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SUMMARY
a complete end to the goodwill that DP government displayed for non-Muslim minorities. The widespread approach observed in the scholarly literature over the Events of 6-7 September that "those events are exclusively related to Cyprus issue" should be evaluated as a misleading one. The crisis in Cyprus was more of a "positive" development that contributed to the deportation process of minorities since 1920s. Quite identical with the experience of Thracian Jews in 1934, nonMuslim minorities were forced to leave the country as a result of the destruction given to their movable and immovable possessions. The aspiration that CHP had for purifying Anatolian towns from Christians and Jews, and tor amassing minorities in few metropoles of the country-primanly in Istanbul- was accomplished before 1950s. Following this, as it was mentioned in a report prepared in 1946 over the case, the process that would strip Istanbul off Jews and Christians should be completed. If it is kept in mind that only the more than half of all ruined enterprises were GreekOrthodox possessions, it will be obviously improbable to explain the acts of violence as retaliation towards Cyprus policy of Greece. The Events of 6-7 September caused the mass migration of Greek-Orthodox, Armenians and Jews from the country. For majority of the minorities, the Events of 6-7 September was the evidence that they were not recognized as Turkish citizens. The belief that they would be subject to discrimination in future regardless of the political party in power strengthened the motive to emigrate.This development following the year 1955 also reports the end of religious pluralism in Istanbul. The attacks in 1955 should be considered in the frame of political and financial hardships that Menderes government had been experiencing. In order to prevent the demonstration of negative circumstances by opposition and the press, mistrustful methods were adopted, and in turn, this paved the way for the alienation among educated segments of society. The Events of 6-7 September became an excuse for the government to set a limit over the press, the opposition and student movement, and keeping the domestic political developments under control. Immediately after the attacks, on 7 September 1955, Martial Law was promulgated in Istanbul, Ankara and Izmir for six months, and the National Assembly was temporarily closed down. However, according to an account revealed in a report prepared by German Consulate General, even on 24 August 1955, which means 15 days prior to the outbreak of attacks, martial law for a year was decided upon; and the target was the unrestrained activity freedom of the opposition. On 7 June 1956, two distinct drafts of law code suggested by government to silence Ankara and Istanbul press that pertained to criticism against itself became law in the Grand National Assembly. The party in power justified the motive behind those bills of law by claiming that such exaggerated representation of news as in the case of bomb attack against Atatrk's home "could depress the country, and promote crime." Undoubtedly, one of the surprising findings of this study is the contribution made to the preparation of the Events of 6-7 September by British government. After Greek -Orthodox majority in Cyprus asserted aloud Enosis. which was the claim pertaining the annexation to the Greek mainland, British imperial rule decided to organise a conference in London from 29 August to 7 September 1955. The causes for British government to arrange a three-party-conference were as follows: It should be obstructed that Greece would bring Cyprus issue into the agenda of United Nations; the increasing tension between ethnic groups on the island should be lessened and position of Turkey
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should be strengthened so that charges against Britain which pointed out its colonial claims should be defied accordingly. First of all, London endeavoured to convince Greeks that Turkey also had rights over Cyprus. British knew well that their position at the conference, or later during the probable negotiations in United Nations would relatively be reinforced ''as long as Turks were awaken from their own passivity." Download After that, Macmillan informed Turkish Foreign Ministry that he would like meet with them 0 prior to the conference, and he also stated the following opinion "if Turks put their claims as sharply Geri GitYorum as they can at the beginning of negotiations, that would be beneficial both for them and us." In reBalant turn for this, Turkish Foreign Minister, Fatin Rt Zorlu, who was encouraged by the British, put Embed forth his government's view into consideration in an unusual manner. The Greek delegation did not Sonra kullanmak iin kaydet disguise their bewilderment about "Turkish element" in Cyprus issue, and they held British govern218 : 219 accountable for Zorlu's severe approach. Only development which prevented delegates from ment Readcast leaving London was the suggestion made by Macmillan that conference should be carried on at the level of bilateral meetings. Readcastyor... The conference in London was dismembered due to the attacks in Istanbul, Izmir and Ankara on 6 September 1955. Being unaware of the conspiracy plotted by Turks, Greek Foreign Minister apologised ptal edin, bunu Readcast istemiyorum. for the bomb attack in Thessalonica, however. Zorlu blamed Greeks on account that their provocative Cyprus policies gave way to the attacks. Turkish delegation called back by Menderes, and they left London on 8 September 1955. The responses given by British over attacks weReadcastlanmad re diverse. While British Consulate General Mihalis Stewart called the attacks as the "apex of barbarism", other iin istediiniz zaman Readcast were contented with the Turkish Not: Scribd takipilerinizle paylamak affiliates in British Foreign Ministry dmesini kullanabilirsiniz. approach of "an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth." Yet, another group among Bntish was glad about the burning up of a Greek-Orthodox church in terms of eliminating "an unpleasant view." The most remarkable response was of British Foreign Minister Macmillan's; though his collegues and British Ambassador in Ankara recommended him to warn Ankara effectively, he preferred a milder protest. Add a comment
In this context, the charges pressed by Greeks against British that they had participated to the setting-up of the attacks in Istanbul should also be considered. Immediately after the attacks, Greek press demonstrated British government accountable for the Events of 6 September 1955. Even official Greek authorities considered the bomb attack in Thessalonica was set-up by British intelligence agents. Though the imputations laid by Greek side seem figments of imagination, there are clues revealing that British were involved in the events. For instance, British Ambassador in Athens has already foreseen a possibility of an event at Atatrk's parental home through which Turco-Greek relations would consequently be deteriorated, in August 1954:
"I think Turks started to be concerned about the situation. When 1 saw my Turkish collegia', who is also a close friend of mine, he explained that he was worried about the way things are going. As I mentioned in my message, the relations are not favourable and it is obvious that seemingly friendly Turco-Greek relations are indeed fragile, even a slightest shock can be enough. It would be sufficient to incite a turmoil through an unimportant event such as inscribing a slogan with a piece chalk on the wall of the house where Ataturk was born."
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Bu Belgeyi Ara
In his memoirs published later. Prime Minister Anthony Eden confessed that the only crucial matter for British government during London Conference was to make known disagreement between Turkey and Greece that they already acknowledged in international arena. Moreover, in this context, a functionary of British Foreign Ministry wished as follows: "If some revolts take place in Ankara that will suit our interest." Shortly after the attacks in Turkey, British Foreign Ministry gave this order to the News Office: It should be avoided that the news related the destruction of British commodities and injuries caused to British nationals be emphasised for public opinion, especially in the press. The existence of such an instruction strengthens the view which argues that British government provoked Turks for the setting-up of the attacks. The demand to reimburse the losses caused to British nationals and their possessions was withdrawn with respect to the political estimates made by British Foreign Ministry. As a result, the movement against minorities in Istanbul reinforced the position of Britain. As consequence of events, Turkey was clearly contained in to the Cyprus conflict as a third power. Therefore, quite neatly, the continuity of the status quo, that is, the permanence of British dominion over the island became probable. Another advantage that Events of 6-7 September provided for Britain was that USA changed its Cyprus policy in the aftermath of the attacks. In the spring of the year 1955 Greece announced that they would bring Cyprus conflict into United Nations again, the US government was tended to support Greek claims. The US Ambassador Lodge's anti-colonial opinions in United Nations were well acknowledged by British government. While London Conference was coming up , US manner against Cyprus issue was becoming moderate. A week before this three-party-conference, Americans were still anticipating that an agreement among those three powers would defy the Greek claim to bring the issue into United Nations. If USA refused the Greek recourse in UN. it would be giving up from one of its political principles, and in turn that would mean the rejection of a claim an ally would like to carry into UN to be negotiated. On 23rd of September 1955, USA voted against the inclusion of Cyprus issue in UN agenda with respect to the recommendation provided by UN General Assembly. USA based its claim to reject this demand on the comparative significance of threats over liberal world order and NATO union. British government eventually achieved its goal that Cyprus issue was prevented to be debated in UN. The functionaries in Foreign Ministry were aware that "ambitious approach of Greece in UN" would be easily handled with "the active support of USA" and they received that support as a result of the attacks. A proper analysis of the Events of 6-7 September 1955 is possible as long as it is considered with respect to the ethnic and religious homogenisation practiced by Kemalist elite for the building of a successful nation-state, the exceptional circumstances of democratic and financial matters of 1950s, and in the frame of Cyprus conflict.
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Blmler
Aratrma Dzeyi Yntem Orijinal Kaynaklarn Kullanm Balang Aamas Gvenlik Glerinin Pasiflii Mslman Halkn iddet Olaylarna lk Tepkisi zmir'deki Saldrlar Ankara'daki Saldrlar Olaylarn Ardndan Hkmetin Ald lk nlemler Hasar Maddi Hasar Hrszlk Yaralama Olaylar ve lmler Devletin Tazminat demeleri Komnistlerin Sulanmas stanbul Ekspres Gazetesi ve Milli Emniyet Hizmetleri (MAH) Hkmet yeleri Ekonomi ve Brokrasinin Trkletirilmesi Dilin Turkletirilmesi
Kltr ve Eitim Kurumlarnn Trkletirilmesi skn Politikalar Trakya Olaylar (1934) Ermenilerin Zorunlu G (1929-1934) Gayrimslimlerin Askerlik Hizmetine Alnmas (1941) Varlk Vergisi (1942) okpartili Sisteme Geiten Sonra Gayrimslimlerin Durumu Demokrat Parti ve Gayrimslim Aznlk 6-7 Eyll Olaylar ve Gayrimslim Aznln G
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