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Baltimore Police Strike
Baltimore Police Strike
Background
Police unionization in Baltimore
Police unionization was not viewed favorably by city officials, and officers met in secret for years before voting in 1966 to form a local chapter of the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees (AFSCME).[4] Thus AFSCME Police Local 1195 was formed. The Fraternal Order of Police immediately presented itself as a competing union.[4] One of Local 1195 main organizers was Thomas Rapanottia labor organizer who worked in a coal mine, then at Martin Aircraft, then for AFSCME.[5] Rapanotti expanded the union in Baltimore and made inroads into surrounding counties.[6]
Collective bargaining
By 1973 Baltimore had 3,500 police officers with as many as 2,000 with membership in Local 1195. AFSCME leaders and those from other public employee unions and organizations pressed Baltimore for collective bargaining rights and higher wages.[12] Some of the officers had worked previously at Bethlehem Steel and been on strike before.[13] In November 1973, Pomerleau agreed to recognize collective representation for police, and held an election to choose between unionsstipulating that whatever the result, no secondary boycotts, slow-downs, stoppages, or strikes would be allowed.[14] Local 1195 won the election by a large margin, with 1,488 votes to 769 for FOP 3. Turnout was 85%. After Local 1195's victory, Rapanotti laid out a 26-point proposal for the city.[15] The police asked for an increase of their salary range from $8,761$11,082 to $12,500$14,500. The city offered 5.5% raise, with a 0.5% increase in benefits. This package had recently been accepted by other city workers, including teachers, who went on strike in February of the same year. (The salary raise was 5.5% or 20 cents an hour, whichever was greater. For many, 20 cents an hour was greater.) On June 30, Local 1195 voted unanimously to reject the city's offer.[16]
Actions begin
The lead-up to the police strike was a period of radical labor activity and unrest, sparked by a walkout of the city's garbage collectors.
Local 1195
Pressure for a strike had been building since the new contract was announced on June 30. Rapanotti opposed a full strike, predicting (correctly): "This thing is only a week old. If you pull and strike at this moment, they're going over there and offer the garbagemen some money, and we're going to be standing there holding our Yo-Yo's."[5] After meeting for an hour and a half on Thursday, July 11, 80 members of Local 1195 decided to go on strike.[23]
Union involvement
Officers of the Fraternal Order of Police released statements opposing the strike.[34]
Effect on crime
After the walkout on Thursday, July 11, the BPD and the fire department received increased reports looting and arson. Trash fires (facilitated by the sanitation workers' strike!) were the most common violation reported. These fires intensified immediately in southwest Baltimore, where all 22 officers on the night shift had walked off.[23] Fire alarms increased to hundreds per day, and some fire fighters were harassed when they arrived on the scene.[35] Areas already high in crime saw more of it.[30] Police reported that the city was particularly quiet on the night of Friday, July 12.[33][36] One man, identified as a looter, was shot and killed by a nonstriking officer on July 12.[36] Commissioner Pomerleau declared, "We're in a semi-riot mode, similar to the 1968 riots."[37]
Government response
Before midnight on July 11 Circuit Judge James C. Murphy issued an injunction ordering the strike to end immediately.[24] On July 12, Maryland governor Marvin Mandel ordered outside police help from 115 state troopers and ten canine units.[38] They arrived with 100 cruisers and a tractor-trailer carrying two jeeps.[35] These troops were outfitted with riot weapons but wore soft hats instead of helmets.[33] The Maryland National Guard was put on alert[36] but Mandel said he did not expect them to become involved.[26] Also on July 12, Commissioner Pomerleau announced that 457 officers had been suspended.[26] On Saturday, July 13, Judge Murphy declared a fine for each day of striking$25,000 for the union and $10,000 for Rapanotti. He also threatened Rapanotti with jail if the strike continued beyond 10AM on Monday July 15.[39] On July 14, Pomerleau fired 82 offices and demoted 9 detectives and 18 police agents (officers with college degrees).[28][29] All the officers fired were 'probationary', meaning that they had served on the force for under two years; Commissioner Pomerleau stated that these officers were not entitled to hearings for their jobs.[40] He further announced that there would be "no general amnesty", and that all striking workers would be fired unless they resumed their jobs immediately.[41]
Negotiations
The walkout quickly triggered negotiations for both police and the striking municipal workers. Leaders met for five hours on July 12, the day after the night shift walkout.[33] With leaders of both Locals under direct threats from Judge Murphy, marathon negotiations continued day and night, with few breaks.[39] These negotiations were tightly controlled by outside representatives of AFSCME, who temporarily suspended Rapanotti for negotiating without accompaniment.[42] On Sunday, July 14, AFSCME negotiators responded to Commissioner Pomerleau (who had just fired 82 officers, threatened to fire more, and declared no amnesty) that amnesty would be a condition of settlement.[43] On Monday, July 15, the city announced its settlement with Local 44: a 25 cent-raise immediately, and an additional 45 cents in 1975. The arrangement with the police was less clear. According to Mandel and Pomerleau, union leaders had promised that the officers would return to work. Leaders of the police union then announced in a press conference that they had been "assured of fair play" and that "many would be reinstated"but there was still no promise of amnesty. Rapanonotti announced that the decision would be taken for ratification to a committee of strikers.[44][45] Police officers would receive no immediate increase in salary. An increase of the salary range to $10,000$13,500 was planned for July 1975.[44] Striking officers ratified the agreement on the morning July 16; most had already returned to work. Many of those present had been fired and before they would vote had to be reassured that leaders would seek amnesty.[46]
Aftermath
Pomerleau announced that returning strikers would be treated harshly, writing in a letter on July 18: "I have asked the sergeants of this department to 'take charge.' If they wish to deprive a striker of an air-conditioned car or refuse to assign a striker to overtime duties that is their prerogative and, I will back them up."[47] These returning workers were also banned from park and stadium patrols, and from assuming "officer in charge" status.[40] Pomerleau suspended and then fired George P. Hoyt, president of AFSCME Local 1195 and leader of the strike. Hoyt had been a member of the force for 17 years and was four days away from retirement when he was fired.[2] Pomerleau subsequently fired dozens more officers, including all of Local 1195's remaining officials.[48] Thomas Bradley, president of the Metropolitan Baltimore Labor Council (a regional arm of the AFLCIO), promised to establish a committee "who will see to it that there are no reprisals".[46] AFSCME president Jerry Wurf also promised to help the officers get their jobs back.[49] Judge Murphy fined AFSCME $15,000 and union organizer Thomas Rapanotti $10,000.[50] None of the striking officers or leaders were imprisoned.[51]
Resentment
With no reprieve from the city, the formerly striking officers turned to Governor Mandel, asking him to re-authorize their union and impose amnesty.[56] Mandel, feuding with AFSCME president Wurf, refused to assist them, declaring that he would prefer to lose the union's support in his re-election campaign.[57] Some officers felt sold out, or used as "cannon fodder," by the union leaders.[56] Tension persisted between strikers and non-strikers, some of whom opposed amnesty.[32] Twenty of the officers who were fired sued national and local AFSCME offices in 1977 for false representation and negligence, charging that they should not have authorized an illegal strike that could lead them to lose their jobs.[58]
References
[1] Philip Jenkins, "The Baltimore Police Strike of 1974," in Ronald M. Filippelli, ed., Labor Conflict in the United States: An Encyclopedia (New York: Garland, 1990), page 33. [2] "Pomerleau fires police union's Hoyt for role in strike" (http:/ / search. proquest. com/ docview/ 535494440). Baltimore Sun. 16 August 1974. . Retrieved 5 August 2012. [3] Ray, Gerda (SpringSummer 1977). "Police Militancy" (http:/ / www. jstor. org/ stable/ 29766004). Crime and Social Justice (7): 4048. . Retrieved 8 August 2012. "The causes of the sudden upsurge of police militancy in the last two decades lie in the changing conditions of policing. In large measure, today's police are moved to collective action by the realization that the declining legitimacy of the state subjects them to the explicit hostility of large segments of the population. Police work has become harder. As the degree of race and class conflict intensifies, the police assume a more demanding role both in repressing strikes and demonstrations and in attempting to contain the escalating level of crime. They are attacked, on the one hand, by progressive groups demanding the curtailment of their coercive power and, on the other hand, by reactionary elements calling for law and order and increased police efficiency. I" [4] Goeller, David C. (14 April 1966). "Non-striking police local is organized" (http:/ / search. proquest. com/ docview/ 251207782). Baltimore Sun: pp.C5, C20. . Retrieved 5 August 2012. "A group of Baltimore city policemen yesterday held their first open union meeting in two years and voted without dissent to form a non-striking local of the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees (AFLCIO). The formation of the local, coming after two years of clandestine union activity, was approved unanimously by 150 patrolmen and sergeants attending a morning meeting at the Steelworkers Hall, at 550 Dundalk avenue." [5] Scott, Rachel (13 July 1974). "Police call their union chief 'the Godfather' and he fondly refers to them as his family" (http:/ / search. proquest. com/ docview/ 538989847). Baltimore Sun: p.A9. . Retrieved 8 August 2012. [6] McClintock, John (13 May 1969). "Mighty Police Union Is Dream Of AFL-CIO's 'Mini-Cop': Diminutive Organizer Has Made Impressive Strides in State" (http:/ / search. proquest. com/ docview/ 539169252). Baltimore Sun: p.C6. . Retrieved 8 August 2012. "1. A majority of Baltimore county's 900 policemen have signed up for Mr. Rapanotti's union. 2. He's had strong feelers from the men on the Ann Arundel county force and the 900-man State Police. 3. He is in the process of signing up the Prince Georges county police. Already he sits across a table from [[Mayor D'Alesandro]], bargaining as business agent for the 1,970 Baltimore city policemen (the vast majority) his union represents." [7] Schmick 3d, William F. (16 January 1967). "Agnew Is Asked To Direct Recognition Of Police Union" (http:/ / search. proquest. com/ docview/ 539495187). Baltimore Sun: p.C8. . Retrieved 6 August 2012. "The AFLCIO, bitterly stung by Mr. Pomerleau's flat refusal to even discuss a police union, has been overtly and covertly organizing the department. But the organization has been conducted by the policement themselves, ore than 2,00 of whom allegedly belong to the union already." [8] "Officials Of Police Union, Pomerleau To Meet Today" (http:/ / search. proquest. com/ docview/ 539421910/ 1). Baltimore Sun: p.C6. 10 July 1968. . Retrieved 8 August 2012. "The four items are establishment of a new grievance procedure, an end to what the union calls 'harassment' and 'intimidation' of members through transfers of leaders from one district to another, a request that two officers be placed in patrol cars, and a call for the reestablishment of foot patrols." [9] "Pomerleau is Criticized: Police Union Reportedly Asks Resignation" (http:/ / search. proquest. com/ docview/ 533719567). Baltimore Sun: p.C7. 3 July 1968. . Retrieved 8 August 2012. "Representatives of the AFLCIO and the Baltimore Police Union Local 1195 yesterday accused Donald D. Pomerleau, police commissioner, of 'union-busting' efforts and reportedly sought his resignation during an hour-long meeting with Mayor D'Alesandro." [10] Twigg, Roger (21 February 1973). "Pomerleau said to learn jury secrets" (http:/ / search. proquest. com/ docview/ 541360479). Baltimore Sun: pp.A1, A7. . Retrieved 8 August 2012. "The police union official yesterdfay attacked Mr. Pomerleau who, he said, in using lie detector tests had made 'a panicky and irrational and irresponsible decision leading to catastrophic conditions for these (suspended) men and their families.' Mr. Rapanotti also charged that the comissioner had applied 'a double standard' in limitng lie detector tests to only include lower ranking offices." [11] Twigg, Roger (5 March 1973). "Police union debates protest of inquiries" (http:/ / search. proquest. com/ docview/ 533511508/ ). Baltimore Sun: p.C18. . Retrieved 8 August 2012. "Amid charges of coverup and possible scandal, hundreds of city policemen yesterday considered measures ranging from a sick-in to massive rush-hour traffic checks to protest the handling of recent department investigations."
External links
AFSCME website (http://www.afscme.org/) Baltimore Police Department website (http://www.baltimorepolice.org/)
License
Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 3.0 Unported //creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/