthropological over the racial the dispute of ethnic minori research: serological origins ties and the struggle over the racial core of the Romanian nation (claimed to be located in the mountains of Transylvania). and racial anthropologist another from Tran R?mneanfu, eugenicist was instrumental of serolog in the development and application sylvania, to the study of ethnic minorities in interwar Romania. In ical research one of the most with Petru David) 1935, R?mneanju published (together of anthropological theories of race with nation articulated combinations can be divided into two parts: alism and serology.66 This article the first about the Romanian deals with historical narratives, arguments including the origins in Transylvania and various theories of concerning continuity a synthesis of serological fol the Szeklers; the second theories, comprises to ethnic groups in Transylvania. lowed by their application no in Transylvania For R?mneantu, Romanian necessitated continuity to a discus he moved additional confirmation. immediately Accordingly, the first as of the Szeklers, with two theories: sion of the origins engaging were of Hun the second that that the Szeklers sumed origin; suggested were favored neither the colonists. instead Hungarian R?mneantu they of isohemagglutination that only the process he maintained ory. Instead, ethnic groups in Transyl conundrum could solve the historical regarding source that has remained the unique, vania, for "blood is the real, perhaps the Szeklers' of time and that will elucidate untouched by the vicissitudes
true ethnic origin."67

assertion: Hirsz backed theories Two up R?mneantu's serological race index" and Siegmund "blood specific Wellisch's feld's "biochemical to the ethnic of southeast index." Applied groups gene Transylvania, were meant to establish the "Romanians' theories these serological to that were, index" and then identify villages according racial-biological those villages where Szeklerized" R?mneanfu, (namely just "summarily Yet serol index" was easily detectable). the "Romanians' racial-biological to the to locate was also employed "index" the biological ogy specific
65. ture of That racial this was nationalism not to Romania, confined exclusively something demonstrated is eloquently in the Balkans and Croatian "Of 'Yugoslav Barbarians' in Interwar with Yugoslavia," but a common case fea of Yu

goslavia. Nationalist

Petru David), "Cercet?ri asupra originii a pe baza s?ngelui," serologice compozi?iei no. 1 (1935): eth See also Pierre 36-75. Buletin R?mneantu, "Origine biopolitic 6, 1 (1935/1936): Revue de Transylvanie de Transylvanie," des Sz?klers 2, no. 45-59; nique Buletin la romani, s?cui ?i unguri," rasial? and I. F?c?oaru, eugenic si biopolitic 1, "Compozitia nos. 4-5 124-42. (1937): a 40. etnice "Cercet?ri 67. R?mneantu, asupra originii populatiei," etnice a popula?iei eugenic si din sud-estul Transilvaniei

Yeomans, and Racial Anthropology Ideology "Blood and Homeland, "83-122. eds., dling, 66. Petru R?mneantu (in collaboration

See Rory

by the Gentlemen in Turda

Scholars: and Wein

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confirmed to the first assumption, R?mneanfu respect index of Ro that the racial and considered results research varied between of Transylvania from 2.60 and 1.76, southeast manians to that of similar between situated with the average 2.20 and 2.00, of and the Old Kingdom of Transylvania from other Romanians parts from the Apuseni that of Romanians than lower Romania, though were "least racially contaminated." the considered who Mountains, in Szekler research the same serological When (in villages conducting Szeklers. With Manuil?'s and Trei-Scaune/ Ciuc/Csik, Odorhei/Udvarhely, in general, the racial discovered that, however, R?mneantu H?romsz?k), in that region varied between 3.07 and 1.56. He index of the Szeklers was caused ethnic to that such variance hastened by the mixed explain con continued?when of the groups studied, for?R?mneantu origin on the resulting inhabited exclusively by Szeklers, centrating villages the average of the racial index of the Roma racial index was 2.11, near the result of an "This mathematical and biological nians: measurement, a doubt that the eth of analyses, number proves beyond unprecedented is identical with that of the Romani of those named Szeklers nic origin confirmed research was indisputably ans."68 To prove that his serological the reflected facts and comparative R?mneantu upon briefly analyses, by he found no dif of the Saxons and the Roma population: racial indexes and their counter the racial index of the first group ference between of the latter group the racial from Germany; index parts similarly, in India. confirmed their origins To discuss of Romanians, and Szek the ethnic Hungarians, origins on the "race index" was to lers in Transylvania based mistakenly only a treat a topic of paramount with method importance slightly outdated to be com As a result, he decided?"in order R?mneanfu ology, argued. his serological informed"?to results well augment by imple pletely the counties of "blood Wellisch's index," namely gene menting by considering specific to the three the gene distribution "bio (p, q, and r) corresponding was and O). This new serological chemical races" (A, B, configuration then Oswald using graphically "race-triangle," represented Streng's the latest synthesis in racial serology considered 1). More (see figure oc of "Szeklerization" that a similar process over, R?mneantu argued to the Saxons of that region, whose "race index" suggested curred their a in authentic ethnic "Because we could not establish origin. biological as it does not exist," R?mneanfu to the Szeklers, dex specific concluded as the that this ethnic group has the same "ethnic-anthropological origin
Romanians."69

to who returned by Popovici, proposed these topics in the late 1930s and revised published some of the he had made in the 1920s (for ex assumptions serological Hirszfeld's index of race" redundant in the ample, he deemed "biological of the new wake and accepted that "the blood research) serological similar
68. 69. Ibid., Ibid., 56. 64-65.

was interpretation a series of articles in

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?foa6e/yr

t/J/faer/&?/&

?/fO'?//JnO?/X \ A/myres

\ #<ssrc;

\ZSas?ra?sef

Carao*

From Pierre R?mneantu, Figure 1. "Blood Types by Racial Groups." des Sz?klers de Transylvanie,'' Revue de Transylvanie 2, no. ethnique

"Origine 1 (1935/

1936): 56.

" of the race (isohemagglutination) confirmed that the Szeklers properties were in the same place."70 "almost identical with the Romanians living a from Transylvania of The Hungarians also possessed high proportion the "European value p" (or group A), an occurrence that was explained and Germans, mixed with Romanians by the fact that the Hungarians whose level of p was also documented.71 high and conclusions resembled F?c?oaru's Unsurprisingly, Popovici's were in Transylvania racial nationalism: the Hungarians R?mneanfu's to Romanians in Hungary. closer" than to Hungarians Yet "biologically nationalist ethos carried him even further. As a gloss on the elu Popovici's sive theme of racial purity and illustrative of the nationalist obsession with racial essence, "The Romanians of the mountainous argued: Popovici as well as the center of Transylvania and the Szeklers of this Hungarians a in a few racial purity that one only finds possess region European

70. tinines

anthropologique46, entre les groupes des Roumains ciu, "Comparaison sanguins la Roumanie," Revue 46, nos. 4-6 (1936): anthropologique 71. Popoviciu and Birau, "Nouvelles contributions,"

G. Popoviciu en Roumanie,"

and Revue

I. Birau,

"Nouvelles

contributions nos. 4-6

a l'?tude des isoh?magglu and G. Popovi 181-83; (1936): et ceux des autres de peuples 184-89. 182-83.

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Blood,

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mountainous at the same

of p and q appear here The proportions of Europe. regions races."72 and Nordic levels as in the Alpine in of serology was fully revealed nationalist Popovici's interpretation an article he He commenced in 1938 in Revue de Transylvanie?^ published is of of the racial origin of nations his analysis thus: "Lately the problem to prove that the Romanians ten posed. Romania's adversaries attempt are inhabited their frontiers and that the new provinces possess unjustly or Roman that are either non-Romanian only recently by populations is especially about Transylvania."74 made ized. This erroneous argument to one of his early serological and dis convictions Next Popovici returned that the of race in defining carded the importance nationality, explaining extinct during the wars of the race" became virtually "Hungarian original race are a few enclaves of the "pure" Hungarian Middle Indeed, Ages. across the but contemporary Hungarians (living Hungarian plain, spread were as well as in Romani in Budapest Transylvania) simply assimilated of a par and the language ans, Slavs, and Germans. Nationality, religion, its racial origin.75 Not ticular group could not explain then, surprisingly a rule? are?as to Popovici, of Romania "The Hungarians according Magyarized In many at of serology the political reflected in the late 1930s. Just as the of emerging authoritarian regimes mosphere over national and territorial occasioned debates disintegration symbolism an national of views on the essential traits of the Romanian exchange reflections discussions about a new racial biopolitics character, prompted on Romania's to fascist Similar national future. Italy and Nazi Germany, in Romania that emerged the early various forms of radical politics during of 1940s endorsed the idea of a totalitarian state, seen to be the epitome Ro ethnic And like racial ideologues Romanian elsewhere, supremacy. and racial anthropologists and championed manian eugenicists adopted of ethnic and social segregation.77 reengineering principles
72. Popoviciu, races "Comparaison sanguines Pr?historique, entre les groupes sanguins," in XVIIe Congr?s 181-89. See also Georges d'Anthropolo

Romanians."76 ways, this nationalization

"Les Popoviciu, et gie d'Arch?ologie 73. George des recherches 74. 75. 14-27. Ibid., Ibid.,

en Roumanie," 309-16.

International

vu a la lumi?re des populations de la Roumanie "Le probl?me Popovici, sur les races le sang," Revue de Transylvanie 1-2 4, nos. (1938): d'apr?s 14.

a similar 15. R?mneanfu "The application of the sero argument: proposed in the populations is one of the most achievements for an logical investigations important on the variations In this way, based fixed limits of the classical blood among thropology. we are able to determine to which nation nucleus. groups, every belongs population are convinced We that the distribution of the blood indication about groups gives better the extension of an Ramneantzu, tions from "The 'ethnie,' Classical than Blood the Groups language, and In Peter the culture, and the customs." the M, N and M, N in the Na Properties et International Pr?his d'Anthropologie d'Arch?ologie la Roumanie," between 24. See also R?dulescu, and the eugenics of 'undesirable'

in XVIIe Transylvania," Congr?s torique, 325. "Le probl?me 76. Popovici, des populations de 12. Beweise," "Anthropologische to Maria 77. According "The relationship Bucur, of the Antonescu regime, especially with

Romanian

policies

regard

to its treatment

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432
However,

Slavic Review

integrating European ment and

this conspicuous which suited to imitation, proved perfectly the biopolitical of Romanian modernism fascism within the not obfuscate should cultural the specific environ context, circumstances the narratives of national permeating political a country this period. Not only was Romania identity produced during a of ethnic minorities of the number with (28 to 30 percent significant was short-lived. of territorial but its own dream population), expansion lost northern and Bessarabia, Bukovina northern (In 1940, Romania to the Soviet Union, and southern and Transylvania, Hungary, Dobrudja then, Romania's entry into the war Bulgaria, respectively). Unsurprisingly, as a in the subsequent external foes year was portrayed "holy war" against a new context war and hostile circumstances: for the historical provided of national combat and sacrifice, renewal; myth" through "palingenetic not only its territories could its Romania but, equally regain important, aura of a nation."78 superior "mystical and serology Within this new political racial anthropology context, to intention the history and racial origin the fervent redesign professed in Romania.79 of racial of ethnic minorities Such processes living most in 1940s Europe, in Nazi became popular tellingly appropriation in central the war in Romania, and southeast research During Europe.80 concern was a to boundaries due of ethnic this transgression pressing in a period in which of defining the body of the nation the problem po scientific its pinnacle?not reached litical revisionism only through
and Modernization like Radu clear Ioanid, in

minorities?the Interwar Romania,

Jews and Roma?remains 224. Scholars dealing and Dennis The Holocaust

unclear." with Dele tant, in Romania:

Bucur, the Holocaust have

Lya Benjamin, Jean Ancel, See Radu however. Ioanid,

Eugenics in Romania, documented

The Destruction

1940-1944 the Antonescu 2000); Jean Ancel, (Chicago, Regime, Studies Holocaust and Genocide and the Final 2 (2005): 19, no. Solution," Relationship in Viorel "Bazele doctrinare ale antisemitismului antonescian," 252-75; Lya Benjamin, si Transnistria: Per Achim Problema Holocaustului: and Constantin eds., Romania Iordachi, istorice si comparative ed., Evreii din Roma 237-51; 2004), (Bucharest, Lya Benjamin, spective nia intre 1940-1944, Hitler's Ally: Forgotten archival Moreover, 2006). on the racial work origins ties in Moldova state. de din Informal in See, Romanian Special catolici antievreiasc? vol. 1, Legislaba and His Regime, Ion Antonescu (Basingstoke, Eng., on R?mneantu 's indicate the importance bestowed documents of the Csango communi leaders the religious of the Csangos by to the to assure Antonescu of their General attempts loyalty (Bucharest, Romania 1993) 1940-1944 ;and Dennis Deletant,

ofJews and Gypsies "The German-Romanian

connections, under

their for

f. 63/1942 sioned by dorsement 78. 79.

Moldova," (I am grateful the publication

sent on 1 to Serviciul note 1943 the informative April example, a "In entice ?i a rom?nilor (SSI), originei ceang?ilor jurul problemei de Mini?tri, Consiliului Arhivele Statului Bucure?ti, Pre?edinfia to Chris of Petru Davis M. P?l's for this document). locating "Glasul article, s?ngelui," the Csangos. about (Bucharest, Ungarn zwischen 1936), The note a was strong occa en in Originea, 18. im Eine Rahmen vornational der

racial theories of Ramneanju's Nicolae naponalismului Ro?u, Dial?ctica "Die Moldauer See Arens Meinholf,

rum?nisch-ungarisch-deutschen ethnische strukturierte ana Hausleitner

in Mari totalit?rer Volkstumspolitik," Gruppe von Faschismus und Nationalsozialismus and Harald Roth, eds., Der Einfluss und S?dosteuropa in Ostmittel265-315. 2006), (Munich, auf Minderheiten A Study of Ostforschung in the Third Turns Eastwards: 80. See Michael Burleigh, Germany (Cambridge, Eng., 1988).

Beziehungen im Spannungsfeld

(Tschangos) 1944: 1940 and

Reich

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and Biopolitics

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433

of national but in the very substance and exercises, literary practices in 1942, in Bessarabia after his research In a report published politics.81 to the "racial structure of in reference this point F?c?oaru established our co about "Racial researches this region: from the Romanians" the borders have both scientific of the country nationals living outside and biopolitical importance."82 indi of serology, evolution this wartime R?mneanfu Exemplifying distributed blood cated how the three main B, and O?were groups?A, in the 1940s, R?m In a series of articles published each nation.83 within of Transylvania" the tradi the "sero-races discussed neanfu following were in the oldest population the Romanians tional, nationalist pattern: and Dacian the result of the Roman endurance; conquest Transylvania, came to Europe in the ninth and from Asia the Hungarians century in the eleventh the Szeklers were either century; Transylvania conquered or related cer to the descendants of the Huns (but they were Bulgarians in the Carpathian the Hungarians arrived before tainly Magyarized in the center of Transylvania; and the Germans Swabians basin); (Saxons settled between the twelfth in the Banat and the Partium) gradually The Wellisch the eighteenth centuries. index for these and groups was between was as follows: that of the Romanians 1.16 and 1.31; the Hun the Szeklers between 1.22 and 1.35; finally, on these 1.41.84 Based between 1.23 and (both groups) is thus an important in concluded: figures, R?mneantu "Serological study strument to research of history and, at the same time, an admirable way of dif the serological By knowing properties anthroposocial phenomena. on ex we realize is not dependent ferent nations, that their individuality ternal circumstances but on hereditary characteristics."85 A further of how racial research was instrumental in the cre example re ation of the Romanian is R?mneanfu's considerable biopolitical utopia as the search on the Catholic in Moldova communities known Csangos. garians between the Germans 1.19; 1.17 and

in racial 81. This in the period exercise continued after the war, especially mapping some of the territories 1945 and 1947 when between that Romania lost in 1940, like north ern were state. See Peter R?mneantzu, into the Romanian The Transylvania, reintegrated and the Vitality Grounds Rumanians 1946). Biological of the Transilvanian (Cluj, a rom?nilor I. F?c?oaru, la studiul din Rep?blica 82. Contribute compoziiiei morfologice Moldoveneasc? in 4. See also Iordache "Cercet?ri F?c?oaru, antropologice on microfilm, Holo available 1943) paper, (unpublished Museum f. 2242, reel 4 (I would like to thank 1, RG-31.004, Institute, op. and Carl Radu Ioanid for their help in this F?c?oaru and Modig obtaining manuscript). to a group his wife, teams of Romanian research Tilly, belonged assigned by the Roman to ian Social Institute and Central of Statistics Institute the social, cul economic, complete evaluations of the Romanian in Transnistria. See Anton Ga tural, and racial population sate patru caust Memorial 1944), (Bucharest, din Transnistria" lopenfia, 83. Buletin Rom?nii Petru R?mneanfu, si biopolitic\2, la studiul de la est de Bug, 2 vols. "Distribuya nos. 9-12 seroetnic (Bucharest, grupelor (1941): de 2006). la populaba din Transilvania," s?nge and P. R?mneanfu and V. Lusirea, 137-59; no. din Romania," Ardealul 12 medical^, 152-56.

eugenic noi "Contribufii

al populafiei grupelor de

(1942): 503-11.
84. 85. R?mneanfu, 158. Ibid., "Distribuya s?nge,"

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Indexes." From P. R?mneantu, Figure 2. "Racial Biological Buletin eugenic ?i biopolitic 14, nos. Ciang?ii din Moldova,"

"Grupele de s?nge 1-2 (1943): 64.

la

on the theories Two historiographie origin of the Csangos predominated in the interwar period, the within Hungarian historiography: especially a group were that became from the Magyar either Csangos separated or were Mag tribes as they headed towards the Pannonian they plain, a he developed Cumans. contested both theories; R?mneantu yarized in keeping racial of the Csangos with articulated fully interpretation tenets of Romanian the main nationalism (see figure 2).86 Based on the census race to be a category that considered of identifi 1941 census (a in asserted that there were 8,523 R?mneantu cation) only Csangos a group and that was characterized their use of Romanian Moldova, by their Catholicism.87 discarded the central however, R?mneantu, explicitly of Csango that their Catholicism self-identification, argument namely
86. biopolitic 87. P. R?mneantu, 1-2 14, nos. Ibid., 52. de "Grupele 51-65. (1943): la Ciang?ii din Buletin si

s?nge

Moldova,"

eugenic

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Blood,

and Biopolitics

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435

"I rejected "A priori," he declared, with their being Romanian. are identical notions."88 that Csango and Catholic Accordingly, Ro into four categories: the Csangos divided 1) Orthodox R?mneantu Roman Romanians manians Romanian; 2) Catholic speaking speaking and finally, 4) Catholic Romanians ian; 3) Catholic speaking Hungarian; had similar All four groups, however, Hungarian. speaking Hungarians "blood groups and genes."89 the emergence of Romanian ethnic utopia also favored R?mneanfu's a new had been certain blood model of identity: once groups biological ex as the only possible national Romanian defined identity, representing was in other that these ethnic for their occurrence groups planation to cultural and in fact, "Romanians" who had been exposed groups were, different This view from that of other Romanians. environments linguistic as "racially Romanian," and the Csangos since both the Szeklers portrayed race described to the same "autochthonous" groups by Popovici; belong can be national identification their contradictory by centuries explained of Magyarization. believed, R?mneanfu rectify historical Serology, helped in Transylvania conundrums while also drasti about the ethnic mixing fundamental about the national of the cally revising assumptions origin conflicted the fact
non-Romanians.

a critical of the Csangos The ethnic reached stage in appropriation Die Abstammung der Tschangos, 1944, when R?mneanfu published arguably the most radical reconstruction of the national ethnic past of a minority con in modern Romania.90 The first part of the book group attempted on historical centrates about the Csangos. narratives the works Enlisting to of religious missionaries, and historians, R?mneanfu linguists, sought as com of his interpretation establish the verisimilitude by constructing a as of the Csangos As evidence, he prehensive possible. description extensive forward into the geographical distribu brought investigations structure tion and demographic of the Csangos: he amassed historical identified the Csango in Moldova, and offered records, villages plausible was a for their ethnonym. In many R?mneanfu respects, explanations ar meticulous who accompanied his historical researcher and linguistic with evidence from medieval and his speculations chronicles, guments from contemporary with confirmation He was also un historiography.91 nationalistic. reservedly for instance. Consider the issue of religion, No scholar before R?m were Catholic. had questioned the fact that the Csangos Disman neanfu the synonymy between "Catholic" and "Csango"?one of the most tling of the claims first put forward as contentious in his 1943 article?served to R?mneanfu's the introduction of racial serology. His em discussion on Catholicism an aspect not being of the racial of the phasis identity
88. plied Orthodox Ibid., 54. This highly to Catholic Romanians Romanians." R?mneantu, "Grupele Petru R?mneantu, Die Ibid., 7-29. de s?nge la Ciang?ii," 60-63. der Tschangos (Sibiu, nationalistic in Moldova, of historical interpretation whom declared R?mneantu sources to be was also ap

"Catholicized

89. 90. 91.

Abstammung

1944).

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was invested with national to and it is not difficult Csangos significance, see within this unsettling the line traditionally drawn between issue, why: was treated as a fun autochthonous and foreign Catholicism Orthodoxy as it was for distinction damental between different racially nations?just of Orthodoxy in interwar Romania.92 other apostles on the The concentrates second book part of R?mneanfu's impor tance of research for national affiliation. After first discussing serological the "individuality of blood" and summarizing the main about arguments the hereditary of blood, examined the "ethnic R?mneanfu properties of blood The outline here repeats the racial meaning groups." provided that R?mneanfu had been articulating since the early 1930s. In arguments to the direct reference the amend did, however, R?mneanfu Csangos, were now nomi in 1943, whereby racial typology the Csangos introduced re into "Romanians and "Hungarians nally divided by blood" by blood," A section on racial morphology that catalogued char physical spectively.93 his acteristics such as height, hair color, and nasal index completed to R?mneanfu, examination. the ambiguity the According concerning were ethnic of the Csangos had finally been resolved: origin racially, they
Romanians.94

sur in Die Abstammung der Tschangos proposed of the relationship the Roman between passed previous representations in Romania. ian majority and ethnic minorities The racial mythology was indeed itwas well integrated advocated within radical; yet R?mneanfu a nationalist that became in Romania culture after 1940: a cul prevalent ture composed of clusters of biopolitical ideas and practices. R?mneanfu of national thus advance the new program could by invok regeneration as well as national ne for example) revisionism, ing political (Hungarian of lost territories).95 cessities war" for the reunification (the "holy The ethnic engineering "Racial Commandments" and Totalitarian

Biopolitics

to comprehend the relationship In order serol between anthropology, one must and biopolitics, racial studies, not only in their ogy, investigate most mathematical formulations technical (charts, diagrams, equations, in reiterated that traversed and so on), but also in the popularly images con terwar sociology other fields of study.96 In many and history, among
in the 1938 manifesto statului etnocratic" Most pro "Programul prominently Orto Nichifor Crainic. See Nichifor and Orthodox Crainic, philosopher by the poet statului etnocratic si etnocratie. 284. Cu o anex?: Programul 1938), (Bucharest, 43 48. der Tschangos, Die Abstammung 93. R?mneanfu, not racial narrative themselves 94. Csango R?mneanfu's (although adopted priests si catolicilor din Moldova See Iosif P. Pal, Origtnea of Csango his negation Catholicism). fran into the stan this view was integrated ciscana lor de veacuri lor, p?storii (Roman, 1941). Later on the See Dumitru communism. discourse dard Romanian Csangos during developed The Origins Ia?i, 1999). Martinas^ (1985; reprint, of the Csangos ale Transilvaniei," Transilvania "Probleme 95. Petru R?mneanfu, 74, etno-biopolitice 92. posed doxie

no. 5 (1943): 325-48.


96. sive In 1934, the Romanian into biological that could investigation tural mechanisms P. Negulescu Petre philosopher theories of belonging. Preoccupied of national influence the formation provided with identity, a comprehen cul also deciphering Negulescu

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Blood,

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437

to this problem, often and historians responses sociologists centered racial content.97 national upon metamorphoses imagined I shall look at some specific racial In the closing section of this article, links between racial anthro the intimate reveal that further arguments of national such and theories eugenicists identity. Racial serology, pology, as F?c?oaru stand not as exceptions but as representa and R?mneanfu and political that I see as the biolo intellectual tives of a general process This process for it is should be clarified, of national belonging. gization was to note the that Romanian within biopolitics integrated important so and paradigmatic modernism of "ethnic ontology" convincingly logic sense In its broader and Roger Griffin.98 described (to include by Antohi and antisemitism), the biologization of national be racial nationalism a was not merely of racism or a pseudo simplification longing primitive to forms of it was a defensive of eugenics; scientific distortion response temporary and individual about by the cultural, fragmentation brought transformations of European social, and economic modernity political, the interwar period.99 during the framework for the biologiza rebirth provided If ideas of national as it the interwar tion of national belonging during developed period, to those who wished to see Ro racist fantasies also proved inspirational Sabin Manuil? mania revolution. outlined his version its ethnic complete of the Romanian thus: "The goal of our population racial biopolitics pol in one place and to eliminate from all Romanians icy should be to gather our all minorities tendencies." Manuil? body manifesting centrifugal on "racial commandments," based this biopolitical program including to the Jewish "the programmatic solution "effi pro-natalism; question"; to combat of Gypsy the danger cient solutions racial and influence"; such as sterilization of those consid measures," finally "practical eugenic that gave the world ered dysgenic. the fact that the country the Deploring a proper term biopolitics to racial lacked institution dedicated policy, a Manuil? Council for the Protection of suggested creating "Superior address racial issues scientifically and in accord with Race," which would the political of the new regime.100 governance collective

essence. between racial and national He serology skeptically can we?at of blood the analysis least not yet?estab through of a 'national lish the existence See P. P. Negulescu, Geneza formelor culturii: specificity.'" Priviri critice asupra factorilor ei determinant 375. (Bucharest, 1934), Ion Foti, Concep?a eroic? a rasei (Bucharest, 97. See, for example, and Alexan 1936); reflected the concluded that relationship "Not even dru Rasism rom?nese Randa, (Bucharest, 1941). 98. Roger "Tunnel Visions and Mysterious Griffin, tional and Racial in Turda 1880-1939," Regeneration, "417-56; and Antohi, "Romania and Political Europe," Ontology." 99. Roger "The Griffin, of Totalitarian Regimes 100. nou? 7, no. Sabin 17 Manuil?, (26 October Modernist of Na Projects and Weindling, "Blood and eds., the Balkans: From Geocultural Bovarism the Legitima and Political Reli " Romania 12, nos. Trees:

on

Homeland, to Ethnic tion

Palingenetic in Interwar

Community: Totalitarian

Rethinking Movements

gions 3, no. 3 (2002): 24-43.

"Comandamentele

rassiale

"Acfiunea

eugenic?

ca factor

3. Many of these 1940): de politic? de populate,"

?i poli tica de populate, ideas were also discussed Buletin eugenic

in Manuil?

1-4 (1941): 1-4.

si biopolitic

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to totalitarian In a series of articles dedicated the sociolo biopolitics, Traian Herseni also stressed the relationship between and gist eugenics In "Mitul s?ngelui" racial nationalism. of blood), for instance, (The myth to eugenics, Herseni his adherence both the Nazi expressed glorifying revolution and the need for racial palingenesis in Romania. "A race," he "can be kept in existence, and improved observed, increased, purified, by hence the possibility of a racial, eugenic and necessity means, hereditary the perfect racial state, was, in Herseni's opinion, policy." Nazi Germany one whose racial and eugenic further the traditional policies amplified aura of cultural the German nation: "With superiority characterizing a nation controls its destiny. It can systematically the help of eugenics, the highest its qualities and reach stages of accomplishment improve of a clear vision and human Hitler's consists of this creativity: genius possibility."101 come as no nurtured such ideas, it should that, when Having surprise on measures in against minorities meditating potential discriminatory and Roma Herseni's Romania became overtly (Jews especially), language racist. By 1941, Herseni's ideas for introducing laws in Roma biopolitical nia as the basis for national social segregation regeneration, including were of the Ro and deportation, "The racial purification fully developed: of life and death. is a matter It cannot be neglected, manian nation post or half-solved." was The scientific by eugenics language supplied poned, in turn echoed thus fused with a racist vocabulary, Romanian anti which nation is to be at semitism: the decay of the Romanian "Without doubt our ethnic to the to inferior racial elements tributed group; infiltrating and contaminated Phanariot blood Dacian-Roman ancient, being by and recently by Jewish blood."102 Gypsy blood, a New biological announced, elites, Herseni "Legionary super-nation," not social and political be the state's main vehicle for would institutions, This would entail a new national moral the gospel of eugenics. spreading of larger masses Eu and the instruction of Romanians. fitness, ity, physical and negative in both its positive forms, was at the center of Herseni's genics, biopolitical Once achieved, program: the evaluation and social selection based on racial qualities has been also the most efficient through its the most difficult action?but is the results?must follow: eugenics, which and long-lasting qualitative of the race through heredity. We need eugenic laws and eu improvement cannot be leftunsupervised. The science of genic practices. Reproduction that human societies have at demonstrates clearly heredity (genetics) for physical and psychological infallible means their disposal improve for this to happen there can be no random reproduction ment?but (and of hereditary thus the transmission ;and those possessing defects) quali should be banned ties cannot be left without offspring. Those dysgenic
from reproduction; inferior races should be completely separated from

the [Romanian]
101. 102. Traian Traian Herseni, Herseni,

ethnic

group.

Sterilization
Cuv?ntul national,"

of certain
17, no. 41 Cuv?ntul

categories
(23 November no. 91

of indi
1940): (16 January 2.

"Mitul "Rasa

s?ngelui," ?i destin

18,

1941): 1.

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to beauty,

and Biopolitics

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dignity: it is a eulogy

should not be considered


morality, and perfection,

an affront
in

to human

general.103

and advocated The biologization of national by eugenics belonging a form of thus became racial anthropology clearly associ political identity revolution the form of fascist national ated with prophesized by the Iron se of [hereditary] like F?c?oaru, that: "Regulations Guard. Some, argued are outlined in the testament of our lection and eugenic ideas, in general, Zelea Codreanu]. We have a duty to fulfill it faithfully. [Corneliu captain roots. The of its best biological the nation will be depleted Otherwise, our of our most possession, biological protection precious patrimony, a state commandment."104 On 14 October should become 1940, F?c?oaru of the Department of Higher Education in the director appointed of National the Legionary Education In this Ministry by government.105 a new on he devised plan based primarily biopolitical controlling position, at first be should concerning regulations marriage marriage. "Eugenic as to were he declared, those who applied exclusively legionaries," they understood that "the nation is above the individual." Then the "eugenic to "the entire To promote will be applied nation." such a legislation" F?c?oaru for Pre-Nuptial Offices transformation, suggested establishing be examined and receive where could health Consultations, couples certificates. would such certificates be compulsory Initially, only for le and optional for the rest of the population. F?c?oaru gionaries, Ultimately, state should to the army the "Legionary such practices extend declared, and other professional categories."106 Other like R?mneanfu, the need for a Romanian outlined authors, on the "totalitarian based offered demography" examples by Germany to R?mneanfu, and Italy. According the "political and spiritual revolu tions" initiated states to succeed Nazism and fascism allowed both in by a totalitarian attitude" and "restoring values," "creating spiritual together
103. veloped duction neanfu Ibid., 7. The Legionary was the healthy and reproductive nation fully de The Politics Kligman, of Duplicity: Repro Controlling both F?c?oaru and R?m 1998). (Berkeley, Interestingly, thus witnessed 1970s and Ceausescu's and of natalism policies idea of See Gail

was

communism. during in Ceausescus Romania lived until the late

to which anti-abortion, and Modernization Eugenics de gen," ?i rolurile toria g?ndirii politice 104. Iordache 105. Bucur See Arhivele when

at least, he could be of assistance. See Bucur, R?mneanfu, thought in Interwar Romania, "Miscarea 240; and Maria Bucur, eugenist? in Maria Bucur and Mihaela in is si emancipare Miroiu, eds., Patriarhat rom?nesti 139-42. (Ia?i, 2002), "N?rmele eugenice ?n organizafiile legionare," Cuv?ntul f. 854/1940. 17,

F?c?oaru,

no. 69 (21 December


is mistaken

1940): 1.
ale Rom?niei, Ministerul Nationale she assumes that F?c?oaru "held Inv?f?mantului, an important measures." See government posi and Bucur, Eugenics re ofthat ideologue

tion, controlling Modernization

the implementation of public health in Interwar Romania, 39. Nor did F?c?oaru become "the in matters to health, as the basis for and race gime relating biology, purity, using eugenics his arguments and programs of action." Ibid. even F?c?oaru reti Interestingly, expressed cence about the position in the of National that he Education, accepting Ministry arguing would in "science," be more not be where he could than at the ministry helpful replaced, where could fulfil his duties. "N?rmele ?n organizafiile le F?c?oaru, many eugenice gionare," 106. 1. F?c?oaru, "N?rmele eugenice ?n organizafiile legionare," 2.

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440

Slavic Review

"the faith of the citizens with in the future of the nation" and "the insti tution of the family."107 In the 1940s it thus became to see the possible fascination with race as a glorification of the national revival that was most movement. carried out by the Legionary As the historian P. P. exemplarily Panaitescu declared: "We are not only the sons of the earth, but we belong to a great race, a race that is race. The Le in us, the Dacian perpetuated which has awakened the deepest echoes of our na gionary movement, tional being, has also raised to a place of honor."108 The to 'Dacian' blood talitarian biopolitics that F?c?oaru and R?mneanfu in the eugenic located was of transformation the individual and the family relocated by Panaitescu in a historical "call" from Romania's Dacian past, as the nation was now to immortal of identity.109 expected fully embrace categories a new The "blood and soil" rhetoric formulate helped biopolitical one whose was to prepare the "chosen race" (the Ro program, purpose of ethnic minorities, , at the expense for the onset of a racial manians) ethnic the Romanian state.110 loan V. Gruia, professor of law at the utopia: of Bucharest of justice, and minister confirmed this in 1940 on University of the introduction the occasion of antisemitic racial laws in Romania: as a fundamental "We consider Romanian blood in the founding element
of the nation."111

was In interwar Romania, racial characteristics upon emphasis placed to their connection of national mechanisms identification specific were and classification. also associated with all the other processes They to discussions intrinsic about national such as national identity, particu historical ethnic and racial supremacy. More assimilation, larity, destiny, essence in discussions about national and racial character over, to engage the interwar period was to focus on physical and, con during descriptions on the nation as a an in sequently, physical entity?as object?existing its exchanges with other nations and through and races. and this reason, toward the end of the 1930s, Romanian anthropology more a resembled than a scientific program serology closely political In the dialogue science and politics, between the same motiva agenda. and
107. Petru "M?suri de R?mneafu, demogr?fica pol?tica 44-45. 1-2 11, nos. (1940): eugenic si biopolitic stat ?n noul ?i politica populatiei legionary," Panaitescu, "Noi suntem de aici," Cuv?ntul ?i pol?tica demogr?fica See also George Stroescu, Buna vestir? no. 4, no. 38 sa 87 to tali "Se (28 De

For

tar?," Buletin rasial? lecfia 108. P.

cember 1940): 2.
P. 17, (20 November (Bucha

1940): 1.
109. rest, See AI. Manuil?, Originea neamului rom?nese ?n interpretarea biol?gica 1943). 110. See

si Petru R?mneantu, 11-12 14, nos. ?i glie," Buletin "S?nge eugenic biopolitic :370-92; si biopolitic and Petru R?mneanfu, "Inrudirea de s?nge," Buletin 14, (1943) eugenic nos. 7-8 220-37. (1943): nr. 2650/1940 de motive la decretul la re 111. loan V. Gruia, lege privitor "Expunere a evreilor din Romania," Monitorul 183 situajiei (9 August juridice glementarea Official in Martiriul si m?rturii din Romania, 1940-1944: evreilor Documente 1940), reproduced See also Eugen Dimitrie ?tnica (Bucharest, 14-21. Petit, Originea 1991), (Bucharest, 1941); sau de and Gheorghe etnic? Transilvania 8 (1941): Vornica, 72, no. "Originea s?nge," 589-91.

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Race, Blood,

and Biopolitics

in Interwar Romania

441

racial anthropology that universalized also nationalized it; the same and other anthropom?t that made craniometry, serology, developments to rie experiments also gave rise to their being fundamental anthropology field of national identification. the contested within championed can over the nature in interwar Romania of national Debates identity on never be concentrates if attention addressed, only literary adequately essence. To be sure, anthropological and about the national arguments do not make other debates definitions of national belonging serological on the nation that the origins of eu less important, but they do indicate as those described of biopolitical in such genic programs rejuvenation, are to be not only in this article, of parliamentary de sought "critiques im and liberal politics" but more (as Maria Bucur has argued) mocracy a new national to achieve in the attempt do body amid alleged portantly to crisis" according mestic decline ("modernity's spiritual ontological and unfavorable international conditions losses (territorial Roger Griffin) of the nation and war).112 During the interwar period, cultural histories often of national the intersected with racial narratives Indeed, belonging. need for the rejuvenation of the ethnic shared by most Ro community at the time was based on the manian intellectuals of "palingenetic myth" both the idea of spiritual metamorphosis national renewal, comprising in a new ethnic ontology. and its fulfillment tions
112. sions and Modernization Bucur, Eugenics and Mysterious 133. Trees," in Interwar Romania, 222; Griffin, "Tunnel Vi

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