National Movement for Human Rights in the Afro-Colombian Communities CIMARRÓN www.movimientocimarron.org cimarronnacional@movimientocimarron.

org Cr 9 No 12 – 88 Of. 601

Annual Report: State of Human Rights of the Afro-Colombian Population, 2010

Carlos Augusto Viáfara López1
Consultant

With support of the Spanish Agency of International Development Cooperation (AECID), European Union and Social Action

Bogotá, 2010
1

Economist (M. A., Population Studies), Professor, Department of Economics, Universidad del Valle. I am indebted to the excellent research assistance of Jackelin María Posada Ramos, Economics student of Universidad del Valle. The author takes full responsibility for any errors or omissions.

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Foreword
No Colombian person should ignore neither the origin nor the condition of the AfroColombian communities’ presence and their painful (economical and cultural) contribution to Colombian development. People of African descent live in Colombia and America because they were kidnapped, enslaved, segregated and condemned to racism and marginalization, which are the same sources of poverty, ethnic imbalance and both racial and social unrest that characterizes the Colombian society and deprive AfroColombian population of Human Rights and dignity. As a contribution to reflection and social commitment brought by the bicentennial year of Colombia’s independence, the fulfillment of the Millennium Development Goals and the spirit of United Nations in light of its decision to declare 2011 as International Year of people of African descent, the National Movement for Human Rights in the AfroColombian Communities (CIMARRÓN) presents, to the country and the world, the “2010 Report on the State of Human Rights of the Afro-Colombian population”, which shows the dramatic consequences of invisibility and neglect to Afro-Colombian people perpetrated by the State and the ruling elites during 200 years of Republic of Colombia’s political existence. Cimarrón appreciates the discipline and scientific rigor of this report's author, Dr. Carlos Viáfara, researcher at Universidad del Valle, who has deserved national and international recognition for his social researches on Afro-Colombian people’s reality. Finally, the completion of this report was possible thanks to the commitment to the transformation of the Afro-Colombian reality, the support for Cimarrón’s institutional strengthening, and the economical support of the European Union – Colombia, the Spanish Agency for International Cooperation to Development (AECID for its Capitals in Spanish) and the Presidential Agency for Social Action. All of those institutions are committed to the integration of the differentiated Afro-ethnic approach in public policy and Afro-Colombian Human Rights protection for elimination of racism and racial discrimination. Juan de Dios Mosquera Mosquera National Director, Cimarrón 19.

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Introduction: Human Rights and Human Development ................................................. 4 Normative Framework of Human Rights for Afro-Colombian Population .................... 6 Racial Discrimination in Colombia: Stylized Facts........................................................ 12
Perception of racial discrimination ....................................................................................... 22
Have you ever been a victim or a witness of racist attitudes? ..............................................................23 Where have you been a victim or a witness of racist behaviors or actions? ........................................25 If you have been a victim or a witness of an act of racial discrimination, did you report it when it happened? ............................................................................................................................................26 In your opinion, what entities do exercise racial discrimination on an ongoing basis? .......................27 Do you think that entrepreneurs tend to pay Afro-Colombian people lower wages than other people and/or discriminate them? ....................................................................................................................30

Economic and Social Development and Afro-Colombian Population .......................... 32
Demographic Concentration of the Afro-Colombian Population....................................... 32 Sociodemographic Vulnerability and Living Standards of the Afro-Colombian Population ................................................................................................................................ 33 Education, health and nourishment for the Afro-Colombian Population ......................... 37
Education .............................................................................................................................................37 Health ...................................................................................................................................................43 Nourishment.........................................................................................................................................48

Labor market........................................................................................................................... 50
Laboral activity ....................................................................................................................................51 Occupational Insertion .........................................................................................................................53 Labor income .......................................................................................................................................56 Labor income and discrimination.........................................................................................................58

Access to Financial Services and Participation in GDP....................................................... 59 Programs of Economic and Social Development Designed for the Afro-Colombian Population ................................................................................................................................ 62

Human Rights and the Afro-Colombian Population...................................................... 67
Homicides, massacres, anti-personnel landmines and unexploded ammunition incidents ................................................................................................................................................... 67 Forced Displacement and Causes of Mobility ...................................................................... 68 Vulnerability of Collective Territories Law 70..................................................................... 72
Threats to Collective Territories ..........................................................................................................73

Characterization and Political Participation of the Afro-Colombian Population ........ 77
Other features of political participation ............................................................................... 80 The Afro-Colombian caucus: a choice? ................................................................................ 81

Conclusions and recommendations................................................................................. 82 References ........................................................................................................................ 85 Appendix ........................................................................................................................... 95

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Introduction: Human Rights and Human Development
The Human Development Report (2000) defines Human Rights as follows:
[...] Human rights are the rights possessed by all persons, by virtue of their common humanity, to live a life of freedom and dignity. They give all people moral claims on the behaviour of individuals and on the design of social arrangements—and are universal, inalienable and indivisible. Human Rights express our deepest commitments to ensuring that all persons are secure in their enjoyment of the goods and freedoms that are necessary for dignified living. (UNDP, 2000, pp. 1617).

Usually, Human Rights have been linked to assuring political freedoms, civil rights, and democratic freedoms for all people may demand claims against others. It also involves being protected from actions against their will and all types of deprivation. On the other hand, human development has been considered in the recognition of social, economic and cultural rights due to its relationship with expansion of capacities, which reflect the degree of freedom that a person has in order to choose the way of life that values and wishes (Sen, 1990). Even human development calls for the most basic of skills: «To appear in public without shame» (UNDP, 2000, p. 20) Although the objectives seen before may seem dissimilar, there is a growing consensus concerning the realization of Human Rights and the promotion of human development: both of them share a common motivation to ensure people’s freedom, welfare and dignity.
If human development focuses on the enhancement of the capabilities and freedoms that the members of a community enjoy, Human Rights represent the claims that individuals have on the conduct of individual and collective agents and on the design of social arrangements to facilitate or secure these capabilities and freedoms. (UNDP, 2000, p. 20) When human development and Human Rights advance together, they reinforce one another —expanding people’s capabilities and protecting their rights and fundamental freedoms. (UNDP, 2000, p. 2)

The emphasis on the integrated approach implies centrality of human beings, as well as assuring freedom as the fundamental principle that should prevail in any society. Today, to ensure political freedoms, civil rights and democratic freedoms would not be commendable without complying with economic, social and cultural rights in a reciprocal way. The emphasis on the right to development imposes an obligation to governments regarding enjoyment of all kinds of freedoms that are considered essential to social groups or individuals:  Freedom from discrimination due to gender, race, national or ethnic origin, or religion. 4

 Freedom from need, in order to enjoy a decent quality of life.  Freedom for any person to develop and realize his/her human potential.  Freedom from fear, threats to personal security, torture, arbitrary detention and other violent acts.  Freedom from injustice and violations to the rule of law.  Freedom to make decisions, express opinions, and create associations.  Freedom to have a decent job without being exploited. Regarding the specific case of the Afro-Colombian population, “[...] The principle of non-discrimination protects the enjoyment of Human Rights and fundamental freedoms, on equal terms, ‘in the political, economic, social and cultural fields, or in any other field of public life’” (CERD, 2009b, pp. 3-4). In other words, freedom from discrimination serves as a catalyst to ensure full and equal enjoyment of Human Rights and fundamental freedoms. In Colombia, the discrimination has crucially affected the freedom, welfare and dignity of the Afro-Colombian population2. In accordance with the aforementioned, this report intends to examine the current situation regarding political freedoms, civil rights and democratic freedoms of the AfroColombian population, as well as their economic, social and cultural rights. This involves an analysis of the hardships faced by Afro-Colombian people, which negatively affect the expansion of opportunities and developing skills for living the life they want and value (Sen, 1990). The contents of the document, whose first section is this introduction, will be described below. The second section contains a review of the regulatory framework of Human Rights, and human development for Afro-Colombian population. The third one is an analysis on discrimination against Afro-Colombian population in several areas. In order to rank the findings about racial discrimination in Colombia, it is presented the main results of the national survey on Perception of Racism and Racial Discrimination, carried out by the National Movement for Human Rights in the Afro-Colombian communities (Cimarrón), applied in the cities of Bogotá, Cali and Cartagena. The fourth section comprises a diagnosis on economic and social development regarding the situation faced by Afro-Colombian population compared to non-ethnic population, which will focus on the gaps in demographic behavior, human capital training (education, healthcare and nourishment), labor markets and access to credit; the section concludes by an analysis on the most important programs for the Afro-Colombian population carried out by the
2

The terms Afro-Colombian, Palenquera and raizal population, black population and population of African descent are used without distinction in this report. These terms are referred to descendants of enslaved population, coming from different regions of Africa since sixteenth century, and undergoing different processes of racial mixing with other populations (Native Americans, white people from various European and American origins, Asians —Chinese and Japanese—, Arabs, Turkish and Syrian-Lebanese). Thus, it is possible to include black people of mixed race and non-mixed race (called mulatto). Although the historical construction of the black population category came from Europe during its colonial expansion in Africa, it has a positive assessment as a positive investment along the resistance struggles of enslaved people from Africa during the various processes of emancipation, as pointed out by Fanon (2009) through the blackness category. For a more detailed description, see also Barbary & Urrea (2004).

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national government. In the fifth section, the effect of armed conflict on Human Rights is examined3. The sixth one comprises a brief characterization of the Afro-Colombian population regarding political and institutional areas. Finally, and as a conclusion of the report, the regulatory framework is linked to the results of the diagnosis. 23.

Normative Framework of Human Rights for Afro-Colombian Population4
In recent decades, the Colombian government ratified and added every accessible Human Rights treaty to its own law. It is worth remembering that Human Rights treaties (conventions, agreements and protocols) must be fulfilled as stipulated in their content. However, the case of Afro-Colombian population is usually different from what is expressed in the standards (both national and international ones). Although it is obvious that all Human Rights treaties have a similar relevance, the following analysis highlights (quoting the laws through which they were added to the national law) the treaties closely related to the Afro Colombian population as an ethnic minority. In “order of importance”, such treaties are:  First, the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, that came into force in Colombia on October 2, 1981, under Law 22 of 1981. This Human Rights treaty is perhaps the most important international legal reference for Afro-Colombian population. The Convention stresses that the superiority doctrines based on racial issues are scientifically false, morally condemnable, and socially unjust and dangerous, and that there is nothing in theory or in practice that may justify racial discrimination. This Convention condemns racist practices and calls upon States to take special and concrete measures in the social, economic, political, and cultural fields to ensure the protection of minority ethnic groups, and to guarantee fully and equal enjoyment of their fundamental rights and freedoms.  Second, the Convention No. 169 of the International Labour Organization on tribal people, that came into force in Colombia on August 6, 1992, under Law 21 of 1991. This Convention, which has become a tool for the Human Rights organizations which defend the Afro-Colombian ethnic identity, applies to those ethnic groups whose social, cultural and economical conditions make them different to the remaining sectors of the national community, and are also
3

An important aspect to analyze is the governability of the Community Councils in the collective territories achieved by the Law 70 of 1993, which has strong impact for the Human Rights situation in the Pacific region.
4

This section was written by Leonardo Reales, Ph.D. (c), Human Rights Coordinator of the National Movement Cimarrón. The analysis on the human rights legislation presented below is based on the author's graduate thesis, Racism and socio-racial exclusion in Colombia (1991-2005), research conducted between 2003 and 2005 for the Institute of Advanced Studies for Development of the Diplomatic Academy of San Carlos, and Universidad Externado de Colombia.

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governed (totally or partially) by their own customs and traditions, or by special legislation. The Convention states that concerned populations must have the right to decide their priorities regarding their development process, as long as it affects their beliefs, territories and welfare. They also must have the right to take control, if possible, over their economic, social, political and cultural development. In addition, the Convention promotes the participation of those populations (ethnic groups) in the formulation and assessment of development plans and programs that may affect them directly.  Third, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, that came into force in Colombia on January 3, 1976, under Law 74 of 1968. The Covenant states that all the States Parties must make a commitment to take measures, both individually and through international cooperation, to progressively achieve its full effectiveness. This includes the adoption of legislative measures such as Law 70 of 1993 —Law of Black Communities—, and its regulatory decrees in the Colombian case.  Fourth, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, that came into force in Colombia in 1976, also under Law 74 of 1968. This covenant emphasizes the fact that all people are equal before the law, and are entitled to its protection without any kind of discrimination. Along the same line, it should be reiterated that the Covenant provides that in States where ethnic minorities exist, members of those groups must have the right to enjoy their own culture, to practice their own religious beliefs, their language, and their customs.  Fifth, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, that came into force in Colombia on February 19, 1982, under Law 51 of 1981. This Convention, which obviously includes all women without distinction of any kind, is crucial to Afro-Colombian women considering the fact that besides being victims of the racial discrimination and racism, which affects the nation, they are also heavily discriminated due to their gender, a fact that violates the principles of equal rights and respect for human dignity, and constitutes a clear obstacle to increase the welfare of society and family, hindering the fulfillment of women’s ability to serve their communities and country.  Sixth, the Convention on the Rights of the Child, that came into force in the Colombia on January 28, 1991, under Law 12 of 1991. This Convention is extremely important in the case of the Afro-Colombian childhood, for it invites the State to take appropriate measures in order to ensure that all the children who belong to minoritary ethnic groups are protected from all types of discrimination.  Seventh, the American Convention on Human Rights, which came into force in Colombia on July 18, 1978, under Law 16 of 1972. The American Convention is the main regional legal reference regarding the promotion and defense of social, economic, cultural, civil and political rights. This agreement encourages regional states to ensure the full exercise of those rights without discrimination on grounds 7

of race, color, sex or socio-economic condition. The American Convention categorically forbids any kind of publicity or defense in favor of racism and racial discrimination that constitutes incitement to violence or any other illegal action against a person or specific population group. This includes the media, which in many cases have failed to understand the seriousness of discriminatory and offensive language towards Afro-Colombian population. The media are using and disseminating socio-racial (historical) stereotypes, regardless of the prohibitions stated about this by national and international laws5.  Eighth, the Additional Protocol to the American Convention on Human Rights in the area of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, known as the “Protocol of San Salvador”, that came into force in Colombia on November 16, 1999, under Law 319 of 19966. This Protocol, which highlights the importance of the right to health, education, social security and work in fair and favorable conditions (under a non-discriminatory framework), is the other regional legal reference that can be used by the Afro-Colombian population to defend their rights. United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities and the other instruments of international and regional Human Rights are extremely important both to the Afro-Colombian population as an ethnic group, and to Colombian society at large. Furthermore, it is important to remember that Article 93 of the Political Constitution of Colombia states that various Human Rights treaties prevail in the State’s law enforcement. Through ruling C-225 of 1995, the Constitutional court established that such treaties belong to, with the rest of the Constitution, a block of constitutionality and should therefore be used as control parameters on the constitutionality of national laws. In addition to the previous statement, Article No. 93 of the Constitution also states that the rights established in there must be interpreted according to regional and international treaties ratified by the Colombian State. So, this is relevant to the AfroColombian population as a minoritary ethnic group who intends to overcome a clearly unfavorable socio-economic status, and to reduce violations to their (human, social, economic, political, and cultural) rights, supported not only by the regional and international treaties described here, but also by the extensive national legislation that protects Afro-Colombian population as an ethnic minority. The basis of this (national) legislation lies in the Law 70 of 1993. This law is the first one in Colombian history that recognizes rights for the Afro-Colombian population as an ethnic minority. In fact, Law 70 describes the Afro-Colombian communities as a population of African – Afro-Colombian descent with a particular identity, which

5

The relationship between spread of racism and media deserves special attention by the Government and both Afro-Colombian and Human Rights NGOs.
6

For more information about the entry into force in Colombia of all Human Rights treaties mentioned, see United Nations Organization (2002).

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allows to catalog them as a minoritary ethnic group. The intended goal of Law 70 and its regulatory decrees is to move forward to the realization of a cultural pluralism embodied in tolerance and respect for diversity, committed to the development of all the communities that make up the Colombian nation. Through this law, Afro-Colombian organizations expect (in consultation with the government) to make come true the principles of formal recognition to difference and identity that should govern a genuinely democratic society (Ministerio del Interior y de Justicia, 1997). The most important scopes of Law 70 of 1993 include the following7:  The recognition of private and collective property rights on the so-called “wastelands” (located in riparian areas) occupied by Afro-Colombian communities of the Pacific region and other areas with similar conditions (Articles No. 1-2 and 4-18).  The protection of ethnic diversity and the right to equality regarding all the groups that make up the nation. Moreover, the law provides for protection of the environment in which those groups live, and it also recognizes some functions of ecological nature related to their territories.  The delimitation of the “Afro-Colombian” mining areas, making the respective regulations. The Law also guarantees the participation of the communities in every development program, plan and project established to encourage the management and planning of Afro-Colombian issues.  The creation of the Bureau of Community Affairs within the Ministry of Internal Affairs. That Bureau established the official list of every Afro-Colombian organization in the national, regional and local fields. Likewise, The Bureau served as means of agreement between Afro-Colombian communities and the national government. Although its work has been limited by a lack of resources, the Bureau has helped to show to the executive authority the political and socioeconomic difficulties endured by the Afro-Colombian population8.  Through Article 66 and in compliance with Article 176 of the Constitution, Law 70 of 1993 allowed the creation of a special constituency that consists of two seats for Afro-Colombians in the House of Representatives, which came true in 1994, year of parliamentary elections. However, the Afro-Colombian population lost that benefit for eight years because Article 66 was declared unenforceable by the Constitutional Court soon after, and efforts carried by the Legislative branch to restore that article were a failure until 2000. Nowadays, Afro-Colombian people can easily take advantage of this affirmative action policy.
7

For a more detailed discussion on Law 70, see also Mosquera (2000) and Reales (2005).

8

The national government took the decision to remove the Bureau of Black Community Affairs to merge it with the Bureau of Indigenous Affairs in 2003, without consulting in advance to Afro-Colombian communities. Due to international pressure, years after it was created again.

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Beyond the discussion about the true scopes of Law 70, it is worthy of mention that it became a legal instrument in favour of the social, economic and political future of the Afro-Colombian population as a minoritary ethnic group, who was involved for the first time in the elaboration of its “own” special law. In addition, Law 70 allowed the strengthening (although ineffective to date) of the national legislation that favors Afro-Colombians, as it is suggested by its decrees. Within these decrees, the following are worthy of mention because of their importance:  The Decree 2249 of 1995, by which the Educational Committee of AfroColombian communities (Comisión Pedagógica de Comunidades Afrocolombianas) was created. The Committee allows the communities to have a space where the consultancy, design, development and implementation of ethnoeducative policies can be carried out. The Committee also allows the construction of curricula for provision of educational services according to the needs, interests and/or expectations of the members of different population sectors (AfroColombian people).  The Decree 1627 of 1996, by which the Special Fund of Educational Credits for Afro-Colombian Communities was created. This fund, managed by the Colombian Institute of Educational Credit and Technical Studies Abroad (hereinafter ICETEX for its capitals in Spanish), is designed for low-income students who demonstrate high academic performance in high school, in order to facilitate their access to any undergraduate program on higher education (Procuraduría General de la Nación, 2004, p. 382).  The Decree 1122 of 1998, which establishes the mandatory inclusion of the AfroColombian Studies Chair (Cátedra de Estudios Afrocolombianos) in every public school that offers pre-school, elementary and higher education courses. The Chair seeks to exalt and spread Afro-Colombian history and identity as national heritages, which have been (and remain) ignored in school’s curricula and textbooks.  The Decree 1745 of 1995, which established the general procedure to recognize the right to collective ownership of the Lands of Afro-Colombian Communities (Tierras de Comunidades Afrocolombianas). The first stage of the procedure begins with the preparation of the application for land titling by the communities. In the second stage, the Colombian Institute of Agrarian Reform (hereinafter INCORA for its capitals in Spanish) —Today the Colombian Institute of Rural Development (hereinafter INCODER for its capitals in Spanish)— copes with land titling as manager of the national wastelands. Finally, the communities formulate and implement plans and programs (related to environmental and socioeconomic development) aimed to make a better use of those titled territories (Procuraduría General de la Nación, 2004, pp. 325-327).

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 The Decree 2314 of 1994, by which the Studies Commitee to formulate the Development Plan for the Afro-Colombian Population (Comisión de Estudios para Formular el Plan de Desarrollo de la Población Afrocolombiana) was created. The Committee proved to be very important for the Afro-Colombian organization process, because it allowed to bring experts in the issue together to develop the development plan. Although the plan has not been implemented yet, it became a tool for the works made by intellectuals and Afro-Colombian organizations9.  The Decree 2248 of 1995, by which the parameters for the Record of Communitybased Organizations of Afro-Colombian Communities (Registro de Organizaciones de Base de las Comunidades Afrocolombianas) are established. This record lies in the Ministry of Internal Affairs and allows to know how many Community-based organizations do exist to date.  At last, the new Constitution begins the creation and “implementation” of an extensive legislation that promotes not only the protection of Afro-Colombian people rights as an ethnic minority, but also the elimination of racial discrimination against them. It only remains to mention the existence of three important laws in the national legislation that particularly benefit Afro-Colombian people. The first one is Law 115 of 1994 (known as General Law of Education), which is important because it promotes ethnic education at secondary level courses; The second one is Law 649 of 2000, a “key” to the political process because it reestablished the special national district for Afro-Colombian people, who have the right to occupy two “ethnic” seats in the House of Representatives since 200210. The third one is Law 725 of 2001, also extremely important for the AfroColombians: through it, May 21 was declared as “National Afro-Colombian heritage day”11. Finally, the Order No. 005 of the Constitutional Court (on population of Afro-Colombian descent in a displacement situation), which is mandatory, must be mentioned when it is analyzed the relationship between the law and the Afro-Colombian scene. To date, no public policies have been implemented related to prevention, support and return plans established by the Order.

9

Neither the National Development Plan of Afro-Colombians (1999), nor subsequent political and socioeconomic development plans —prepared by the Afro-Colombian communities— were implemented in the country as it is established by national legislation (Reales, 2005).
10

Afro-Colombians may be elected to the House of Representatives under the territorial constituencies. The Law 649 guarantees the election of two representatives (at national level) for each parliamentary election.
11

On May 21, 1851, Colombia’s Congress approved the abolition of slavery, hence the reason for choosing this day to reclaim and enhance the Afro-Colombian contribution to the Nation each year.

11

In conclusion, the extensive normative framework of Human Rights explained here shows that Afro-Colombian population can use multiple legal tools that protect it as an ethnic minority. However, despite national, regional and international regulations, racial discrimination continues to affect Afro-Colombians in all areas. Therefore, research on their situation should continue to be supported not only by Afro-Colombian organizations but also by academic world and national government. As Pollis accurately points out (2000), studying the impact of Human Rights violations in countries where ethnic minorities have been historically discriminated by the dominant culture is vital to promote their development and nations’ development as a whole. 28

Racial Discrimination in Colombia: Stylized Facts
One of the key factors associated with the lack of a State policy aimed to benefit AfroColombian population has been the systematic refusal to confront the racial issue in the conformation of Colombian nation by officially denying the existence of various kinds of racial discrimination, which are result of a colonial and republican history of slavery, republican history of post slavery until the mid twentieth century, and modernization history throughout that century. In this sense, it is important to point out that the definition of racial discrimination provided by international conventions to which Colombia has participated states the following:
In this Convention, the term “racial discrimination” shall mean any distinction, exclusion, restriction or preference based on race, colour, descent, or national or ethnic origin which has the purpose or effect of nullifying or impairing the recognition, enjoyment or exercise, on an equal footing, of human rights and fundamental freedoms in the political, economic, social, cultural or any other field of public life12.

In this regard, racial discrimination may be divided in two kinds: a) Direct discrimination: less favorable treatment based on race, which induces a disadvantage, and those actions or omissions that cause injury. b) Indirect discrimination: differentiated treatment based on inadequately justified factors other than race, which establish a disadvantage for a racial group (UN, 2009, pp. 4-5; Blank, Dabady, & Citro, 2004, p. 39). Direct discrimination occurs as a deliberate and voluntary action performed by certain social groups against others, excluding them from access to social services, restricting their individual freedoms of choice or even explicitly rejecting them in labor market and
12

International Convention on Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, adopted by the UN General Assembly on 21 December 1965, with a reservation to the entirety of Article XXII (jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice).

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educational system, among others. On the other hand, indirect discrimination perpetuates iniquities by means of actions such as the existence of apparently neutral laws, policies and practices that affect a specific social group. Differences in people’s wages with equal jobs and equal skills, due to their skin color or gender, are a good example of direct discrimination, while indirect discrimination is supported by seemingly universal codes, which establish differences between people’s skills that actually are equal, but they become different due to their membership to a social group. In this sense, indirect discriminatory practice operates through the a priori social valuation that lies in the contractual processes or in the prejudices of a society. That said, evidence related to racial discrimination in Colombia will be shown next. First, it is shown the state of the art regarding studies and observations that try to detect discrimination. It is important to note that most of these studies have focused on discrimination in access to education and healthcare, and discrimination in labor market. The hypothesis to verify in most of these studies is whether the Afro-Colombian population’s worst living standards exist due to poverty and racial discrimination13 (see Schiller, 1971, p. 263). After that, we present a few specific cases of racial discrimination, which show the hatred and prejudices faced by the Afro-Colombian population, which in turn restrict their fundamental freedoms. Table 1 Tracking racial discrimination through observational studies
Area Study Agieren, Barbary, Hoffmann, Quintin, Ramírez & Urrea (2000); Urrea & Ramírez (2000); Urrea, Ramírez & Viáfara (2002), Barbary, Ramírez, Urrea & Viáfara (2004); Urrea, Viáfara, Ramírez & Botero (2007). Data used perspective /analysis Results

Overall, black population in Colombia faces worse living standards than others, precarious participation in goods and services markets, and greater demographic vulnerability.

13

This distinction is crucial in political strategies to improve the living standards of the Afro-Colombian population. In fact, within the meaning of the United Nations (2009), special measures or affirmative action policies, as commonly known, would apply in the case found that the ethnic-racial condition. that limits the enjoyment or exercise

First Studies

13

Area

Study

Data used perspective

/analysis

Results Through a life course analysis on residents of the city of Cali in 1998, it was found that, compared to other social groups, black population was more likely to drop-out of school earlier and get lower educational achievements. That fact can be understood as discrimination due to race. Racial/ethnic status has a significant effect on the differentials regarding educational attainment between Afro-Colombian and non-Afro-Colombian individuals, in the cities of Cali, Bogotá and Cartagena in 2000, even when controlling birth cohorts. The study analyzes the effects of neighborhood in educational achievement level between Afro-Colombian and non-ethnic individuals. It concludes that spatially segregated Afro-Colombians obtain lower educational achievements than non-ethnic people. Based on ethnographic observations and interviews to Afro-Colombian and nonethnic teachers and students in two schools located in Soacha, the author observed discrimination actions in discourse and treatment of non-ethnic teachers and students against AfroColombian students.

Viáfara (2005)

Biographical sample of Cidse, IRD, Colciencias survey (1998) / racial (classification not made by the pollster).

Viáfara (2006)

&

Urrea

National household survey (110th stage, 2000) / racial (self-awareness, photographs)

Education

Forero (2007)

National household survey (110th stage, 2000) / racial (self-awareness, photographs)

Vásquez (2007)

Experimental design deep interviews / racial

and

14

Area

Study

Data used perspective

/analysis

Results Educational services provision offered to Afro-Colombian population is a low quality one, due to infrastructure problems, scarcity of teaching resources, overcrowded classrooms, bad working conditions of the teachers, and the effects of armed conflict. Besides, it is proved the existence of offensive and insulting treatment from teachers and fellow students to Afro-Colombian population, which impacts their academic performance, and their decision to drop-out of school. There is a greater educational gap (the difference between potential education years and actual years taken according to age) for Afro-Colombian people, which means lower educational achievements for this population, though these inequalities are particularly strong and significant in the city of Cali. The differentials in healthcare access between AfroColombian and non-ethnic individuals stem from the lower social backgrounds of Afro-Colombians, instead of racial discrimination. Unequal access to healthcare between Afro-Colombian and non-ethnic individuals stems from racial discrimination instead of social origins. Afro-Colombian population faces enormous shortcomings related to all aspects of the right to healthcare (availability, accessibility, acceptability and quality). The good actions found by the

Rodríguez, Alfonso & Experimental design Cavelier (2009) deep interviews / racial

and

González (2009)

National household survey (110th stage, 2000) / racial (self-awareness, photographs)

Bernal (2005)

&

Cárdenas

Quality of Life National Survey (2003) / racial and ethnic self-awareness

Healthcare

Hurtado (2005)

Quality of Life National Survey (2003) / racial and ethnic self-awareness.

Rodríguez (2009)

et

al., Experimental design deep interviews / racial.

and

15

Area

Study

Data used perspective

/analysis

Results Observatory on Racial Discrimination (ORD) stem from both isolated and unsystematic initiatives and policies that lack institutional coordination at the national level, and their results are unflattering. There are greater educational requirements for blackmulatto individuals in order to access the formal sector of economy. Applying a life course model, the authors find that there are barriers for the development of successful careers in labor market for the best educated Afro-Colombian women. The increase in recruitment through employment agencies has greatly worsened the working conditions of female housekeepers. “Employment agencies are entities that operate to service those who pay for that service, the employers […] In spite of getting a job through an employment agency, female housekeepers remain employed in illegal conditions (wages below the legal minimum, without social security, vacations, etc.), and according to subjective criteria”. Afro-Colombian individuals face limitations to access jobs with high socioeconomic status in Cali, Bogotá and Cartagena.

Portilla (2003)

Cidse, Banco Mundial survey (1999) / racial (classification not made by the pollster).

Barbary (2005)

&

Cidse, IRD, Colciencias Estacio survey (1998) / racial (classification not made by the pollster).

Labor Market Posso (2005)

Deep interviews / racial.

Viáfara (2006)

&

Urrea

National household survey (110th stage, 2000) / racial (self-awareness, photographs)

16

Area

Study

Data used perspective

/analysis

Results Using various econometric techniques, it is found evidence of wage discrimination against AfroColombian individuals. On average, Afro-Colombians earn 6,4% less per hour than non-ethnic individuals, and they commonly live in poorer living conditions than the rest of the population. However, when controlling for education, experience, geographic location, labor market segment and marital status, ethnic/racial condition becomes less important in income differentials. There is also a strong relationship between being AfroColombian and poverty, which demonstrates premarket discrimination as the scarcity of resources limits the ability to improve earnings in the future. The author obtained the same results as Barbary & Moreno (2005), regarding first job recruiting of Afro-Colombian people. The impact of recent socioeconomic transformations has widened occupational achievement gaps between AfroColombians and non-ethnic people in Cali. Afro-Colombian children are more prone to enter the labor market at an early age (between 5 and 11 years old) after controlling for factors associated with social class and environment of children.

National household survey (110th stage, 2000) / racial Díaz & Forero, (2006); (self-awareness). Continuous Romero, (2007) Household Survey (CHS, 2nd quarter, 2004) / racial and ethnic self-awareness.

Rojas (2008)

Quality of Life National Survey (2003) / racial and ethnic self-awareness.

Viáfara (2008a).

Cidse, IRD, Colciencias survey (1998) / racial (classification not made by the pollster).

Viáfara (2008b)

Cidse, IRD, Colciencias survey (1998) / racial (classification not made by the pollster).

Aponte (2009)

Quality of Life National Survey (2003) / racial and ethnic self-awareness.

17

Area

Study

Data used perspective

/analysis

Results Discrimination has an important effect on the wage gap between Afro-Colombian and non-ethnic women. Racial/ethnic status becomes a catalyst for gender inequalities in labor market. The authors found that more than half of the average wage differences between people of African descent and nonAfrican descent (mixed race and / or white people) are explained by the fact that within the same occupation and skill level, workers of African descent earn less than other workers. A significant proportion of wage differentials between Afro-Colombians and nonethnic individuals is explained by differentials in human capital, but the proportion of unexplained wage gap, attributed to discrimination, showed a significant effect on the average of the thirteen cities, Bogotá and Cartagena. When performing the same exercise for formal employees, the results are quite suggestive: there is a reduction in the proportion of differentials related to human capital and an increase in the proportion and significance of unexplained wage differentials, that may be attributable to discrimination.

González (2009)

Continuous Household Survey (CHS, 2nd quarter, 2004) / racial and ethnic selfawareness.

Tenjo (2009)

&

Herrera

Quality of Life National Survey (2003) / racial and ethnic self-awareness.

Viáfara, Urrea Correa (2009)

Continuous Household & Survey (CHS, 2nd quarter, 2004) / racial and ethnic selfawareness.

18

Area

Study

Data used perspective

/analysis

Results

When the effect of ethnic / racial status on the probability of being poor is assessed using the LP-LI method, race does not have a significant effect. This effect is only Quality of Life National significant when the Urrea & Viáfara Survey (2003) / racial and unsatisfied basic needs (UBN) (2007) ethnic self-awareness. methodology is used. The latter could suggest that, under equal conditions, AfroColombian people face more limitations on skill formation to overcome poverty situations. The municipalities inhabited by a greater number of AfroColombian individuals obtain poorer results in terms of quality-of-life index (QLI), after controlling for distance Viáfara, Vivas, Urrea 2005 national census / racial from Bogotá and urbanization y Castro (2009) and ethnic self-awareness. rate. This gives less relevance to the explanations that geographical condition as the sole determinant of the worst living standards faced by Afro-Colombian people.

Structural Discrimination

Table 2 Specific Cases of Discrimination
Case Source

A cartoon titled “Nieves”, published by El País newspaper thirty years ago, made a stigmatization of Afro-Colombian men and women. They were shown as ignorant people, suitable only for low-quality and low-paying jobs such as El País newspaper. construction and housekeeping. Given this, Pascual Charrupi, statistician and teacher at Universidad del Valle (†), presented a claim that was subsequently declared “nonprocedural”.

19

Case On May 17, 2008, El Tiempo newspaper published the results of a fieldwork carried out by five Law students from Universidad de los Andes, which showed discrimination in some clubs in the Zona Rosa area and in a park known as Parque de la 93 in Bogotá. Six persons of African descent collaborated on the experiment. On April 19, all of them visited two renowned clubs, Gavanna and Gnoveva, making an audio recording and taking photographs that documented the rejection they suffered. One of the people who collaborated on the experiment recalled that the line to enter the club stopped moving when the African descent group arrived. El Tiempo newspaper published an article entitled Soy producto, quizás, de la coincidencia de la oportunidad con la capacidad: Paula Marcela Moreno. When faced with the question “have you ever felt discriminated?”, the Culture Minister replied: “Yes and no. Yes, in terms of seeing that certain issues and values are exacerbated by the ethnic issue […]. An example of discrimination is that many people who approach me say they like black people [...]. Discriminatory parameters do exist in collective unconscious”. On March 19, 2009, a news portal called ActualidadÉtnica.com published a denunciation made by the Observatory on Racial Discrimination (ODR) at Universidad de los Andes regarding the act of racial discrimination against Afro-Colombian leader Carlos Rosero by a law enforcement officer in Bogotá. While trying to help an indisposed woman in the public transport system, the police officer whom he asked for help said in an unseemly manner, “Mind your own business”14 and “You should win ‘Baloto’15 to change your skin color”. According to the article published by El Tiempo newspaper, the clubs La Carbonera and QK Yito are obligated to financially compensate the sisters Johanna and Lena Acosta Romero, who were denied entry due the color of their skin. The case occurred on December 25, 2004, when the sisters, along with other friends, went out partying at the most sought-after nightclubs in Cartagena. First, they went to La Carbonera but the doorman said that the club reserved the right to deny admission. After that, they went to QK Yito, where they were told that everyone could enter, except for Johanna and Lena Acosta.

Source

Article published by El Tiempo newspaper (2008a).

Article published by El Tiempo newspaper (2008c).

Article published by ActualidadÉtnica.com (2009).

Article published by El Tiempo newspaper (2009).

14

The original Spanish sentence was “no sea sapo”. “Sapo” (toad) is a word widely used in Colombia to describe nosy people. 15 “Baloto” is a popular game of chance in Colombia.

20

Case On September 24, 2009, Caracol Radio published an article titled Persiste la Discriminación racial en Colombia (Racial discrimination still persists in Colombia) that made public two cases of discrimination. The first one involved Giovanni Viáfara, who said that he could not enter to a club in the Zona Rosa area of Bogotá due to his skin color. The second one involved Alix Rodríguez, a native student of San Andrés who said that a teacher who works at her University rejects people of African descent. The article also mentions the words of José María Gomez, who said that in Transmilenio (one of the public transport systems of Bogotá), a working place where hundreds of people have found a job, recruitment of black people is almost nonexistent. El Universal newspaper published an article entitled La Hazaña de una Guerrera (The Feat of a Warrior). In that article, the Olympic gold medalist and congresswoman María Isabel Urrutia says that, among other things, she never felt discriminated in sport because of her skin color, but admits that she has faced discrimination in politics “because there is a power struggle. At times, some colleagues go too far and they offend you by using your skin color to do so”. El Tiempo newspaper reported the ruling of Criminal Court Judge No. 7 of Bogotá, who condemned Jorge Armando Torres Casas, murderer of the teenager Jefferson Alexander Rodríguez Mosquera, to sixteen years and six months of imprisonment. According to the article, Jefferson met the Torres brothers returning home after not being allowed to enter the school for being late. The Torres brothers began to bother him due to his skin color, attacking him with punches and kicks, and Jorge Armando Torres stabbed him three times, killing him immediately. The author shows the racist actions that occurred since 1995 at Universidad del Valle. According to the author, the following forms of racist graffiti appeared in reading spaces located in the central library of the university: First, nonconformist racist graffiti that ridicule other graffiti related to self-esteem of black people, using offensive remarks. Second, graffiti that encourage people to hate and reject everything about black people. Third, graffiti that preach hatred, ridicule or mockery against black people. Fourth, graffiti that link the black issue to offensive ways. And fourth, graffiti that animalize the black and mulatto population. The appearance of these graffiti coincided with two facts: the growth of the Afro-Colombian student population at Universidad del Valle, specially native students of Buenaventura, and one of the worst recessions experienced at Cali in the twentieth century. This coincidence could become a “racial shutdown” (as known in literature), which occurs when a group believed to be

Source

Article published (2009).

by

Caracol

Article published by El Universal newspaper (2009).

Article published by El Tiempo newspaper (2008b).

Palacios (1999).

21

Case Source superior, who has enjoyed some privileges, sees a threat to its position posed by another emerging group in a situation of lack of resources. The author shows a fact opposed to discrimination, the public protest made in 1997 by Afro-Colombian organizations in Cali. By a leakage of a group of labour lawyers, it was made public that Almacenes Éxito (a popular brand of department stores in Colombia) had explicit means Urrea (2000). of racial discrimination when recruiting black and mulatto workers, even if they were highly educated and lived in lowmiddle social status. Those people were chosen only for office cleaning and cooking jobs, and their access to customer service jobs was strictly forbidden.

Perception of racial discrimination
Below, the main results of the National Survey on Perception of Racism and Racial Discrimination, carried out by the National Movement for Human Rights in the AfroColombian communities (Cimarrón) in the cities of Bogotá, Cali and Cartagena are presented. The goal of the survey was to research on the perception of discrimination in those cities and, specially, the perception of discrimination against Afro-Colombian population in several areas. This analysis is important to check whether stylized facts presented earlier are related to discriminatory practices that stem from a racial ideology, thus creating a racially stratified society in Colombia, or if those facts are isolated cases (see Telles, 2004). The survey consists of 25 questions grouped into 4 groups: a) Demographic. b) Perception of Racism. c) Actions of Racial Discrimination. d) Racial Discrimination in Labor Market. Because an analysis of the demographic characteristics of the AfroColombian population using data from the 2005 Census (divided by departments) will be presented later on, the analysis on the perception of racial discrimination will focus on the following questions: 1. “Have you ever been a victim or a witness of racist attitudes?” 2. “How were you affected by discrimination behaviors (psychologically, socially, economically, at your work)?” 3. “Where have you been a victim or a witness of racist behaviors or actions? (street, neighborhood, workplace, public transport, airport, supermarket, hospitals and clinics, malls, restaurants, bars and clubs, parks and recreational areas in the private offices, school and / or university, prison stations, elsewhere)?”

22

4. “If you have been a victim or a witness of an action of racial discrimination, did you report it when it happened?” 5. “In your opinion, what entities do practice racial discrimination on an ongoing basis (law enforcement agencies, municipal or local government agencies, national government institutions, control agencies, public utilities, media [television, radio, press], banks, rental housing agencies, commercial airports and airlines, Colombian Football Federation, private and public universities, private and public schools, elsewhere)?” 6. Do you think that the entrepreneurs tend to pay Afro-Colombian people lower wages than other people and/or discriminate them? The analysis applies to the whole sample of the survey: 119 people in the city of Bogotá, 457 in Cali, and 405 in Cartagena. It is worth noting that this analysis will ignore the results obtained for the “indigenous” and “no information” populations, as the sample for those populations is not significant. The overall results of the previously discussed questions are presented in Appendix 1 to 7 and Figures 1 to 6. 4 Have you ever been a victim or a witness of racist attitudes? According to the information shown in Figure 1, it is possible to find that AfroColombian people mostly believe they have been victims or witnesses of racist attitudes, which suggests that Afro-Colombian is the population who has experienced more racial discrimination. It is worth noting the following: Although the question does not make a distinction between being a victim or a witness, it is an index of greater exposure to the phenomena of discrimination regarding the ethnic/racial status of the respondents. Among the three cities involved in the analysis, Bogotá has the highest percentage of Afro-Colombian population (both men and women) who have experienced racial discrimination, compared to non-Afro-Colombians or non-ethnic people. In that city, 73% and 75,6% of Afro-Colombian men and women have experienced ethnic-racial discrimination. In contrast, Cali has the lowest percentages of Afro-Colombian individuals who expressed having been victims or witnesses of racist attitudes: 51,3% of men and 48,6% of Afro-Colombian men and women, respectively. The results obtained in Cartagena are located between those from Bogota and Cali. Chart 1 Percentage of Victims or Witnesses of Racist Attitudes —Bogotá, Cali and

23

Cartagena

Source: Own calculations based on the question “Have you ever been a victim or a witness of racist attitudes?” included in the National Survey on Perception of Racism and Racial Discrimination.

It is striking that Bogotá has the highest percentages of Afro-Colombian population who expressed having been victims or witnesses of racist attitudes and, conversely, the lowest proportion of non-ethnic population who experienced this phenomenon. This could reflect a greater reluctance to promote and practice the non-discrimination principle in Nation’s capital city, which, in turn, has important symbolic implications for the remaining areas of the country. In these cities, people who expressed being victims of racist attitudes (see Appendix 2, Question 4) were particularly affected on the psychological level. In Bogotá, 54,05% and 57,78% of Afro-Colombian men and women, respectively, were psychologically affected by actions of discrimination. Conversely, Cali has the lowest percentage of AfroColombian population who expressed this feeling: 18,42% and 17,32% of AfroColombian men and women, respectively. According to the results, workplace discrimination comes second in importance. Its effects are stronger in Cartagena, followed by those of Bogotá (although in Bogotá, AfroColombian women face the strongest effects of discrimination at workplace) and Cali. Specifically, 22,13% and 15,97% of Afro-Colombian men and women, respectively, in Cartagena; 21,62% and 17,78% in Bogotá; and 3,95% and 7,26% in Cali. Social effects of discrimination come third in importance: Afro-Colombian people in Cartagena have the highest percentages in this regard, followed by Bogotá and Cali. Economic effects come fourth: Again, Afro-Colombian people in Cartagena have the highest percentages, followed by Bogotá and Cali. Finally, physical consequences of 24

discrimination come last in importance, having similar percentages: in Cartagena, 5,74% and 1,39% of Afro-Colombian men and women, respectively, expressed suffering physical consequences of discrimination. Where have you been a victim or a witness of racist behaviors or actions? Appendix 3 reveals the frequencies of the response to the question about the place where individuals experience racial discrimination. The frequencies of affirmative responses, with percentages ranging between 46,0% and 8,0% approximately, are related to (in descending order) street, workplace, school and university, neighborhood, public transportation, restaurants, clubs, police stations, supermarkets and malls, among others. From the above locations, it is worth mentioning that there is significant percentage of Afro-Colombian men who expressed having being victims of discrimination at their workplace: 32,43% in Bogotá and 27,87% in Cartagena. Similarly, 24,44% of AfroColombian women in Bogotá and 59,03% in Cartagena expressed having been victims or witnesses of racist behaviors or actions in their neighborhood. Despite the low proportion of Afro-Colombian individuals who experienced discrimination in several places, it is remarkable that non-ethnic individuals (specially men) have not experienced discriminatory actions in such places. Those places include prisons for non-ethnic women in Bogota and Cali, for non-ethnic men in Cali and for women in Cartagena; police stations for non-ethnic men and women in Bogotá, and for men in Cali; private and public offices for men in Cali; parks or recreational areas for men in Bogotá and Cartagena; restaurants and clubs for women in Bogotá; malls for men and women in Bogotá, and for men in Cali. This reflects that discrimination against AfroColombians happens in various places, even those where non-ethnic individuals have not experienced discriminatory actions, neither as victims nor as witnesses. In the same sense, Chart 2 shows the percentage of people who expressed having experienced discrimination in the street, the most common place where discriminatory actions are reported. 66,22% and 45,95% of Afro-Colombian women and men in Bogotá, respectively, reported experiences of racial discrimination in the street. It is important to point out that the difference between Afro-Colombians and non-ethnics is stronger in Bogotá than in the other cities. Cartagena comes next in importance, with the same pattern, followed by Cali. It is important to point out that the percentage of women who were victims or witnesses of racist behaviors at the street was higher than men’s percentages in Bogotá and Cartagena, while the percentages in Cali are quite the opposite. Chart 2 Percentage of Victims or Witnesses of Racist Attitudes on the Street —Bogotá, Cali and

25

Cartagena

Source: Own calculations based on the question “Where have you been a victim or a witness of racist behaviors or actions?” included in the National Survey on Perception of Racism and Racial Discrimination.

If you have been a victim or a witness of an act of racial discrimination, did you report it when it happened? So far, the perception regarding discriminatory actions, and places where those actions take place more frequently, have been assessed. In the same sense, it could also be important to inquire about the percentage of individuals who report such actions (see Appendix 4). Chart 3 shows that, overall, people rarely report such discriminatory actions. However, Afro-Colombian population has a higher percentage of individuals who report discriminatory actions. Most of these actions are reported in Cali, leaving aside racial-ethnic status and gender. Cartagena comes in second place, followed by Bogotá. It is worth noting that Afro-Colombian women reported a higher proportion of discrimination cases than non-ethnic women in Bogotá.

26

7 Chart 3 Percentage of Victims or Witnesses who Reported Discriminatory Actions in Bogotá, Cali And Cartagena

Source: Own calculations based on the question “If you have been a victim or a witness of an act of racial discrimination, did you report it when it happened?” included in the National Survey on Perception of Racism and Racial Discrimination.

In your opinion, what entities do exercise racial discrimination on an ongoing basis? Appendix 5 shows the perception about the entities where racial discrimination occurs on an ongoing basis. In this regard, Afro-Colombian and non-ethnic people agree that National Police and Armed Forces practice racial discrimination to a greater extent and on an ongoing basis. Chart 4 shows the percentage of people who stated that the National Police practices discrimination permanently: 45,95% and 28,89% of Afro-Colombian men and women, respectively, in Bogotá; 48,36% and 24,31% in Cartagena; and 27,63% and 16,20% in Cali. It is worth mentioning that, compared to Afro-Colombian women, most non-ethnic women in Cali stated that National Police practices discrimination to a greater extent.

27

Chart 4 Percentage of People who believe and do not believe that National Police Exercises Discrimination in Bogotá, Cali And Cartagena

Source: Own calculations based on the question “In your opinion, what entities do exercise racial discrimination on an ongoing basis?” included in the National Survey on Perception of Racism and Racial Discrimination.

Chart 5 shows the percentage of people who stated that Armed Forces practice racial discrimination. Regardless of gender or racial/ethnic status, Cali has the highest percentage of people who affirmatively answered that question, although AfroColombian population, especially men, is overrepresented compared to non-ethnic people. Cartagena’s percentages come next, where Afro-Colombian men have a slightly higher participation than non-ethnic ones. Finally, more non-ethnic men and women in Bogotá than Afro-Colombian state that Armed Forces practice discrimination.

28

Chart 5 Percentage of People who believe that Armed Forces practice Discrimination — Bogotá, Cali And Cartagena

Source: Own calculations based on the question “In your opinion, what entities do exercise racial discrimination on an ongoing basis?” included in the National Survey on Perception of Racism and Racial Discrimination.

Besides National Police and Armed Forces, there are a number of entities where the response rate to this question is far from negligible. Media are entities where discrimination is widely perceived in Colombia, although according to these data, there are no significant differences related to ethnic/racial origin; in some cases, non-ethnic people data show a greater perception of discrimination. In Bogota, 38,18% of men and 48,44% of women, respectively, reported the existence of discrimination in these entities. In Cartagena, the distribution is similar: 42,11% of men and 47,62% of women. In Cali, discrimination in such places is less perceived than in other cities: 5,80% of women and 12,63% of men. Racial discrimination is also highly perceived in house renting agencies, with large differentials between Afro-Colombian and non-ethnic populations. For example, while 27,3% of Afro-Colombian men perceived discrimination in house renting agencies in Bogotá, non-ethnic men did not perceive it at all; the response rate in this regard for Afro-Colombian and non-ethnic women was 26,67% and 7,69%, respectively. Cartagena shows a similar distribution for Afro-Colombian and non-ethnic men (27,05% and 7,50%, respectively), as well as for Afro-Colombian and non-ethnic women (22,92% and 29

13,89%, respectively). Cali, in turn, has the lowest perception of discrimination both for Afro-Colombian and non-ethnic men (2,63% and 0,00%, respectively), and for AfroColombian and non-ethnic women (2,23% and 10,87%, respectively). Perception of discrimination in banks was significant, with differences that are far from negligible between Afro-Colombian and non-ethnic populations. In Bogotá, 21,62% of Afro-Colombian men and 7,14% of non-ethnic reported discrimination in such places, while 20,00% of Afro-Colombian women and 7,69% of non-ethnic reported it in banks located in that city. Cartagena shows a similar distribution both for Afro-Colombian and non-ethnic men (22,13% and 7,50%, respectively) and women (20,83% and 8,33%, respectively) respectively). In Cali, it is worth mentioning that the perception of discrimination in banks is lower for Afro-Colombian population than non-ethnic, both for men (7,89% and 17,39%, respectively), and for women (11,17% and 26,09%, respectively). Discrimination was also perceived in government institutions, although no significant differentials were found regarding racial/ethnic status. 15,56% and 21,62% of AfroColombian men and women in Bogotá, respectively, reported having perceived discrimination in government institutions. Afro-Colombians in Cartagena got similar results for this question, while Cali has the lowest percentages of people who reported discrimination in those places. Both public and private schools and universities are places that have significant percentages of racial discrimination, despite not having the highest response rate concerning perception of discrimination. It is striking that non-ethnic people have a higher response rate regarding the existence of racial discrimination in these entities, which could suggest that Afro-Colombian population is reluctant to face this phenomenon in the educational system. In fact, only 11,7% of Afro-Colombian men reported private or public universities as places where discrimination takes place in Bogotá, against 26,09% of non-ethnic men who did report them; women’s results were similar. Bogotá’s results are followed by Cartagena’s (18,03% of Afro-Colombian men versus 32,50% of non-ethnic men, and 22,92% of Afro-Colombian women versus 27,78% of non-ethnic). In the same way as in previous questions, Cali has the lower percentage of responses in this regard, although the trend is the same as in Bogotá and Cartagena, except for one thing: the Afro-Colombian men’s affirmative response rate to the question is slightly greater than non-ethnic’s (9,21% versus 8,70%). Do you think that entrepreneurs tend to pay Afro-Colombian people lower wages than other people and/or discriminate them? Appendix 6 and Chart 6 allow to see the results of the question related to the perception of discrimination against Afro-Colombian population by the private sector of economy. The results are astonishing: both Afro-Colombian and non-ethnic people think that there is ethnic discrimination against Afro-Colombian population. In Bogotá, 70,27% and 66,67% of Afro-Colombian men and women, respectively, believe that there is 30

discrimination in the private sector of economy against Afro-Colombian population. It is important to note that the proportion of non-ethnic people that report the existence of discrimination against Afro-Colombian population in the private sector of economy is lower, although significant: 53,14% and 53,85% for men and women, respectively. Cali’s case is curious: when asked for the existence of racial discrimination towards AfroColombian population, the general response increased to the point that surpasses Cartagena’s affirmative response rate, despite the low response rate shown in previous questions.

Chart 6 Percentage of People Who Believe That Entrepreneurs tend to pay Lower Wages and/or Discriminate Black or Afro-Colombian People - Bogotá, Cali and Cartagena

Source: Own calculations based on the question “Do you think that the entrepreneurs tend to pay AfroColombian people lower wages and/or discriminate them?” included in the National Survey on Perception of Racism and Racial Discrimination.

Results of the National Survey on Perception of Racism and Racial Discrimination support the previously discussed hypothesis, related to the profound discrimination faced by the Afro-Colombian population. Controlling for ethnicity, race and gender, it was observed that Bogotá has the highest percentages of Afro-Colombian people who reported having been victims or witnesses of racist actions. Moreover, racial discrimination takes place in many places but it is mostly seen at the street, at workplace, at school, and at college, among others, and even in certain places where non-ethnic people do not report such actions. In this regard, Afro-Colombian and non-ethnic people agree that the entities where racial discrimination is exercised on an ongoing basis are National Police and Armed Forces, among others.

31

Economic and Social Development and Afro-Colombian Population
In the decade of the seventies of the twentieth century, the re-affirmation process of cultural identities in Colombia started. The process would have finished with the promulgation of the Political Constitution of 1991, which made possible the recognition of the Colombian nation as a “multiethnic and multilingual country”. Thus, indigenous communities benefited from a part of the national budget and achieved rights and opportunities for education, healthcare, territories, exploitation of mineral resources, land planning, and environmental management; they also gained political spaces specified by Law 60 of 1993, and Decrees 982 of 1999, and 1396 and 1397 of 1996 (Departamento Administrativo Nacional de Estadística, 2007). In the specific case of Afro-Colombian population, Article 55 of the Political Constitution of 1991 created suitable conditions for the enactment of Law 70 of 1993. The Law made possible the demarcation and titling of collective territories of black communities, created tools for the protection of their identity as ethnic group, and developed mechanisms for economic and social development (Departamento Nacional de Planeación, 2004). Next, it is presented a diagnosis (in terms of economic and social development) on the situation faced by Afro-Colombian population compared to the one faced by non-ethnic population. In order to do this, 19 departments and the nation’s capital city, Bogotá, were selected. These departments share a feature: at least 1% of the Afro-Colombian population of the country lives in each of those departments, except for Putumayo and Guaviare, whose Afro-Colombian population accounts for at least 5% of the population who lives in the department. Following this method, the diagnosis includes approximately 97% of the country’s Afro-Colombian population.

Demographic Concentration of the Afro-Colombian Population
According to 2005 Census data, Colombia has 41.468.384 inhabitants: 50,96% of them are women and 49,04% are men. According to ethnicity, 3,36% of the people in the country see themselves as indigenous, 0,01% as Romani, 10,40% as Afro-Colombians, 84,16% as non-ethnics and 2,08% as “no response” (see Appendix 7). Afro-Colombian population in the national total consists of 4.312.712 inhabitants; 75,99% of them live in municipalities, while 24,01% live in rural areas. In order of importance, Departments of Valle del Cauca, Cauca, Antioquia, Bolívar, Chocó, Nariño, Atlántico, Córdoba, Sucre, Magdalena and San Andrés y Providencia are inhabited by approximately 90% of the country’s Afro-Colombian population. As shown in Map 1, the Pacific region has the greatest amount of Afro-Colombian population at the departmental level. 73,62% of the people in Chocó are Afro-Colombian, followed in order of importance by San Andrés y Providencia (56,84%), Valle del Cauca (26,95%), Bolívar 32

(27,10%), Cauca (21,66%), Nariño (18,06%) and Sucre (15,97%).

Map 1 Percentage of Afro-Colombian Population in each Department

Source: Departamento Administrativo Nacional de Estadística. General Census, 2005. Retrieved from http://www.dane.gov.co.

Sociodemographic Vulnerability and Living Standards of the AfroColombian Population
High levels of fertility are one of the features most often associated with sociodemographic vulnerability, resulting in a younger population structure. This feature is normally linked to a standard level of subsistence living or a low-level equilibrium trap (Malthus, 1798). According to Rodríguez Vignoli (2000), although overall Latin America has advanced in the process of demographic transition, there are still disadvantaged groups in the transition to fertility, in particular ethnic groups and the poorest population. This has deep implications in the welfare level of the groups involved: households with more children are less likely to save money, thus diminishing their ability to invest in quantity and quality of education, healthcare, nutrition, basic sanitation, etc. In turn, human capital endowments are closely related to productivity of individuals, and success of productive development alternatives undertaken by a population. Therefore, 33

sociodemographic vulnerability would show the presence of greater privations in households linked to the formation of human and physical capital, and thus, it would have an enormous effect on the freedom to enjoy a decent living standard. A simpler way to see the sociodemographic vulnerability of the Afro-Colombian population is to analyze the gaps between that population and non-ethnic population concerning juvenile, senile and total dependency indices, ratio of children under 5 years old per 1000 women of childbearing age and fertility rates (see Table 3). Contents of Table 3 can be generalized as follows:  For the national total, Afro-Colombian population has the highest indicators in youth and total dependency, children/women ratio and (higher) fertility rates. This places Afro-Colombian people in an earlier phase of the demographic transition process, and therefore their sociodemographic vulnerability increases.  In order of importance, the departments of Guajira, Nariño, Chocó, Cesar and Sucre are far behind in their demographic transition process, showing wide differentials between ethnic/racial groups. For example, the difference in global fertility rates reaches values above 1 child between Afro-Colombians and nonethnics in Guajira and Nariño, and above 0,5 in Antioquia, Córdoba and Sucre. It is remarkable that the greatest differentials between Afro-Colombian and nonethnic people occur in departments that are far behind in their demographic transition process, a fact which could be linked to higher levels of poverty and inequality commonly associated with this type of behaviors (See Livi-Bacci, 1995).  Bogotá and departments of Cundinamarca, Risaralda, Santander, and San Andrés y Providencia have the most modern reproductive behaviors recorded for the Afro-Colombian population.

Sociodemographic behaviors correlate with living standards of a given population. In absence of public policies to ensure equality of opportunities between social groups, those who are far behind in the fertility transition process are characterized by having worse results in the Unsatisfied Basic Needs Index (hereinafter UBNI) and, therefore, higher illiteracy rates and unjustified absences16. Appendix 8 shows the UBNI by residential area and ethnic/racial group. Appendix 9 does the same for illiteracy rates. Charts 7 and 8 show the UBNI by department, broken down by area of residence and ethnicity. For the Urban National Total, Afro-Colombians have a poverty/UBN rate 80 percentage points higher than non-ethnics; in the rural area, the difference amounts to 14,3%. In urban areas of almost all departments (except for Cesar and Guajira), the poverty/UBNI rate is higher for Afro-Colombians than for non-ethnics. Afro-Colombians
16

The Index of Unsatisfied Basic Needs (UBNI) is the most used measure of poverty in Colombia. It could be considered as an indicator that captures the provision of public services provided by the State. In addition, it refers to an absolutist view on poverty, as opposed to a relative one.

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living in the departments of Nariño and Chocó have the highest poverty/UBNI rate in the urban area, with considerable differences between them and non-ethnics. In the department of Nariño, the proportion of Afro-Colombian population living in poverty nearly triples that of non-ethnic population; other departments having high ethnic/racial gaps in poverty rates (above the national average) are Cauca and Valle del Cauca. In the rural areas of those departments, the poverty/UBNI rates are notoriously higher than those in urban areas (except for departments of Chocó and Guaviare), but there are lower differentials between Afro-Colombians and non-ethnics. In 10 of the 19 departments analyzed, Afro-Colombians have lower poverty rates than non-ethnics.

Table 3 Basic Sociodemographic Indicators
Ratio of children under 5 years old per 1000 women of childbearing age AfroC. 359,55 307,87 209,62 351,13 382,58 428,79 457,54 394,88 258,57 372,55 685,13 417,29 588,49 384,28 233,68 320,04 257,25 412,09 294,3 359,8 Nonethnic 254,7 303,97 233,19 372,52 294,64 405,78 425,87 376,13 300,17 498,06 420,88 427,72 288 426,38 241,66 286,44 272,29 354,8 240,34 287,78

Youth dependency Departments AfroC. 0,56 0,47 0,33 0,54 0,59 0,62 0,63 0,6 0,45 0,5 0,76 0,59 0,7 0,55 0,42 0,5 0,43 0,62 0,50 0,55 Nonethnic 0,44 0,47 0,4 0,56 0,48 0,62 0,49 0,58 0,5 0,68 0,61 0,61 0,47 0,54 0,43 0,44 0,46 0,56 0,42 0,47

Senile dependency AfroC. 0,11 0,13 0,07 0,12 0,15 0,12 0,14 0,14 0,17 0,08 0,09 0,13 0,11 0,1 0,13 0,12 0,13 0,14 0,12 0,12 Nonethnic 0,15 0,13 0,12 0,13 0,17 0,12 0,12 0,14 0,16 0,08 0,10 0,13 0,16 0,11 0,16 0,09 0,15 0,14 0,16 0,14

Total dependency AfroC. 0,67 0,6 0,39 0,66 0,74 0,74 0,77 0,74 0,62 0,57 0,86 0,72 0,81 0,65 0,55 0,62 0,57 0,76 0,62 0,67 Nonethnic 0,58 0,60 0,52 0,69 0,64 0,73 0,61 0,71 0,66 0,76 0,71 0,74 0,63 0,65 0,59 0,53 0,61 0,7 0,58 0,62

Fertility rate AfroC. 2,87 2,6 2,17 2,97 2,71 3,75 3,93 3,33 2,55 3,28 3,58 3,52 4,02 3,56 2,39 2,13 2,71 3,47 2,37 2,85 Nonethnic 2,17 2,34 1,99 2,66 2,41 3,06 3,52 2,87 2,58 3,04 2,26 3,08 2,24 3,23 2,18 2,2 2,37 2,86 1,96 2,37

Antioquia Atlántico Bogotá Bolívar Cauca Cesar Chocó Córdoba Cundinamarca Guaviare Guajira Magdalena Nariño Putumayo Risaralda San Andrés Santander Sucre Valle del Cauca National total

Source: Own calculations based on data from the 2005 Census.

4

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Chart 7 Unsatisfied Basic Needs Index (UBNI) – Municipal

Source: Own calculations based on data from the 2005 Census.

Chart 8 Unsatisfied Basic Needs (UBNI) – Remainder

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Source: Own calculations based on data from the 2005 Census.

Education, health and nourishment for the Afro-Colombian Population
Education and healthcare are important development goals. The Human Development Index (hereinafter HDI) is based on a measure of living standard, and two non-monetary factors: life expectancy and knowledge. Although life expectancy is an indicator of quantity of life, it could also reflect the quality of life or health status experienced by individuals during their lives. In turn, knowledge is assessed through literacy rates. The complementarity between education and health lies in the following:  A better health status can improve the profitability of investments in education.  Heath is important in school attending.  Healthy children are more successful in school, and they also learn in a more efficient way.  Deaths of school-age children increase the cost of education per capita.  A greater life expectancy increases the yield potential for investments in education.  Healthier people are in a better position to productively use the education they receive. The following is an analysis on human capital indicators for Afro-Colombian population, always compared to non-ethnic population.

Education Linked to higher rates of poverty, illiteracy rates in all age groups and area of residence (with limited exceptions) are higher for Afro-Colombian population than those of nonethnic population, as seen in Charts 9 and 10, and Appendix 9. Afro-Colombian children between 6 and 11 years old have markedly higher illiteracy rates in urban areas. Departments of Nariño and Chocó have the highest percentage of people who cannot read and write at an early age, and the greatest gaps between AfroColombians and non-ethnics. Furthermore, differentials are far from negligible in Antioquia, Bogotá, Cauca, Guaviare, Putumayo and Valle del Cauca. In rural areas, a higher illiteracy rate for Afro-Colombian population prevails, but the differentials are more moderate than those in the urban area, except for department of Nariño where the educational gap between Afro-Colombians and non-ethnics is considerable. Similarly, it is important to note that there are departments where the 37

illiteracy rate is higher for non-ethnics than for Afro-Colombians, although differentials did not reach the same magnitude as in cases where Afro-Colombians are disadvantaged.

Chart 9 Illiteracy Rates for the Age Group of 6-11 years old, Afro-Colombian and NonEthnic Populations (Municipal)

Source: Own calculations based on data from the 2005 Census.

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Chart 10 Illiteracy rates for the Age Group of 6-11 years old, Afro-Colombian and NonEthnic Populations (Remainder)

Source: Own calculations based on data from the 2005 Census.

In urban areas, illiteracy rates for people whose age ranges from 2 to 7 years old follow a pattern similar to the one discussed above. The department of Nariño again has the highest illiteracy rate for the Afro-Colombian population, followed in order of importance by departments of Magdalena, Sucre, Chocó, Cauca, and Antioquia. Ethnic/racial gaps are more significant in Nariño, Cauca, Magdalena, Sucre and Antioquia (see Charts 11 and 12). In rural areas, the highest illiteracy rates for Afro-Colombian population remain in the departments of Nariño, Chocó, Cesar (the illiteracy rate is larger for non-ethnic population), and Sucre, above the national rural average. Large differences in the illiteracy rate between Afro-Colombians and non-ethnics in the department of Nariño are also remarkable, although in the other departments the differences are more moderate in the urban areas. Departments of Atlántico, Bolívar, Cesar, Guajira and Magdalena have higher illiteracy rates for non-ethnics than those for Afro-Colombians, but gaps not favoring non-ethnics are only significant in the department of Guajira.

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Chart 11 Illiteracy Rates for the Age Group of 12-17 Years Old, Afro-Colombian and NonEthnic Populations (Municipal)

Source: Own calculations based on data from the 2005 Census.

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Chart 12 Illiteracy Rates for the Age Group of 12-17 Years Old, Afro-Colombian and NonEthnic Populations (Remainder)

Source: Own calculations based on data from the 2005 Census.

For those people whose age group ranges from 8 to 24 years old, the results remain similar to the ones discussed above. Based on the foregoing, it is important to point out that, overall, Afro-Colombians have higher illiteracy rates than non-ethnics, leaving aside their age group, which in turn is an irrefutable indicator of the exclusion and marginalization of State policies. In addition, data show that this situation has not improved significantly in several decades (see Charts 13, and 14) It is worth noting that high illiteracy rates are more inappropriate when they are based on the inequality of the opportunities structure among social groups. Educational desertion or absence at an early age limits the educational careers of individuals and forces them to practice low-qualification jobs or illicit activities. The data presented here show great disadvantage in educational opportunities faced by Afro-Colombian population, especially children whose ages range between 6 and 11 years old (see Aponte, 2009); the situation may be more problematic for preschool children.

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Chart 13 Illiteracy Rates for the Age Group of 18-24 Years Old, Afro-Colombian and NonEthnic Populations (Municipal)

Source: Own calculations based on data from the 2005 Census.

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Chart 14 Illiteracy Rates for the Age Group of 18-24 Years Old, Afro-Colombian and NonEthnic Populations (Remainder)

Source: Own calculations based on data from the 2005 Census.

Health Despite the importance of healthcare as a component of human capital, it is difficult to find a synthetic indicator that can describe the health standard of a population, as well as being a source of comparison between different racial/ethnic groups. Therefore, the following is an approximation to inequalities in access to healthcare between AfroColombian and non-ethnic populations, based on an analysis of healthcare coverage rates in contributive and subsidized regimes; in addition, population that completely lacked coverage in this area was also analyzed. Healthcare coverage The subsidized regime was established to benefit people who are unable to pay for healthcare. This service is provided by the Entities for the Administration of Insurance for Subsidized Regime (ARS for its capitals in Spanish), managed by the State through taxes collected for healthcare. On the other hand, the contributive regime works with contributions of workers and employees; the entities that provide the services are called Health Promoting Companies (EPS for its capitals in Spanish), managed in turn by 43

Healthcare Provider Institutions (IPS for its capitals in Spanish). Charts 15 and 16, as well as Appendix 10, show the health coverage rates for contributive regime according to ethnicity, and area of residence. Overall, non-ethnic population has a higher rate of healthcare coverage in urban and rural areas than Afro-Colombian population, although differentials are very small for the latter. The healthcare coverage rate for contributive regime is approximately 25,0% higher for non-ethnics than for AfroColombians in urban areas, and 2,3% higher in rural areas. By departments, the healthcare coverage rate for contributive regime in urban areas is 42,3%, 42,7% and 24,8% higher for non-ethnics than for Afro-Colombians in Nariño, Chocó and Atlántico, respectively. In rural areas, ethnic-racial gaps related to healthcare coverage rates in contributive regime are dramatically reduced, but the Afro-Colombian population still has the worst results in the same departments, as well as department of Guaviare. The difference between Afro-Colombian and non-ethnic populations regarding healthcare coverage rates in the contributive regime can be explained by the Afro-Colombian population’s characteristics of occupational insertion. As it will be seen later, the AfroColombian population is overrepresented in the service sector, often taking jobs that do not meet the basic requirements of social security, which includes mandatory contributions for healthcare (see Urrea & Viáfara, 2007).

Chart 15 Healthcare Coverage Rates for Contributive Regime (Municipal)

Source: Own calculations based on data from the 2005 Census.

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Chart 16 Healthcare Coverage Rates for Contributive Regime (Remainder)

Source: Own calculations based on data from the 2005 Census.

2 Charts 17 and 18, as well as Appendix 11, show healthcare coverage rates for subsidized regime, according to area of residence. For the National Urban Total, Afro-Colombian population has higher healthcare coverage rates than non-ethnic population. This pattern repeats itself in most departments, except for Guaviare, Guajira and Putumayo. In rural areas, and conversely to the previous case, for the National Total Afro-Colombian population has slightly lower coverage rates in the subsidized regime. By departments, it is possible to infer a relative equality in healthcare coverage rates between racial-ethnic groups. However, in Bogotá, Nariño, Cauca and Santander, gaps against AfroColombians are revealing. Those gaps seen in rural areas of these departments make the most vulnerable Afro-Colombian population very sensitive, due to the presence of large numbers of displaced people in these places.

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Chart 17 Healthcare Coverage Rates for Subsidized Regime (Municipal)

Source: Own calculations based on data from the 2005 Census.

Chart 18 Healthcare Coverage Rates for Subsidized Regime (Remainder)

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Source: Own calculations based on data from the 2005 Census.

Finally, Charts 19 and 20, as well as Appendix 2, show the percentage of population that lacks any kind of healthcare coverage. Compared to non-ethnic, Afro-Colombian population has lower healthcare coverage rates in the contributive regime both in urban and rural areas, slightly higher coverage rate in the subsidized regime in urban areas, and a lower coverage rate in the subsidized regime in rural areas. In line with these results, the percentage of Afro-Colombian population that lacks any kind of healthcare is higher than that of non-ethnic population in urban and rural areas. It can even be noted that the percentage of Afro-Colombian population affiliated to the subsidized regime in urban does not compensate the coverage rate gaps found in the contributive regime. The highest percentage of Afro-Colombian population that lacks any kind of healthcare in the urban area is in the department of Cauca, followed in order of importance by Chocó, Córdoba, Nariño, Sucre, Atlántico, Guajira, and Valle del Cauca. In rural areas, the order is as follows: Nariño, Chocó, Cauca, Córdoba, and Atlántico.

Chart 19 Percentage of Population without Affiliation (Municipal)

Source: Own calculations based on data from the 2005 Census.

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Chart 20 Percentage of Population without Affiliation (Remainder)

Source: Own calculations based on data from the 2005 Census.

Nourishment In this section, it is intended to analyze the gaps in nourishment between Afro-Colombian and non-ethnic populations. To appropriately make the analysis, a proxy variable (proportion of people who have had days of fasting) is used. Fasting is not taken here as a person’s capability to stop eating, despite having enough food; it rather reflects the degree of deprivation faced by people unable to consume the required amount of nutrients, a fact that impedes the enjoyment of “functioning” of being well nourished (Sen, 1990). Charts 21 and 22, as well as Appendix 13, show the proportion of people who have experienced fasting in the week that preceded the 2005 census. In urban areas of all departments, the proportion of people who have experienced fasting was always higher than that of non-ethnic population. The differentials between populations in some departments are moving. In 8 out of 19 departments included in the analysis, the proportion of Afro-Colombians who have experienced fasting at least doubles that of their non-ethnic counterparts. The largest gaps were found in Nariño (551% approximately), Guaviare (235%), Cauca (224%), Santander (175%), Valle del Cauca (166%), Cauca (107%), Bogotá and San Andrés y Providencia (100% approximately). In rural areas, the proportion of people who have experienced fasting is higher than in urban areas, while ethnic-racial inequalities are larger in most departments. For example, 48

departments of Atlántico (58,75%), Bolivar (78,06%), Cesar (121,55%), Cundinamarca (65,45%), Chocó (416,94%), Risaralda (141,99%), Valle del Cauca (122,52%), and Putumayo (59,54%) showed an increase in ethnic-racial gaps in urban areas compared to rural areas. Once again, the high proportion of Afro-Colombians who experienced fasting in the departments of Nariño and Chocó is remarkable, and a vast inequality compared to non-ethnic population, that reaches a staggering 416% in Chocó and 415% in Nariño.

Chart 21 Proportion of People who Have Had Days of Fasting (Municipal)

Source: Own calculations based on data from the 2005 Census.

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Chart 22 Proportion of People who Have Had Days of Fasting (Remainder)

Source: Own calculations based on data from the 2005 Census.

Labor market
One of the main causes of the increased sociodemographic vulnerability, and the bad living standards of Afro-Colombian people in both urban and rural areas lies on the features of their participation in labor markets. In a market economy, a large proportion of people generate income from their participation in labor markets, which determines the type of resources available for households and individuals to invest in “functionings” (education, healthcare, nutrition, recreation, etc.). In turn, these “functionings”, are determinants of people’s income levels. In a scenario where people live for several generations, and in presence of restrictions in credit market, people who take the worst jobs could not bequeath to their children, who in turn could not invest in “functionings”. This accumulation of disadvantages could not allow them to have “freedom” to choose the lives they value and want. In this vein, a vicious circle is generated for the poorest people, which would push them deep into the structure of social stratification through generations (see Becker & Tomes, 1979; Loury, 1981). However, results that can be expected in countries with marked social differentiation become particularly important when they stem from racial discrimination. In this regard, while traditional economic theory suggests that existence of racial and gender discrimination in competitive markets is not efficient, and, therefore, employers or other economic agents (e.g. the State) would have no reason to carry it out, discrimination is 50

undeniable in societies with a marked differentiation due to race, ethnicity and gender (Loury, 1998, p. 117). Gary Becker (1957) was one of the first to pose the way in which perceptions and feelings (hatreds, prejudices and stereotypes) of a social group (white men) towards others (women and ethnic minorities) could affect the socioeconomic status of the latter. Likewise, Rawls (1993) argues that freedom in occupational choice is a basic element against a background of various opportunities, powers and work prerogatives, positions of responsibility in political and economic institutions, income and welfare, which makes the social bases of self-respect. 56 In this section, characteristics of insertion of the Afro-Colombian population in labor markets are analyzed as an explanation of the substandard living conditions faced by Afro-Colombian people compared to non-ethnic. In the first part, an analysis on standard indicators of labor market, and participation, occupancy and unemployment rates is carried out. After, the socio-occupational structure is researched. Finally, it is intended to prove the existence of an unequal and unfair treatment in labor market for the AfroColombian population. Laboral activity Table 4 shows a set of standard labor market indicators, according to ethnicity and gender. From the outset it is noted that percentage of Afro-Colombians in the workforce (or their participation in labor market) is higher than that of non-ethnics for the average of the thirteen metropolitan areas in each one of the cities studied (except for Pereira and Cartagena, where Afro-Colombian men have slightly lower participation rates than their non-ethnic counterparts). Ethnic-racial differentials in labor participation are larger among women than men. Bogotá has the highest participation of Afro-Colombians, followed by Medellín, Cali, Cartagena and Pereira. The higher participation (overall) of Afro-Colombians in the labor market would be related to a functional distribution of income that discourages them, meaning that their income would originate mainly from the use of their workforce. This implies that AfroColombian people make extensive use of their workforce, which is mostly their only asset to minimize the risk of falling into extreme poverty (see Urrea & Viáfara, 2007; Viáfara, Urrea & Correa, 2009). The percentage of employed population, or employment rate, is also higher for AfroColombian population than for non-ethnic, which reflects their higher participation in labor market. Medellín has the highest percentage of employed Afro-Colombians, followed in descending order by Bogotá, Cali, Pereira and Cartagena. It is important to point out that, overall, ethnic-racial gaps in the percentage of employees are smaller than the percentage gaps of those involved in the workforce. This may be a sign that AfroColombians face more constraints regarding labor demand by employers, compared to non-ethnics. It is unlikely that this is associated only with their inferior status on average 51

education levels. The last column of Table 4 shows the percentage of unemployed people17. First, it appears that for the average of the thirteen metropolitan areas, unemployment rate of Afro-Colombians is 40,13% higher than that of non-ethnics. Second, unemployment rate of Afro-Colombian women is 36,4% higher than that of non-ethnic women, while unemployment rate of Afro-Colombian men is 44,4% higher than that of non-ethnic men. Third, Bogotá has the largest ethnic-racial unemployment rates (140,7%, 101,9%, 192,1% for the total, women, and men, respectively), followed in descending order by Cali, Medellín and Pereira. Overall, Cartagena is the only city where Afro-Colombians have lower unemployment rates than non-ethnics, although Afro-Colombian women have higher unemployment rates than non-ethnic women. It is important to notice that ethnic-racial gaps related to unemployment rates have increased over time. According to Viáfara, Urrea & Correa (2009), the ethnic-racial gap in unemployment rates in 2004 was 8,3%, but reached 40,1% in 2007. The gap has increased to the point that while in 2004 the unemployment rate of Afro-Colombian men was -6.4% compared to that of non-ethnic men, in 2007 that rate reached 44,4%. It is important to note that the ethnic-racial gap in unemployment rate is not the only one that has expanded; the percentage of unemployed Afro-Colombians was not reduced between 2004 and 2007, while that of their non-ethnic counterparts was indeed reduced in that period of time. For example, the percentage of unemployed Afro-Colombians increased in Bogotá (13,1% to 15,9%), while that of non-ethnics decreased (9,8% to 6,8%). These data reveal that Afro-Colombians face greater difficulties to enter the goods and services market. The unemployment rate, which contains the elements of supply and demand related to laboral activity, is higher for Afro-Colombians. In addition, the evolution of unemployment rate is uneven among ethnic-racial groups, demonstrating that Afro-Colombians do not benefit in the same way than non-ethnics when the economy has performed well, as happened in the middle of the first decade of this century. Table 4 Participation in Workforce, Employment and Unemployment Rates by City, Ethnicity, and Gender, 2007
City, Ethnicity and Gender Thirteen areas Non-ethnic Woman Man
17

Employment Status for the Population Older than 12 Years Old (percentages) In the workforce Employed Unemployed 61,7 61,3 53,0 70,8 54,6 54,4 45,9 64,0 7,1 6,9 7,1 6,8

This indicator does not correspond strictly to the unemployment rate to the National Bureau of Statistics (hereinafter DANE for its capitals in Spanish) calculated and published periodically. The unemployment rate has as denominator the Population of Working Age (PET for its capitals in Spanish) while the usual indicator involves Economically Active Population (EAP for its capitals in Spanish), therefore, these rates are lower than those published by DANE for a similar period. This methodology is used in the studies of Spalter-Roth & Lowenthal (2005), and Viáfara, Urrea & Correa (2009).

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Afro-Colombian Woman Man Medellín Non-ethnic Woman Man Afro-Colombian Woman Man Bogotá Non-ethnic Woman Man Afro-Colombian Woman Man Cartagena Non-ethnic Woman Man Afro-Colombian Woman Man Pereira Non-ethnic Woman Man Afro-Colombian Woman Man Cali Non-ethnic Woman Man Afro-Colombian Woman Man

66,4 59,5 73,6 59,1 58,9 49,7 69,4 73,7 74,5 72,8 64,3 63,9 56,6 72,1 79,0 71,4 87,1 57,5 57,2 48,2 67,9 58,2 49,6 67,0 58,2 58,1 46,9 71,0 60,8 55,4 67,5 64,1 62,6 54,5 71,8 68,0 62,2 74,2

56,7 49,8 63,8 51,8 51,6 42,8 61,6 64,9 62,6 67,6 57,5 57,3 49,4 66,2 63,1 56,8 69,8 49,1 48,5 39,4 59,3 50,2 40,4 60,3 50,5 50,5 40,5 61,8 52,9 46,2 61,1 56,9 56,1 48,1 65,2 58,3 53,3 63,7

9,7 9,7 9,8 7,3 7,3 6,9 7,8 8,7 11,8 5,2 6,8 6,6 7,2 5,9 15,9 14,6 17,3 8,4 8,7 8,8 8,6 7,9 9,1 6,7 7,7 7,7 6,4 9,1 7,9 9,2 6,4 7,2 6,5 6,5 6,6 9,7 9,0 10,5

Source: Great integrated household survey, 2nd quarter of 2007 (own calculations).

Occupational Insertion A system of social stratification is a set of institutions and systems of social relationships that generate social inequality. In this sense, the occupations have been used to assess how socially valued assets are distributed in society (see Grusky, 1994). In particular, it is interesting to understand the mobility mechanisms that link individuals with different social positions and, therefore, generate unequal control over socially valued resources. One of such mobility mechanisms may be instituted in the etnicity of individuals. Table 5 shows the distribution of employed population by city, ethnicity, and gender according to occupations. The following can be highlighted about it:  Overall, the most important occupation in the thirteen metropolitan areas is nonagricultural or semi-skilled workers, with approximately 30% of the population that get income from this activity. Next in order of importance are services workers, merchants and vendors, with 20,2%, and 19,7%, respectively. Next are 53

professionals, technicians and administrative staff, with 13,2% and 13,0% respectively. Civil directors, senior civil servants and agricultural workers come in last place with 3,3% and 1,2%, respectively.  For the average of the thirteen metropolitan areas there is a greater participation of non-ethnic workers in higher status occupations and, conversely, a lower participation in the most precarious jobs, compared to Afro-Colombian workers: the low participation of Afro-Colombians reaches -39,4% for professional and technicians, -58,8% for directors and officers, and -38,9% for administrative staff and similar workers. This reflects the strong ethnic-racial inequality in access to socially valued assets, measured through occupations.  It is worth noting the lower participation of non-ethnic women in services works compared to Afro-Colombian women: The low participation reaches -69,8% for the average of the thirteen metropolitan areas, -131,8% in Medellín, -116,5% in Bogotá, -37,4% in Cartagena, -93,8% in Pereira and -71,1% in Cali.  The participation of Afro-Colombian population in the area of civil directors and senior civil servants is very small, to the point that there are not any AfroColombian individuals in Medellín and Pereira working in these occupations.

A simpler way of interpreting the existing inequalities in occupations between ethnicracial groups is through the construction of an index that expresses the percentage of individuals who must change from one job to another to achieve occupational equality: it is called index of dissimilarity18. Results of this index are displayed on Table 6 and Chart 23. For the average of the thirteen metropolitan areas, approximately 15,8% of AfroColombians should get into better jobs in order to achieve occupational equality compared to non-ethnic people (this percentage reaches 20,4% among women and 14,1% among men). Bogotá has the highest occupational inequality: approximately 23,4% of Afro-Colombian workers should achieve higher status occupations in order to achieve occupational equality compared non-ethnic people. According to ethnicity and gender, Medellín has the highest occupational inequality between ethnic and non-AfroColombian women is higher, with a percentage of 36,9%. Bogotá follows it closely with 34.1%. Pereira, in turn, has the highest percentage of workers who should change their occupation in order to achieve occupational equality between Afro-Colombian and non18

Index of dissimilarity 

1 n  xi  y i 2 i 1

where xi = percentage of a group (for example, Afro-Colombians) in the classification category (for example, a particular occupation); and yi = percentage of another group (for example, non-ethnics) in the same category (Duncan & Duncan, 1955). It is important to note that the index is very sensitive to the composition of the classification categories: A greater number of classification categories tends to provide higher values of index; the opposite is also true. This implies that comparisons have to be carried out on similar classification categories.

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ethnic men, with a percentage of 21,0%. These results show that Afro-Colombian workers are overrepresented in the category of non-agricultural workers and unskilled services, which pushes them to the bottom of social stratification. The gap in the occupational structure is higher between AfroColombian and non-ethnic women than between Afro-Colombian and non-ethnic men . Table 5 Occupation by Segment, City, Ethnicity and Gender, 2007 C
City, ethnicity and gender Professionals, technicians and similar workers 13,2 13,5 13,4 13,7 8,2 9,2 7,4 11,9 11,9 10,9 12,7 11,7 12,8 10,6 16,4 16,5 16,4 16,6 10,8 14,5 7,6 12,0 13,7 12,8 14,4 8,8 10,7 7,4 9,0 9,2 8,9 9,4 1,9 4,0 0,0 10,3 11,6 11,5 11,6 6,8 6,8 6,8 Occupational field Senior civil Administrative directors staff and similar and workers servants 3,3 13,0 3,4 13,3 2,9 16,5 3,9 10,6 1,5 8,1 1,3 7,5 1,7 8,6 2,8 13,5 2,9 13,5 2,8 17,3 3,0 10,4 0,0 11,8 0,0 11,2 0,0 12,5 4,4 14,0 4,5 14,2 3,8 17,9 5,2 11,2 1,2 5,6 2,7 0,0 0,0 10,4 2,7 11,7 3,2 14,1 3,2 17,2 3,2 11,6 1,7 7,3 2,3 9,5 1,3 5,9 2,0 11,7 2,0 11,8 1,4 15,8 2,5 8,8 0,0 11,8 0,0 11,3 0,0 12,3 2,9 13,6 3,2 15,3 2,1 17,2 4,1 13,7 1,7 8,8 0,6 8,0 2,7 9,4 Merchants and salesmen 19,7 19,9 22,7 17,6 16,6 19,9 13,9 19,2 19,2 21,5 17,4 13,1 8,9 17,3 17,3 17,4 19,2 15,9 12,6 12,0 13,2 19,7 19,9 24,7 16,1 19,7 23,8 16,8 22,7 22,9 26,8 19,9 16,2 20,8 11,9 19,8 21,1 26,0 16,8 15,6 20,9 10,8 Services workers 20,2 19,6 29,7 11,3 30,7 50,5 14,5 18,3 18,0 26,6 11,0 37,4 61,7 12,2 20,2 19,8 29,3 11,9 38,8 63,4 17,6 22,4 20,1 32,7 10,2 26,6 44,9 14,0 20,5 19,9 30,5 12,0 34,0 59,2 10,8 22,2 19,5 28,7 11,8 31,1 49,1 15,0 Agricultural Workers 1,2 1,2 0,6 1,6 1,1 0,3 1,8 1,2 1,2 0,5 1,7 2,2 0,0 4,4 0,9 0,9 0,8 1,0 0,0 0,0 0,0 1,2 1,1 0,0 2,0 1,4 0,0 2,3 2,0 1,8 0,5 2,8 10,2 0,0 19,5 1,2 1,3 0,6 1,8 1,0 0,6 1,3 Nonagricultural workers and machinery operators 29,4 29,1 14,2 41,2 33,7 11,4 52,0 33,1 33,3 20,3 43,7 23,8 5,4 43,0 26,7 26,6 12,8 38,1 31,0 7,5 51,2 30,2 27,8 9,5 42,3 34,5 8,9 52,0 32,2 32,4 16,1 44,7 25,9 4,7 45,5 29,8 28,1 13,9 40,1 35,1 14,0 54,0

Thirteen areas Non-ethnic Woman Man Afro-Colombians Woman Man Medellín Non-ethnics Woman Man Afro-Colombians Woman Man Bogotá Non-ethnics Woman Man Afro-Colombians Woman Man Cartagena Non-ethnics Woman Man Afro-Colombians Woman Man Pereira Non-ethnics Woman Man Afro-Colombians Woman Man Cali Non-ethnics Woman Man Afro-Colombians Woman Man

Source: Great integrated household survey, 2nd quarter of 2007 (own calculations).

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Table 6 Duncan Index of Dissimilation by Ethnicity
Metropolitan Area Thirteen Areas Medellín Bogotá Cartagena Pereira Cali Total 15,8 20,5 23,4 13,4 22,4 18,5 Women 20,7 36,9 34,1 12,2 28,7 20,5 Men 14,1 5,9 18,8 14,7 21,0 17,0

Source: Great integrated household survey, 2nd quarter of 2007 (own calculations).

Chart 23 Duncan Index of Dissimilation by City and Ethnicity
Thirteen Areas 40,0 30,0 Cali 20,0 10,0 0,0 Total Women Pereira Bogotá Men Medellín

Cartagena

Source: Great integrated household survey, 2nd quarter of 2007 (own calculations).

Labor income In a market economy, income received by people is important to the securing of their Human Rights, because of its mediating role for acquisition of “functionings” which are constitutive of the state of a person. Welfare evaluation should be an estimate of these constitutive elements, i.e. the “functionings” that are accomplished by a person. In this sense, income discrimination, as well as occupational discrimination, has been the catalyst that causes racial-ethnic groups to have lower welfare by restricting “capabilities” to achieve different combinations of “functionings.”

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Table 7 shows the average labor income per hour by city, ethnicity, and gender. First, it reflects that wages in Bogotá are higher, a consistent fact with a higher proportion of workers employed as professionals, technicians and others in this city. Bogotá is followed in descending order by Medellín, Cali, Pereira, and Cartagena. In Bogotá, AfroColombian people, both men and women, have better labor income than in other cities. Contrary, in Pereira, this group has worse labor income. Table 7 Average Hourly Labor Income by City, Ethnicity, and Gender, 2007
Metropolitan Area Thirteen areas Medellín Bogotá Cartagena Pereira Cali Total Population Total 4308 4875 5045 3233 3412 3878 4396 4913 5081 3564 3436 4213
nd

Non-Ethnic Women 3964 3886 4678 3442 3031 3747 Men 4740 5719 5417 3659 3724 4603 Total 2877 2998 3533 2650 2330 2819

Afro-Colombian Women 2810 2772 3777 3150 2417 2450 Men 2932 3239 3318 2305 2253 3151

Source: Great integrated household survey, 2 quarter of 2007 (own calculations).

Table 8 shows the income gap between Afro-Colombians and non-ethnic people by city, controlling by gender. Note that, on average, Afro-Colombians earn about 65,4% of nonethnic people’s wage. This percentage is lower than the percentage earned by AfroColombians in 2004 (68,7%) compared to non-ethnics (see Viáfara, Urrea & Correa, 2009). These results suggest that the income gap between racial-ethnic groups is increasing over time. Medellín is the city that boasts the largest income gap; in this city, Afro-Colombians’ average income just barely reaches 61,0% of non-ethnic people’s earnings. In contrast, Cartagena is the city with the smallest gap; in this city, AfroColombians’ income reaches 74,3% compared to non-ethnics. The gaps are larger among Afro-Colombian and non-ethnic women than among Afro-Colombian and non-ethnic men. For these purposes, while the percentage income of men compared to non-Afroethnic reaches 70,9%, among women this percentage is 61,9%. Table 8 Afro-Colombians’ Labor Income as Percentage of Non-Ethnic People’s, 2007
Metropolitan Area Thirteen areas Medellín Bogotá Cartagena Pereira Cali Total 65,4 61,0 69,5 74,3 67,8 66,9 Women 70,9 71,3 80,7 91,5 79,7 65,4 Men 61,9 56,6 61,2 63,0 60,5 68,5

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Source: Great integrated household survey, 2nd quarter of 2007 (own calculations).

Labor income and discrimination A standard way to examine discrimination consists to observe whether the individuals receive different wages for jobs of equal value because of their ethnic-racial characteristics. However, an unconventional, but technically correct way is to see whether individuals receive different wages according to their education level (returns to education) due to their ethnic-racial characteristics. 63 Table 9 shows the income gap between Afro-Colombians and non-ethnics with the same educational level by city, controlling by gender. For the individuals without education, the income gap is reduced —even in some cases the Afro-Colombians get higher income than non-ethnics. In the elementary level, the gap widens a bit more and, in general, the higher educational level, the broader income gap. Thus, with few exceptions (e.g., Bogotá), income gap in the higher education level is the largest (see Chart 24). This suggests the presence of a “glass ceiling” that suggests that Afro-Colombians with better levels of education would not get the same income than non-ethnics, even though their educational levels are equal.

Table 9 AfroColombians’ Labor Income as Percentage of Non-Ethnic People’s According to Educational Level, 2007
Educational Level City and Gender None Total Thirteen Areas Women Men Total Medellín Women Men Total Bogotá Women Men Total Cartagena Women Men Total Pereira Women Men 96,8 100,5 95,4 99,9 107,2 95,7 N.D N.D N.D 106,0 124,9 102,4 99,8 142,2 82,3 Elementary 89,9 108,9 78,7 90,5 123,2 71,5 95,5 133,0 73,4 99,1 119,5 88,7 89,9 85,8 86,3 Secondary 81,6 77,5 84,1 66,2 81,5 60,1 82,2 93,1 74,5 83,8 75,8 86,1 72,2 91,8 58,2 Higher 69,3 70,6 70,1 64,8 90,6 50,4 92,0 97,6 90,1 68,2 65,9 72,5 49,6 47,7 52,5

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Total Cali Women Men

118,9 187,7 88,5

103,9 111,9 98,0

78,1 68,4 85,8

71,2 65,2 78,6

Source: Great integrated household survey, 2nd quarter of 2007 (own calculations).

Chart 24 Labor Income by Educational Level19 and Ethnicity for the Average of the 13 Metropolitan Areas, 2007
9,000 8,000 7,000 6,000 5,000 4,000 3,000 2,000 1,000 0 None Elementary Secondary Non-ethnic Afro-Colombian Medium Higher

Source: Great integrated household survey, 2nd quarter of 2007 (own calculations).

However, the large income differentials between Afro-Colombians and non-ethnic people are not only associated with lower human capital endowments; even though AfroColombians do great efforts to invest in human capital (because of being poorer), they receive less income than non-ethnics, whose education level is the same. This suggests that Afro-Colombians cannot enjoy the same level of welfare as non-ethnics that have equal levels of education. These results can be interpreted as discrimination based on ethnicity (see Viáfara, Urrea & Correa, 2009; Tenjo & Herrera, 2009; González, 2009; Romero, 2007, Díaz & Forero, 2006).

Access to Financial Services and Participation in GDP
While racial discrimination may explain, in part, the worst results related to the AfroColombian population’s occupational status and income, the lack of access to credit markets constitutes a factor that prevents formation of capacities, and limits the investment in productive assets for historically excluded groups that, therefore, have little capital or patrimony. In this sense, the fundamental characteristic of the lack of capital is

19

In this chart, “medium” level corresponds to the last two levels of secondary school in Colombia (10 th and 11th grades).

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that it reduces market access, a fact that has repercussions throughout the economy: the ability to get credit, sell high quality work, lease land to cultivate, etc. Unfortunately, there is no precise information about the gap between Afro-Colombian and non-ethnic populations in terms of access to financial markets, because financial institutions do not record ethnicity in the products they offer. However based in information from the financial services by department, it is possible typify department of Chocó as an example of the situation faced by Afro-Colombian population, which is very similar to municipalities of Andén Pacífico, some in the Caribbean region, and on the islands of San Andrés y Providencia. It is very probable that this situation has similar implications in major cities for the Afro-Colombian population. Capitalism is, by excellence, a system where property is important (Bhaduri, 1990), regardless of area of residence. 65 Table 10 shows some indicators of participation, by departments, in accessing financial services and the gross domestic product (hereinafter GDP). The participation of department of Chocó in the credit portfolio, housing loans and microcredit was really reduced in 2010 compared to other departments. This reflects the low coverage of the formal financial system in department of Chocó, which could be extended to all municipalities in the Pacific region, the islands of San Andrés y Providencia and some municipalities in the Caribbean region. It is important to emphasize that access to credit has been conceived as one of the main limiting factor of the development in the most backward areas of the world. Thus, it seems clear Afro-Colombians in the Pacific region face greater credit constraints in their investment opportunities and entrepreneurship initiatives. In line with the low participation in financial services, department of Chocó’s contribution to national GDP barely reaches 0,34%. This low participation in the total trade of goods and services in the national economy represents an economy with characteristics of simple reproduction, whose economic potential is based on exploitation of primary products (mining and forestry), with very low aggregation of value (see Viáfara, Vivas, Urrea & Castro, 2009). These characteristics demonstrate the preponderance of extractive investments, a factor associated with the curse of natural resources (see Weil, 2005: 458-468). It is worth noting that beyond the geographical conditions associated with latitude, — represented by high rainfall, low quality lands and high risk of transmission of endemic diseases, there is a consensus that the worst institutions —which are based on the Colonial legacy— have played a preponderant role in the development of this department, and throughout all Pacific region (see Acemouglu, Jones & Robinson, 2006; Bonet & Meisel, 2006; Viloria, 2008).

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Table 10 Some indicators for the financial system and participation in GDP
Departament Credit portfolio 2008 100% 0,0% 17,5% 0,2% 6,2% 44,6% 1,8% 1,2% 1,4% 0,3% 0,4% 0,3% 0,6% 0,1% 0,8% 1,5% 0,0% 0,2% 0,0% 1,1% 0,7% 1,0% 0,9% de 0,9% 0,2% 0,6% 1,4% 0,1% 3,3% 0,4% 1,4% 10,8% 0,0% 0,0% Housing credits 2008 100% 0,0% 12,8% 0,0% 4,2% 48,0% 1,7% 1,1% 2,1% 0,2% 0,2% 0,5% 0,9% 0,0% 0,8% 2,3% 0,0% 0,2% 0,0% 1,3% 0,9% 1,3% 0,9% 1,6% 0,1% 1,1% 2,0% 0,1% 4,1% 0,3% 1,7% 9,6% 0,0% 0,0% Microcredits 2008 100% 0,0% 12,7% 0,6% 2,0% 14,6% 1,2% 8,2% 2,7% 1,5% 0,9% 2,6% 1,1% 0,1% 1,6% 10,0% 0,0% 0,2% 0,2% 7,1% 0,7% 2,8% 6,6% 2,7% 1,0% 0,6% 1,1% 0,0% 5,5% 0,7% 5,0% 5,6% 0,0% 0,2% Participation in GDP 2007 100% 0,08 14,89 0,66 4,21 26,19 3,52 2,60 1,78 0,45 2,41 1,65 1,51 0,34 1,98 5,48 0,03 0,91 0,09 1,70 1,39 1,83 1,71 1,58 0,26 0,83 1,73 0,19 6,04 0,73 2,17 10,89 0,03 0,13

TOTAL Amazonas Antioquia Arauca Atlántico Bogotá D. C. Bolívar Boyacá Caldas Caquetá Casanare Cauca Cesar Chocó Córdoba Cundinamarca Guainía Guajira Guaviare Huila Magdalena Meta Nariño Norte Santander Putumayo Quindío Risaralda San Andrés y Providencia Santander Sucre Tolima Valle Vaupés Vichada

Source: Superintendencia bancaria y Cuentas Departamentales, DANE.

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Lack of access to financial system and absence of insurance mechanisms for agricultural activities could be more inappropriate for the Afro-Colombian population that lives in Collective Territories Law 70. The required guarantees to solve problems of information (default intended) stem from the characteristic of collective property of the territory — possibility of losing the guarantee reduces incentives given for not returning the loan—, but Afro-Colombians who live in Collective Territories Law 70 do not have such guarantees. This is an evidence of the fact that Afro-Colombian population does not have enough mechanisms for the realization of investment in physical and human capital, which has correlates with their low participation in the goods and services market, and, overall, their precarious life conditions.

Programs of Economic and Social Development Designed for the AfroColombian Population
Table 11 summarizes some programs designed for Afro-Colombian, Palenque’s, and raizal population, as they appear in the document of Departamento Nacional de Planeación (2008). In some cases, it is difficult to distinguish precisely whether various programs and projects correspond effectively to affirmative action programs or special measures, as it is conceived in the document of the UN (2009). However, the plans, policies and programs designed by the national government, recorded in the document, look for impacting the black, Palenque’s, raizal, and Afro-Colombian population, even though some of them are not framed in the line of affirmative action policies. It is remarkable the number of programs aimed at improving human capital endowments (education and health) and job training for Afro-Colombian population in some municipalities of the Pacific region. Undoubtedly, policies could be suggestive and necessary to improve access of Afro-Colombian population to basic services offered by the State. It is noteworthy that these policies not only would achieve the reduction of deprivations in a human development strategy, but also the expansion of opportunities and development of skills that are essential in a strategy of sustainable productive development. It is important to note the following: Although it is not yet possible to evaluate the impact of these programs, their holistic conception was expected to have better results than the set of policies implemented so far. In order to achieve such conception, it is necessary to include those programs in the investment plan, and extend them to the cities with greater concentration of Afro-Colombian population.

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Table 11 Some specific programs for the population
Government Plan, Program or Specific Project Seven Tools for Equity Educational revolution in the Pacific: Increase of educational coverage Scholarships Program for AfroColombians of the Fulbright Foundation/ Ministry of National Education Ministry of Culture, in cooperation with Fulbright Foundation Literacy Program and basic education “For all of us can learn.” Resources and Specific Actions Between 2004 and 2008, $15 billions of resources were allocated for low-income and good academic performance Afro-Colombian students. Execution: Special Fund of Educational Credits. The Ministry of National Education (MEN by its Capitals in Spanish), approved an addition of $165 million in order to strengthen the technological infrastructure of CERES of Juanchaco, Tumaco and Nuquí. U$1.5 million in resources supplementing the resources provided by the Fulbright (U$ 1 million) and USAID (U$500 thousand). Target Population and Beneficiaries The beneficiary population was more than 5.000 students. CERES branch in Tumaco is under construction.

Beneficiaries: 7 young Afro-Colombian between 65 candidates to study in the U.S.

U.S. $ 1.5 million in the scholarship program for Afro-Colombians.

Beneficiaries: 5 young Afro-Colombians. Beneficiary population: in the year 2005, 2.263 teachers were trained, and in 2006 were 2.242. The number of beneficiaries in the year 2005 was 71.690, and in 2006 were 56.060. 4.070 benefited students, and 108 teachers have been trained in the municipalities of Quibdó, Guapi, Tumaco and Buenaventura, in 16 educational institutions. The evaluation of the pilot was conducted by the Center for Regional, coffee growers, and entrepreneurial (CRECE).

Pilot Test of the Program “New School” running in Guapi and Quibdó.

Increase of Health Coverage.

Budget of $21.795 million: $18.833 for infrastructure, and $1,019 for auditorship; resources come from the National Fund. In October of 2007, a payment of $ 4.560 million came into force, and for 2008 it is planned to cover the outstanding resources for 2007, and those of 2008.

The Hospital of Tumaco is running from December 24 of 2007, and it was expected to be completed in August 2009. For the year 2010, the established goal was 793.250 people from SISBEN I and II, members of the subsidized regime of healthcare. To date, there is a record of 759.351 people, corresponding to 95% of the target.

Increase of Health Coverage.

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Government Plan, Program or Specific Project Cultural projects of Afro-Colombian communities Millennium Development Goals “Red Juntos”. The national government included Buenaventura as a part of municipalities participating in the pilot of the Network of Social Protection Against Extreme Poverty Strenghtening of Entrepreneurial and Occupational Skills:

Resources and Specific Actions Between 2003 and 2006, $2.020 million have been allocated. The Ministry of Social Protection approved funding of 65% of the UPC (Health Insurance) for Afro-Colombian population.

Target Population and Beneficiaries

Servicio Nacional de Aprendizaje (SENA for its capitals in Spanish) provided the following support: i) An offer of appropriate training, on technical and technological levels. ii) Modernization and strengthening of Centro Náutico y Pesquero de Buenaventura. iii) Implementation of a convention with the University of Larenstein for training of communities in rural areas of municipality of Buenaventura. iv) Purchase of a forklift simulator for training to ensure safe operation of port facilities at Centro Náutico y Pesquero de Buenaventura. v) Acquisition of a mobile-classroom for training in repairing outboard engines in the Centro Náutico y Pesquero de Buenaventura. vi) Coordination with the middle technical educational level by the program of Centro Náutico y Pesquero de Buenaventura. vii) Certification of occupational skills. viii) Call to improve skills of ethnic organizations and communities in order to improve their living standards, and to strengthen them by means of their own productive projects. ix) Socio-laboral retraining for displaced population. x) Treatment to Afro-Colombian population through Programa Empleabilidad. x) Implementation of management and control of fishing and aquaculture resources project

Productive Projects: Fishing Seven projects for traditional fishermen in the following municipalities: Juradó, Bahía Solano, Nuquí, Quibdó, Tumaco, López de Micay, Timbiquí, Santa Barbara, Iscuandé, El Charco, La Tola, Mosquera, Francisco Pizarro, Salahonda y Buenaventura. Total cost of those projects is $1.440 million. The investment of 2007 in the marine aquaculture project in Bahía Málaga’s 4.802 families benefited by these projects.

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Government Plan, Program or Specific Project

Resources and Specific Actions fishing station was worth $400 million.

Target Population and Beneficiaries

“Palma / Guapi”

In municipality of Guapi, 35.300 palm seedlings are in prenursery, 9.200 are in nursery, and it is intended to plant the first 820 palms in long-term. An alliance with Consejo Comunal de Guapi Bajo was made in this municipality, for which Banco Agrario allocated a credit for $8.674 million, in order to plant 700 hectares.

Target: 117 families benefited.

“Palma / Tumaco”

Cultivation of Palms has increased. Currently, there are 37.064 hectares cultivated. A biodiesel plant was built in Corpoica – Mira, and it was opened in January, 2008. Permits to comercial production of biodiesel are being processed at Ministry of Mines and Energy. CORPOICA provided an additional compensation for $293,8 million.

Produced biodiesel (convention with Instituto de Planificación de Soluciones Energéticas – IPSE), will help to supply energy to more than 10.000 inhabitants if Salahonda, Nariño, which lacks electric interconnection.

Source: Viáfara, Vivas, Urrea & Castro, 2009. Preliminary report.

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The big question that emerges from these programs aims to sustainability of actions set undertaken in different programs, and impacts on the population to which they are addressed. On the one hand, it is evident the lack of continuity and consistency in the design of policy plans recorded in documents of the National Council on Economic and Social Policy (hereinafter CONPES for its capitals in Spanish). This institution is responsible for designing and directing public policy according to the legislation currently in force and in concordance with the National Plan of Development. There are a significant number CONPES’ documents characterized by their good intentions, and responsible financial and budget programming, but they are not always articulated, and lack mechanisms monitoring implementation of policies. In addition, there is a lack of understanding about meaning and impact of implementation of government mechanisms for equal opportunities and racial inclusion. On the other hand, a characteristic feature of Afro-Colombian population lies in its low articulation with national and international markets, and its low participation in productive activities that generate wealth on a sustained basis. Basically, AfroColombian population is involved in activities in the secondary sector of the economy, which casts doubt on long-term sustainability. From this perspective, preliminary assessment of the experience is not very optimistic in long-term, and it is probable that the results fail to alter the course of economic and social development for AfroColombian population. In summary, in regards to the enjoyment of economic, social and cultural rights, it appears that Afro-Colombian population has a greater sociodemographic vulnerability; worst indicators of the supply of public services provided by the State; wide gaps in access to education and healthcare; low nutritional status; greater participation in labor market and children labor; higher unemployment rates, precarious occupational insertion; and lower incomes. Likewise, regions with high concentration of AfroColombian population have very low access to formal financial system, and significant backwardness in transport and communications infrastructure, which affect the entrepreneurial capacity of the community enterprise, and the sustainability of productive projects. Therefore, these regions show low specialization in promising agricultural products and industrial and commercial establishments, and services, limiting the income from their participation in the labor market as employees, ownaccount workers, bosses or employers. This situation, which would seem exclusive of the municipalities of the Pacific and Atlantic regions, does not exhibit much changes, in relative terms, when the situation faced by the Afro-Colombian population is compared with the situation faced by nonethnic population in the big capital cities of the country. In areas with more socioeconomic development, Afro-Colombian population, compared to non-ethnic population, faces more setbacks, a fact that can be seen by a strong residential segregation; higher frequency of housing in substandard settlements; higher dropping out and low educational level; less access to health; less nourishment; overrepresentation in low-quality jobs; and lower incomes, even when their educational levels are the same as non-ethnic people (see Viáfara, Urrea & Correa, 2009; Tenjo and Herrera, 2009; González, 2009; Romero, 2007, Díaz & Forero, 2006).

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Human Rights and the Afro-Colombian Population
Homicides, massacres, anti-personnel landmines and unexploded ammunition incidents
In this section, Human Rights situation will be analyzed in the departments of Antioquia, Bolivar, Cauca, Cesar, Chocó, Cordoba, Nariño, Sucre and Valle del Cauca, taking into account the number of homicides, massacres, and anti-personnel landmines and unexploded ammunition incidents. This is an analysis based on the diagnosis of the situation of the municipalities inhabited by Afro-Colombian communities prioritized by the Constitutional Court, through Order No. 005 of 2009. Table 12 presents information on the total of homicides, massacres, and anti-personnel landmines and unexploded ammunition incidents for municipalities with high participation of Afro-Colombian population, prioritized in the departments of the analysis. Notice how there has been a lot of homicides and massacres, especially in municipalities corresponding to Andén Pacífico in departments of Valle del Cauca, Nariño, and Chocó, which together represent a large proportion of this type of incidents for the Afro-Colombian population. The figures are also worrying in departments of Bolívar, Antioquia and Cordoba. In regards to anti-personnel landmines and unexploded ammunition incidents, Bolívar is the department more affected, followed in descending order by Córdoba, Nariño, Antioquia, Sucre, Chocó, and Cesar. This kind of incidents in the municipalities inhabited by Afro-Colombian communities, and prioritized by the Constitutional Court through order No. 005 of 2009, shows a greater exposure to homicides, massacres, and anti-personnel landmines, with few exceptions, which constitutes a violation against International Humanitarian Law.

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Table 12 Number of Homicides, Massacres, and Anti-Personnel Landmines and Unexploded Ammunition Incidents (2004-2008)
Departments Homicides Total Massacres Total Antipersonnel Landmines/ Unexploded Ammunition Incidents Prioritized Departame Municipaliti nt es 73 1693 20 377 0 9 113 62 102 70 23 881 455 114 117 62 480 103 186

Antioquia Bogotá and Soacha Bolívar Cauca Cesar Córdoba Chocó Nariño Sucre Valle del Cauca

Prioritized Municipaliti es 919

Departame nt 11531 7304+567

Prioritized Municipaliti es 5(24 victims) 7 (32 victims) 2 (9 victims) 1(5 victims) 0 3(14 victims) 7 (40 victims) 9(47 victims) 1 (5 victims) 11(56 victims)

Departament

(32)(160 victims) 4 (17 victims) 9 (38 victims) 1 (4 victims) 7(32 victims) 7(35 victims) 15(74 victims) 2(9 victims) 34(176 victims)

1443 50 58 564 672 1375 131 9637

2239 2788 1890 1479 672 3527 767 17516

Source: Authors’ calculations based on diagnoses on the situation of the municipalities inhabited by AfroColombian communities, prioritized by the Constitutional Court through Order No. 005 of 2009.

Forced Displacement and Causes of Mobility
This section will describe the situation of forced displacement in the departments of study between years 1997 and 2009; then, ethnic-racial gaps caused by the displacement situation will be analyzed. This analysis is based on the information of Unique Registration System for Displaced Persons (hereinafter RUPD for its capitals in Spanish), recorded in the Information System for Displaced Population (hereinafter SIPOD for its capitals in Spanish), with cut-to-date on December 31, 2009, and published by Sub-Department of Attention to Displaced Population of Social Action. Finally, causes of mobility according to the question Causes of Change of Place of Residence of the 2005 Census will be analyzed. Chart 2 shows the number and the participation of displaced Afro-Colombians by department. Between years 1997 and 2009, displaced Afro-Colombian population reached 286.835 people, corresponding to 8,8% of displaced people in the national sphere. The department of Nariño reported the highest number of expulsions of AfroColombian population, 47,289%, followed in order of importance Valle del Cauca (40,871%), Chocó (40,015%), Antioquia (24,838%), Córdoba (19,696%), Bolívar (19,322%), Magdalena (18,577%), Cauca (10,696%), Sucre (9,341%), La Guajira (7,850%), Cesar (6,209%), Putumayo (3,195%), Santander (2,179%), Risaralda (1,306%), Guaviare (1,090%), and other departments (34,361%). Although participation of Afro-Colombian population in the total displaced people is nearly 47% in the department of Nariño, and 0% in San Andres y Providencia, it is remarkable that in a department like Chocó, where about 80% of the population recognized themselves as 68

Afro-Colombian, just a little over 20% of expelled Afro-Colombian population is AfroColombian. This could reveal deep failures in the RUPD, which makes it little useful to classify effectively the displaced population, since the results underestimate the displaced Afro-Colombian population by department. Chart 25 Displacement (Expelled People) in Departments with High Afro-Colombian Population Concentration, 1997-2009

Source: Own calculations based on data from http://www.accionsocial.gov.co/Estadisticas/publicacion%20of%20diciembre% 202009.htm.

Chart 26 shows volume and participation of displaced Afro-Colombian population in various departments. Department of Valle del Cauca receives the most displaced AfroColombian population, with 61,039%, corresponding to nearly 30% of the displaced population arriving there. It is followed in order of importance by Nariño (32,335%), Cordoba (26,302%), Chocó (26,030%), Bolívar (22,359%), Magdalena (19,835%), Antioquia (17,641%), and Bogotá (14,696%). It should be noted at this point the possibility that a large proportion of people recorded in the receiving department might have been victims of displacement in the same department.

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Chart 26 Displacement (Receipt of People) in Departments with High Afro-Colombian Population Concentration, 1997-2009

Source: Own calculations based on data http://www.accionsocial.gov.co/Estadisticas/publicacion%20diciembre%20of% 202009.htm.

Ethnic-racial disparities in the migration rate and its causes (difficulty to find a job, natural disaster risk, threat or risk to life, educational needs, family reasons, and others), especially with regard to threats and risk to life can be seen better in Charts 27 and 28, and Appendix 4, collecting census information about that. It is important to note that among the causes of mobility of recent immigrants in the National Total, the migration because of threats and risk to life barely recorded 3,54% and 3,25% for Afro-Colombian and non-ethnic populations who were residing in the urban area, respectively; and 8,25% and 7,19% for Afro-Colombian and non-ethnic populations who were residing in the rural area, respectively. This implies that ethnic-racial gaps in migration rate as a result of violence reached 8,9% for those residing in urban area, and 14,7% for those in the rural area; i.e., Afro-Colombians living in urban and rural areas show greater “likely” of being forcibly displaced by the violence than non-ethnics, calling into question the RUPD information discussed above. The ethnic-racial gaps because of migration and violence exhibit a wide variation between departments and areas of residence. For those who resided in urban areas, in descending order, the gap reached the following values: 176,4% in Risaralda, 167,9% in Nariño, 84,3% in Chocó, 84% in Guaviare, 83,5% in Sucre, 76,9% in Valle del Cauca, 73,6% in Santander, 65% in Bogotá, 61,9% in Cundinamarca, 27,5% in Magdalena, 26,2% in Cesar, and 23,8% in Córdoba, among others. For people residing in rural areas, ethnic-racial gaps in descending order were: 130,5% in Risaralda, 103,04% in Valle del Cauca, 28,29% in Chocó, 22,60% in Atlántico, 23,42% in Cundinamarca, 20% in Santander, among others. It is important to note that Afro-Colombian population also has higher migration rates due to risk of natural disaster, educational needs, and health reasons, a factor which 70

shows that Afro-Colombian people have more difficulties to meet these basic rights in their places of origin. Finally, it is important to note that while racial-ethnic differentials in the migration rate by violence do not show large differentials in the national sphere —a fact that might be linked to failures in the characterization of displaced population—, the Afro-Colombian community, and specially women and children, is particularly vulnerable among the displaced population. This group does not have either humanitarian assistance or protection recorded in T-02 ruling of the Constitutional Court in 2004, which also has had unreasonable delay in its application.20 Chart 27 Causes of Change of Place of Residence, Difference between Afro-Colombians and Non-Ethnics (Municipal)

Source: Own calculations based on the Census of 2005.

2020

An excellent analysis regarding this topic is found in Rodríguez et al. (2009, Chapter 3).

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Chart 28 Causes of Change of Place of Residence, Difference between Afro-Colombians and Non-Ethnics (Remainder)

Source: Own calculations based on the Census of 2005.

Vulnerability of Collective Territories Law 70
After the promulgation of the Political Constitution of 1991, which recognized for the first time indigenous and Afro-Colombians as new actors, Law 70 of 1993 emerged. In that law, Colombian State legitimizes the right of collective ownership of the land that ancestrally Black Communities have settled in the rural area of the Pacific region. The primal objective of Law 70 was ensuring that these communities were going to obtain real conditions of equal opportunities as the remainder of Colombian society, by the creation of spaces of participation that could be useful for building a comprehensive development model based on their cultural particularity. From this perspective, communities are who create their life plans, and the State only has to serve as a means to achieve this purpose (Bonfil, 1995). Under this premise, Community Councils are created not only as entities that bring together applicating Black Communities, but also as the administrative body responsible for protecting the rights of collective ownership, preserving cultural identity, conserving natural resources, choosing representatives for community before State institutions, and mediating in internal conflicts that are feasible of conciliation (Art. 5, Law 70 of 1993). From this point of view, the Community Council is a legal concept that “exercises the maximum internal authority within territories of Black Communities” (Decree 1745 of

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1995, Chapter II, Article 3); creates spaces of political organization of regional; and enables legitimate interaction with the State.21 Thus, Black Communities obtained collective property rights over ancestral territories in the Pacific region, a major achievement and experience for the Afro-Colombian population that became visible as ethnic group, with recognition of rights and duties. Table 13 shows collective property titles awarded to black communities in the country between 1996 and 2010, by departments, areas, families and benefited people (see also Appendix 15). Department of Chocó has the highest number of titles awarded (57), followed by Nariño (41), Valle del Cauca (33), Cauca (17), Antioquia (12) and Risaralda (2). Consistent with these data, the number of titled hectares in Chocó is larger than in all other departments, as well as the number of families and benefited people. Indeed, the number of hectares per family in Chocó (101,5 ha/family) is higher than average (82,21 ha/family), although the number of hectares per individual is lower than in Antioquia. Chocó is followed by Antioquia (99,2 ha/family), Cauca (82,9 ha/family) Valle del Cauca (59,1 ha/family), Nariño (55,3 ha/family) and Risaralda (19,2 ha/family). Risaralda has the lowest number of families per title (125,50 families for each title), followed in ascending order by Antioquia and Valle del Cauca (203.33 and 204.13 families for each title, respectively). Table 13 Collective title awarded to black communities in the Pacific Basin, 1996-2010
Department Antioquia Cauca Chocó Nariño Risaralda Total No. Of Hectares titles 12 17 57 41 2 162 No. of Total families people 11885 34589 Hectares by council 20065 33801 Hectares family 99,2 82,9 101,5 59,1 19,2 55,3 82,2 by Hectares by individual 20,3 16,6 18,8 10,8 3,1 13,0 15,7

240777,379 2428 574614,95 6935 2966283,79 29237 1083788,22 18337 4818,0556 345694,3 251 6252

157647 52040 100315 26434 1545 26608 2409 10476

Valle del Cauca 33
Source: INCODER, June, 2010.

5215976,69 63440

332589 32197

Threats to Collective Territories The new prescriptions for developing countries defended the definition of property rights as one of the main issues to favor further economic development (see Williamson, 1990; 2002). In fact, Partridge & Uquillas (1996, p. 6) assert that a basic requirement for constructing life plans for the community lies in the existence of clear land property rights, including an explanation on the meaning of territory regarding subsoil resources, flora and water. In this sense, titling of ancestral territories in the Pacific region could enable the establishment of institutions that support market activities, so that there can be arbitration concerning contract compliance. Thus, the
21

The term “black comunities” is used in the definition of Law 70 of 1993.

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minimum conditions for development of communities could be achieved, in harmony with their ancestral customs, and political organization of people around Community Councils. However, as discussed in Viáfara (2007, p. 59), “[…] it is not enough that AfroColombian can guarantee property rights in order to promote investment initiatives in their communities, is it necessary that they are able to have the land for that purpose and make investments according to their ethnicity, and sustainable management of territory”. This assumption is has been diluted by the effects of forced displacement, which disproportionately affects Afro-Colombian people, as discussed above. This population is seriously affected by forced displacement because possession of land is one of the foundations of their organization in community councils, and their recognition as an ethnic-racial group. This section attempts to uncover a pattern associated with the causes of forced displacement for Afro-Colombian population. Secondary information is used, based on specific complaints carried out in Collective Territories Law 70, which are the most vulnerable to such phenomenon that stems from the presence of mega-projects and extractive investments, especially in the Pacific region of Colombia (WWW Colombia, 2007). One of the most serious cases of land dispossession is faced by communities living in municipalities of Curvaradó and Jiguamiandó, in the department of Chocó; the armed conflict, the arrival of mega-agribusiness projects and the indifference of the State have combined themselves there: those three major factors have led to various forms of expropriation of land and an inevitable deterioration of Community Councils. Communities in Urabá (Chocó) have faced the consequences of armed conflict reinforced since the seventies, but their situation became worse after 1997, when selfdefense groups included the exile of communities inhabiting the region as one of their strategies to fight fronts of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC for its capitals in Spanish) operating in the area. While the population was being displaced by force, some private individuals were taking various measures to legalize the lands expropriated by self-defense groups (El Espectador, 2008). Law 70 of 1993, as well as Laws 4 of 1973 and 160 of 1994, which establish property regimes for the lands awarded by the State, constitute the legal resource that protects ownership of Afro-Colombian Collective Territories Law 70. According to the report of INCODER (2005)22, palm oil companies that came to the region were able to legalize land titles belonging to Community Councils of Curvaradó and Jiguamiandó, breaking the laws that protected their ownership. Mechanisms used for this purpose were the following:  Sale of lands that had been allocated as wastelands before expiration of the fifteen years that article No. 39 of Law 160 of 1994 provides as minimum period to sell land titles to third parties (i.e. anyone other than underpriviledged farmers without their own land or smallholders).

22

Quoted as shown in Defensoría del Pueblo (2006).

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 Allocation of individual titles whose area exceedes the 450 hectares that Laws 135 of 1961, 4 of 1973, and 30 of 1988 set as maximum.  Allocation of lands covered by Law 70 of 1993 to individuals.  Expansion of land titles’ area based on the same legal resource. Although it was a large problem, even more if it is taken into account that these actions meant the displacement of at least 15,000 people (Revista Semana, 2009) and allowed the creation of 93% of palm plantations in Collective Territories Law 7023, the State did not researched these as a protection measure of the rights provided over these territories by Law 70 of 1993; conversely, the State favored palm oil companies by means of giving them economic incentives within Agro Ingreso Seguro program, and credits through Banco Agrario which reached $10,957 million approximately (El Espectador, 2008). The first actions of State agencies were carried out 8 years after the first displacements: after verifying the claims of the community, the Ombudsman Advocacy issued Resolution No. 39 of June 2, 2005, which warned about the seriousness of events that accompanied the expansion of oil palm cultivation in the region. In the same year, the report of the facts was filed at the Prosecutor’s office, but investigations only started until 2007, when 23 businessmen involved in those events were called for questioning (El Espectador, 2008). A solution for the situation faced by these communities has not been found yet. Palm oil businessmen are still the owners of the lands discussed above, despite efforts of the National Government to find legal mechanisms to give their lands back, and an order issued in the same vein by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights. The police inspector who should give the lands back to their rightful owners stopped the order to do so, arguing that eviction of squatters can only be carried out within the first thirty days of occupation. Meanwhile, one of the community leaders who had returned a few months ago was murdered, and eight more have been threatened (Revista Semana, 2009). Even considering that forced displacement and dispossession of land by armed groups is a problem that has happened in several areas of the country, affecting both AfroColombian and indigenous communities, and non-ethnic farmers, errors of State institutions in land allocation for Afro-Colombian and indigenous people, together with the slowness of investigations, aggravate the problem; even more so when taking into account that the Constitution of 1991 and Act No. 005 set the protection of these communities as a priority, in order preserve the ethnic and cultural diversity of the nation. Afro-Colombian and indigenous communities see the cultivation of African palm in Chocó as a threat, because their expansion has affected the governance of community organizations, and environmental conditions of the region. Likewise, they have also demanded that the state shall punish and restrain these cultivations, arguing that they are
23

This information was taken from the Ombudsman Resolution No. 39 of June 2, 2005, the report showed the INCODER March 14 the same year (see p. 8 of the resolution).

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a result of coercion, violence, and displacement of families living in Collective territories Law 70 (see Foro Nacional Ambiental, 2006). Another factor of institutional destabilization in collective territories was the presence of activities associated with mining industry. Table 14 shows some of the more recent allegations concerning ethnic-territorial rights of Afro-Colombian people, associated with private mining activity. In summary, the situation of Afro-Colombian population regarding achievement of Human Rights on the basis of their cultural peculiarity is very worrying. There are serious violations of International Humanitarian Law in municipalities where there is a high participation of Afro-Colombian population, especially in the Pacific region. Those violations manifest themselves in large numbers of displaced population, massacres, selective murders of community council leaders, death threats and expropriation of land by illegal groups associated with armed conflict, and the strategy of expansion of agroindustrial cultivations and mega-projects in that region. Even more, the prior consultation mechanism has been violated: that is the only instrument that provides communities with protection from external agents that violate their rights as ethnic groups (See Rodríguez, et al., 2009; Reales, 2009). Table 14 Recent Allegations of Ethnic-Territorial Rights Violation to Afro-Colombian People
Year Source Organization Case The organization reported the following: since 2009, indiscriminate exploitations of alluvial gold have been carried out between km 23 and 38 of the road connecting Buenaventura and Cali, which have brought socio-environmental damages to Community Councils of Citronela, Alto y Medio Agua, San Cipriano and San Marcos. Identity, ethnic-cultural practices, social dynamics, and socio-cultural use and enjoyment of territory have also been affected. Those exploitations worsen violence and armed conflict in the area, generating forced displacement of communities and families; and the undeniable control exercised by selfdefense groups. PCN issued a press release in which reports that the community of Community Council in the municipality of Suárez has been suffering situations that threaten to displace them, added to continuous threats faced by leaders who carry out the defense process of territories. This is related to the presence of self-defense groups, foreign people, and enterprises like Anglo Gold Ashanti; the Government has awarded permissions and mining land titles to the latter two. Some organizations report and condemn murders of people living in the south of department of Bolívar. The last two people murdered were Omar Alonso Restrepo and José de Jesús Restrepo, President of the Communal Action Council of El Dorado and Prosecutor of the Agro-mining association of El Dorado, respectively. This fact is considered

2010

Observatorio de Conflictos Mineros de América Latina (a).

Red Nacional en Democracia y Paz (Human Rights and peace organization)

2010

Observatorio de Conflictos Mineros de América Latina (b).

Proceso de Comunidades Negras (PCN for its capitals in Spanish).

2010

Observatorio de Conflictos Mineros de América Latina (c).

Federación Agrominera del Sur de Bolívar, Comisión de Interlocución Sur de Bolívar, among others.

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as an strategy to achieve dispossession of the territory by a macabre alliance between the National Government gold mining companies like Anglo Gold Ashanti y palm oil enterprises like Dabo Group, which intend to take control of all natural resources in south of Bolívar.

2010

Article published by El Espectador newspaper (2010).

El Espectador newspaper.

In the article “Los Reclamos de la Tierra Negra”, El Espectador newspaper shows the situation faced by communities in Chocó. It is said that there are 156 applications concerning exploitation of “black lands”, but communities have not been consulted in this matter, as stated by the Law. On the other hand, it is said that Organización Cocomacia, supported by 124 communities of Chocó, has reported the violations made by the State regarding permissions awarded to multinational corporations like Muriel Mining Corporation or Anglo Gold Ashanti to exploit the territories without consultation. Community leaders say that the presence of those enterprises has been destroying the culture of the department: “[…] their practices have contaminated the rivers, thus ending the fishing business […] Children who have been hired to work in mega-projects drop-out of school in order to have low-income jobs, girls prostitute themselves in mines, and the use of mercury to extract minerals has brought diseases like blindness, skin irritation and fetus malformations.”

Characterization and Political Participation of the AfroColombian Population
Until the enactment of the Political Constitution of 1991, political participation of the Afro-Colombian population as a racial-ethnic group had been reduced at the national level (Andrews, 2000). However, as noted by Wade (1995), Colombia is the country where mobilization of people of African descent had a greater political impact since the late seventies, after Brazil. Afro-Colombian movements were characterized by pursuing democratic claims related to their territorial peculiarity. Thus, urban movements were fundamentally aimed to fight against discrimination and inequality, and rural movements intended to claim their property rights on lands that they had historically occupied. In this sense, a particular feature of the political participation of Afro-Colombian people before 1991 was the presence of several prominent individuals of African descent in traditional political parties, a fact that helped them get promoted but did not include the claim of the Afro-Colombian population as a whole. Luis Antonio Robles is one of those people of “black” skin who managed to achieve high positions within traditional parties: He was the first black minister of Colombia, in 1876 (see Color de Colombia, 2010). According to this, it is possible to make the hypothesis that his promotion was not related to a group strategy of democratic demands concerning the problems of discrimination and inequality that Afro-Colombian people have historically faced. In 77

fact, although several characters of “black” skin followed Robles’ footsteps —in lower positions than him— (except for Diego Luis Córdoba), the basic characteristic of their projects has been a strategy of inclusion carried out “little by little”, which has not had a significant impact in achieving effective political participation of the community. This helps to explain some of the limitations faced by the Afro-Colombian population as a social and political movement. 80

Law 70 and Political Inclusion as an Ethnic Group
As it has been said, Law 70 of 1993 established the recognition of black communities and mechanisms for protection of their identity as ethnic groups for strengthening their economic and social development. Specifically, this Law facilitated the political participation of Afro-Colombian population by means of enacting the following Articles:  Article No. 48, by which the participation of Afro-Colombians in the National Planning Council was achieved.  Article No. 56, by which the participation of one Afro-Colombian representative in the Regional Autonomous Corporations (CAR by its capitals in Spanish) was approved. Specifically, it is determined that CAR having jurisdiction over the areas where collective properties are allocated to black communities will have a representative of those communities in their boards of directors.  Article No. 67, by which the Bureau of Affairs for Black, Afro-Colombian, Palenqueras and Raizales Communities was created, under the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Promulgation of these articles would allow —hypothetically— greater political inclusion for population of African descent. However, it is important to say that political participation has only revolved around the two seats of the National Constituency for Black Communities in the House of Representatives. Constituency is a figure of positive discrimination in politics, by which two people are elected as representatives on each legislative term. Originally, the main objective of those seats was to ensure the regulation and monitoring of Articles included in the Law 70 of 1993. Following Article No. 55 of the Political Constitution of Colombia, the Law should safeguard the interests of “black communities that have been occupying uncultivated lands in riverside rural areas of the Pacific Basin, according to their traditional production practices, the right to collective ownership” and “other areas with similar conditions.” The latter created the way by which anyone who has an endorsement of black, Afro-Colombian, Palenqueras and Raizales communities organizations, and Community Councils throughout the country, can be nominated in politics24. Major demographic changes of the Afro-Colombian population in the nineties and in the first decade of this century also contributed to this, as a result of forced
24

It is possible to nominate any candidate endorsed by an organization of black, Afro-Colombian, Palenqueras and Raizales communities, and Community Councils of the country registered in the Ministry of Internal Affairs. These organizations can be formed with a legal representative, a board of directors and a minimum of 15 members, as confirmed by Decree 3770 of 2008.

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displacement that has deepened the urbanization of the Afro-Colombian population (Barbary & Urrea, 2004). In this regard, representatives have been elected since 1994 in the special AfroColombian Constituency for the House of Representatives, except for 1998, when no seats were awarded for the constituency. That political figure was used again in 2002. 81 The results concerning the volume of political participation of Afro-Colombian population through its constituency are disappointing. Table 15 shows the participation in the special constituency for Afro-Colombians since 1994. Table 15 Characteristics of the Special Constituency Voting for the Afro-Colombian Population
No. of Year candidates % of voting In the ∆ National Total 2,3% 2,0% 1,50% 3,90%

∆ No. of votes

1994 12 131.207 2002 23 91,7 210.572 60,5 2006 48 108,7 136.012 -35,4 2010 169 252,1 512.907 277,1 Source: Registraduría Nacional del Estado Civil * Precount results: 121.727 blank votes.

The feature that draws the attention has been the steady increase in number of candidates: They were approximately doubled between 1994 and 2002, and between 2002 and 2006; they recently achieved the highest increase to date in the elections of March 14, 2010, (the increase exceeds 250%). In turn, the number of votes significantly increased in the elections of 2004 (60,5%), decreased in 2006 (-35,4%)25, and significantly increased again in 2010 (277,1%). According to Mera (2010), the increase in number of votes was characterized by the “duplication of the number of lists, an ‘atypical’ voting in Sucre […] Cauca and Urabá, and more than 121.000 blank votes.” According to analysts, a greater number of lists does not mean that participation is higher. It can rather be seen that interests of the Afro-Colombian population are disintegrating every day more and their representation becomes limited. In fact, in the past elections, just two winning had a voting percentage between 9% and 5%. According to Mera (2010), this reflects that “Colombian political culture is not familiar with the ‘ethnic vote’”, a fact also pointed out by Cunin (2003): He argues that the ethnic vote is weak in quantitative terms, and its proportion tends to decrease. However, results of the election of 2010 show, for one reason or another, a slight increase in ethnic voting. Nevertheless, electoral participation of Afro-Colombian people does not only include ethnic vote. It is clear that in regions of greater participation of Afro-Colombian
25

This overall decrease in voting and the meager number of votes by which representatives achieved their seats in those legislative terms may have had a positive effect on the incentives of candidates endorsed by Afro-Colombian organizations to obtain a seat in the last elections.

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population, overall electoral participation is lower and has been declining. According to Viáfara, Vivas, Urrea & Castro (2009), a decrease in electoral participation is observed in regions of greater participation of Afro-Colombian population, regarding the elections of mayors and governors in 2003 and 2007 (see Table 16). Specifically, subregions of the Pacific had a significant decrease in electoral participation, while other subregions had a slight increase, reaching average levels of 56%. Usually, regional elections have the highest percentage of electoral participation election because they concern local interests and issues that are handled closer to the daily life and the demands of the region’s inhabitants. It is therefore possible to point out that political indifference and apathy are growing, as seen through electoral participation of inhabitants of the Pacific region, even though Chocó’s number of social organizations is one of the highest in the country (Bautista, 2006). This suggests that people most concerned about promoting the regulation of Law 70 — the main objective of the two seats in the House of Representatives— are not actively involved, a fact that may be associated with the absence of candidates representing the interests of the community councils and Afro-Colombian organizations, the failure of elected representatives, and clientelist practices in all the country. Two contributing factors to political clientelism in the Pacific region have been its poor results in terms of economic performance in recent years and its effects in the living standards of their inhabitants. In addition, it is not possible to ignore the negative effects that armed groups could have in order to limit the effective political participation of AfroColombian population in these regions. Table 16 Electoral Participation by Afro-Colombian Region
Regions Pacífico Nariñense Pacífico Caucano Patía Pacífico Buenaventura Pacífico Chocoano Norte del Cauca- Sur del Valle Norte del Valle- Zona Cafetera Urabá Chocoano- Antioquia Bajo Cauca Caribe San Andrés y Providencia Department Capitals Other municipalities
Source: Viáfara, Vivas, Urrea & Castro (2009).

Participation (2003) 60% 64% 46% 57% 55% 54% 48% 55% 59% 55% 50% 63%

Participation (2007) 47% 55% 42% 52% 56% 58% 55% 59% 62% 54% 66%

Other Features of Political Participation
It is necessary to ask ourselves how Afro-Colombians have developed their political practices, considering the rights obtained so far. It is important to note that the previous elections were characterized by the choice of well-known people in sports and culture. Thus, athletes María Isabel Urrutia and Willington Ortiz were elected for the 2002-2006 term. María Isabel Urrutia was reelected in 2006, and Silfredo Morales Altamar was elected for the first time. In 2010, Yahir Acuña Cardales (45.775 votes) and Heriberto Arrechera (26.679 votes) were elected. Cunin (2003) states that athletes elected in 2002 80

are not known neither for their political commitment nor their support of AfroColombian political movement, showing instead the reactivation of the “black” stereotype. This is a political failure for an ethnic-social movement that is unable to take control of the electoral space assigned since 1991, giving it instead to individuals without any kind of ethnic commitment in their speeches. This phenomenon could perhaps be accentuated due to the profile of currently elected representatives, who may represent interests not linked with demands of Afro-Colombians throughout the country. According to Bravo (2010b), after resigning his candidacy endorsed by the Party of National Integration (PIN for its capitals in Spanish), Yahir Acuña —someone who has not done extensive work with Afro-Colombian communities—returned to his nomination as member of Afrovides (Afro-Colombian Association for Housing, Sport, Education and Healthcare), giving a surprise by winning the first seat of the AfroColombian special constituency. In this sense, the second electoral victory by Heriberto Arrechea of United People’s Movement (MPU for its capital in Spanish) is also remarkable.

The Afro-Colombian Caucus: A Choice?
As pointed out by Mera (2010), “every Congress usually has about ten black representatives since 1991, [i.e.], this issue goes beyond the discussion regarding the two ‘ethnic’ seats.” In the current term of Congress (2006-2010), the Afro-Colombian caucus was initially comprised by Piedad Córdoba, Franklin Legro, María Isabel Urrutia, Edgar Eulises Torres, Odín Sanchez, Silfredo Morales, Julio Gallardo, Alberto Gordón, and Juan Carlos Martínez. However, a few days after the end of its regular and according to Bravo (2010a), based on Universidad de los Andes’ Visible Congress program, only Piedad Córdoba and Julio Gallardo were declared as “visible”26. Although the information provided by the program regarding the work of the representatives in the Congress does not constitute a conclusive evidence, it does reflect perception of public opinion concerning its management. In this sense, it is remarkable that María Isabel Urrutia, author of a bill against discrimination, is placed among “invisible” representatives. Anyway, under the parameters of administration measurement of the Visible Congress program, she failed to comply with the necessary reports. One way or another, this is an indicator linked to the Afro-Colombian caucus’ administration that becomes useful when leading initiatives that have positive effects on efforts to ensure that Afro-Colombian people can enjoy their Human Rights. Furthermore, it is important to note that four out of ten Congressmen of the caucus were or are involved in judicial processes (Representatives and Odín Sánchez and Edgar Eulises Torres, from Chocó, accompanied by former Senator Juan Carlos Martínez, from Valle del Cauca, and Silfredo Morales, from the Special Constituency for Black
26

Congressmen or representatives to the House who “voluntarily and periodically give information to the program on different aspects of their parliamentary career and administration, in order to strengthen the principles of political responsibility and fiscal accountability against the citizenry”.

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Communities), and some of them were at the center of the controversy for its repeated absenteeism. 84 Nevertheless, the failure of the political inclusion of Afro-Colombian people as an ethnic group rests, according to Bonet (2007), on the type of institutions set up since times of slavery (see Engerman & Sokoloff, 1997), and on strong social strains, combined with political affiliation to traditional parties that allowed certain appropriations of privileges, and clientelist behaviors by the more privileged fraction of Afro-Colombian people in those territories (Green, 2000). In this sense, the political representation of Afro-Colombians today may be referred to as estranged from having the same legitimacy and transparency of other candidates in the case of the special national constituency, given the fact that until 2006, “famous” people who did not represent the structures and ideals of Afro-Colombian people had been elected (Cunin, 2003). As pointed out by Naim (1995), it is worth noting that behaviors like those seen, very typical throughout Latin America, are consistent with a State that does not work well27; where effectiveness of public action is limited by greed and power of elites, coupled with fast population growth and their expectations, which create excessive demands. Behaviors of this kind make, among other things, that public employment becomes the only option as a result of high unemployment and lack of social safety nets, increasing political clientelism and corruption. These actions may be stronger in regions with greater participation of Afro-Colombian population, as a result of a chronic inability of governments to alleviate poverty in those places.

Conclusions and Recommendations
The following is a review of the findings of this study, compared to the normative framework for protection of Human Rights for Afro-Colombian population, shown in the first chapter of this report. In order to do so, the statements of the UN Committee on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (CERD) (2008, 2009a).The first part of this section refers to Regular Reports No. 10, 11, 12, 13, and 14 of Colombia (single document), which were due on October 2 of years 2000, 2002, 2004, 2006, and 2008. The second section comprises remarks made by CERD about those reports.  Racial discrimination in Colombia continues to be a “normal” behavior in social relationships. The Afro-Colombian population is the subordinate victim of this phenomenon, according to the results and conclusions of a Survey on Perception of Racism and Racial Discrimination conducted by the National Human Rights Movement in Afro-Colombian Communities (Movimiento Nacional por los Derechos Humanos (CIMARRON), in the cities of Bogotá, Medellín and Cartagena.  The Presidency as well as the Department of Foreign Affairs must override the statement kept by Colombia in the UN Committee about the Article 14 of the
27

According to Naim (1995), “political scientists have pointed out that the Latin American State’s poor performance is a reflection of a distribution of economic and political power that skews the public action in favor of the rich, confines the middle class, and excludes the poor”.

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International Convention for the Elimination of all forms of Racial Discrimination (Law 21, 1982), in order to facilitate the creation of a government branch to fight racism and racial discrimination.  Colombian Congress must pass a law establishing the offense and penalty for racial discriminatory behavior, thus guaranteeing the Afro-Colombian population the rights to personal identity and a good name, dignity, equality and non-discrimination.  Congress must approve a draft law for affirmative actions and equal rights legislation, based on the recommendations and conclusions of the Intersectoral Commission for the Advancement of the Afro-Colombian Population, initiative led by the Colombian Presidency.  National Government has failed to recognize and implement the laws and rights to prior consultation or prior, free, and informed consent to benefit the interests of mining and agro-industrial companies. This right has to be respected prior to granting any licensing or permits for exploration or exploitation of ores or any other natural resources found in the territories of the black communities.  National Government must honor and respect by legislation the rights of all communities to participate in a free and informed manner to prior consultation in conformity with the norm 169 of the ILO.  Forced displacement of citizens due to armed conflicts is destroying the social structure of the communities, their cultural identity and through violence encourages displacement from their collective territories, especially in the Pacific region. National Government must comply with and implement all rulings by the Constitutional Court contained in the Article 092 of 2008, Article 004 and 005 of 2009, for the protection of the fundamental rights of the displaced Afro-Colombian population.  Government must implement necessary measures to protect so many collective territories earmarked under the name of “Lands of the Black Communities”, and empower Community Councils who manage them, educating their leaders, reorganizing community associations, strengthening their governmental capabilities and assigning sufficient funds to carry out plans for ethnodevelopment.  Enforcing the decisions of the Inter-American Human Rights Court and the recommendations of the CEACR of the ILO, the process of giving back property titles for the lands belonging to the displaced Afro-Colombian communities should be a priority for the National Government.  Since 1993, with the passing of Law 70/93, state governments have passed numerous laws, decrees, developing plans and CONPES documents with inclusive actions favoring the Afro-Colombian population, but they have been inapplicable due to the lack of specific budget allocation. They do not guarantee

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specific benefits to overcome poverty, racial discrimination, inequity for education opportunities, health, nutrition and dignified employment. o In the municipalities of the Pacific region the Afro-Colombian population lives under considerable poor conditions compared to the rest of the national population, especially in terms of education, health benefits and nutrition. They have very low participation in the markets for goods and services, because of the reduced size of their own internal market. o In the mid-to-large size metropolitan areas the Afro-Colombian population exhibits a disproportionate share and over-representation in the informal labor sector of the economy as streets vendors, doing any retail trading, food preparation, crafts vendors and domestic cleaning and home care of children and elderly, at very low wages, with no health coverage, no work insurance or pensions. Many Afro-Colombian descendents with higher levels of education seek refuge in the informal markets when unable to secure a job in the formal economy due to racial discriminatory effects in the labor market.  Political elite leaders and the State lack the necessary political will to include in public and private policies the ethnic afro-descendent approach, in order to adopt and implement efficient policies and programs of sufficient impact to address and increase the human level of development to black communities and make it possible for them to practice an integrated exercise of their human and ethnic rights.  The integrated system of affirmative policies must be based on four fundamental pillars: 1. Human development; 2. Institutional development; 3 Market insertion and connectivity; 4. Productive development and income generation. o Regional and State governments must implement actions guaranteeing access and sustainability of black population to educational system, especially at pre-school and high school levels of education, improvement of schools and surroundings (infrastructure, educators, didactic supplies, training and formation to work and at work). o The incorporation of Afro-Colombian studies in their curricula at various levels in the school system, in compliance with the General Education Law and the Law 70 of 1993, which has been neglected by the National Ministry of Education. o Facing the deep institutional weakness present in the Pacific region, especially in the department of Chocó and the municipalities of Buenaventura, Tumaco, and Guapi, strategies for strengthening and solidification of the various levels of political decisions must be implemented, among them, establishing mechanisms of fiscal retribution which can contribute to effective political de-centralization, elimination of prevalent interregional disparities and the consolidation of the

84

institutions, governability management.

and

citizen

participation

in

public

 The National Government must consolidate a national system of statistics for the Afro-Colombian population, incorporating the ethnic afro-descendent variable correctly in the population census as well as in the information systems of all public and private entities. Strategies to combat racial discrimination and poverty are ineffective and will not have the intended impact unless the sociodemographic reality of the population of African descent is given proper consideration.

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Viáfara, C., Vivas, H., Urrea, F. & Castro, J. (2009). Una política de desarrollo productivo y generación de ingresos para la población afrocolombiana, palenquera y raizal. Informe final de la consultoría del CIDSE de la Universidad del Valle para el programa MIDAS de USAID. Cali: Universidad del Valle. Viáfara, C. Urrea, F. & Correa, J. (2009). Desigualdades sociodemográficas y socioeconómicas, mercado laboral y discriminación étnico-racial en Colombia: análisis estadístico como sustento de acciones afirmativas a favor de la población afrocolombiana. In C. Mosquera Rosero-Labbé & R. León (Eds. y coautoras). Acciones Afirmativas y ciudadanía diferenciada étnico-racial negra, afrocolombiana, palenquera y raizal: entre bicentenarios de las independencias y constitución de 1991. Bogotá: Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Centro de Estudios Sociales. Viáfara, C., & Urrea, F., (2006). Efectos de la raza y el género en el logro educativo y estatus socio-ocupacional para tres ciudades colombianas. Desarrollo y Sociedad, 58, 115-163. Viloria de la Hoz, J. (Ed.) (2008). Economías del Pacífico colombiano. Bogotá: Banco de la República. Wade, P. (1995). The cultural politics of blackness in Colombia. American Ethnologist, 22, 2, 341-357. Weil, D. (2005). Economic Growth. New York: Addison Wesley. Williamson, J. (1990). El cambio en las políticas económicas de América Latina. México: Gernika. Williamson, J. (2000). What should the world bank think about the Washington consensus? The World Bank Research Observer, 15, 2, 251-264. WWF Colombia (2007). Mejoramiento del proceso organizativo y de la participación de la población afrocolombiana como grupo étnico Bogotá: WWF.

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Appendix
Appendix 1 Question 1
Question 1. Have you ever been a victim of racist attitudes? Bogotá Men Yes No Women No response Yes No Cali Men No response Yes No Women No response Yes No Cartagena Men No response Yes No Women No response Yes No No response

Afro-Colombian people 73% 27% 0% Non-ethnic people Totals 50% 50% 0% 67% 33% 0%

76% 18% 7% 46% 54% 0% 69% 27% 5%

51% 49% 0% 57% 39% 4% 46% 44% 9%

49% 51% 0% 54% 41% 4% 45% 46% 10%

70% 29% 1% 55% 45% 0% 68% 31% 1%

74% 22% 4% 58% 39% 3% 70% 26% 3%

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Appendix 2 Question 4

Question 4.a If you were a victim of racial attitudes or actions, how did they affect you? Psychologically (I felt uncomfortable) Bogotá Men Yes Afro-Colombian people Non-ethnic people Totals 54,05% 0,00% 38,18% No 45,95% 100,00% 61,82% Women Yes 57,78% 15,38% 45,31% No 42,22% 84,62% 54,69% Cali Men Yes 18,42% 21,74% 15,94% No 81,58% 78,26% 84,06% Women Yes 17,32% 10,87% 13,31% No 82,68% 89,13% 86,69% Cartagena Men Yes 46,72% 5,00% 35,26% No 53,28% 95,00% 64,74% Women Yes 50,00% 16,67% 42,38% No 50,00% 83,33% 57,62%

Question 4.b If you were a victim of racial attitudes or actions, how did they affect you? Physically (They hit me) Bogotá Men Yes Afro-Colombian people Non-ethnic people Totals 5,41% 0,00% 3,64% No 94,59% 100,00% 96,36% Women Yes 2,22% 0,00% 1,56% No 97,78% 100,00% 98,44% Cali Men Yes 7,89% 4,35% 5,07% No 92,11% 95,65% 94,93% Women Yes 1,68% 4,35% 2,05% No 98,32% 95,65% 97,95% Cartagena Men Yes 5,74% 2,50% 4,74% No 94,26% 97,50% 95,26% Women Yes 1,39% 0,00% 1,90% No 98,61% 100,00% 98,10%

Question 4.c If you were a victim of racial attitudes or actions, how did they affect you? Socially (They did not include me) Bogotá Men Yes Afro-Colombian people Non-ethnic people Totals 16,22% 21,43% 16,36% No 83,78% 78,57% 83,64% Women Yes 13,33% 0,00% 9,38% No 86,67% 100,00% 90,63% Cali Men Yes 1,32% 0,00% 1,45% No 98,68% 100,00% 98,55% Women Yes 5,03% 13,04% 5,12% No 94,97% 86,96% 94,88% Cartagena Men Yes 16,39% 17,50% 14,74% No 83,61% 82,50% 85,26% Women Yes 16,67% 0,00% 12,86% No 83,33% 100,00% 87,14%

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Question 4.d If you were a victim of racial attitudes or actions, how did they affect you? Economically (I did not have the same guarantees) Bogotá Men Yes Afro-Colombian people Non-ethnic people Totals 10,81% 0,00% 7,27% No 89,19% 100,00% 90,91% Women Yes 13,33% 0,00% 9,38% No 86,67% 100,00% 90,63% Cali Men Yes 3,95% 0,00% 2,90% No 96,05% 100,00% 97,10% Women Yes 3,35% 4,35% 3,07% No 96,65% 95,65% 96,93% Cartagena Men Yes 12,30% 2,50% 10,00% No 87,70% 97,50% 90,00% Women Yes 9,72% 2,78% 7,62% No 90,28% 97,22% 92,38%

Question 4.e If you were a victim of racial attitudes or actions, how did they affect you? Occupationally (I was excluded in a selection process) Bogotá Men Yes Afro-Colombian people Non-ethnic people Totals 21,62% 7,14% 16,36% No 78,38% 92,86% 83,64% Women Yes 17,78% 0,00% 14,06% No 82,22% 100,00% 85,94% Cali Men Yes 3,95% 0,00% 4,35% No 96,05% 100,00% 95,65% Women Yes 7,26% 4,35% 5,80% No 92,74% 95,65% 94,20% Cartagena Men Yes 22,13% 12,50% 17,37% No 77,87% 87,50% 82,63% Women Yes 15,97% 2,78% 13,81% No 84,03% 97,22% 86,19%

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Appendix 3 Question 5
Question 5.a Where have you been a victim or a witness of racist behaviors or actions? (Street) Bogotá Men Yes Afro-Colombian people Non-ethnic people Totals 45,95% 28,57% 43,64% No 54,05% 71,43% 56,36% Women Yes 62,22% 23,08% 51,56% No 37,78% 76,92% 48,44% Cali Men Yes 40,79% 30,43% 35,51% No 59,21% 69,57% 64,49% Women Yes 39,66% 41,30% 34,13% No 60,34% 58,70% 65,87% Cartagena Men Yes 48,36% 35,00% 47,37% No 51,64% 65,00% 52,63% Women Yes 59,03% 36,11% 51,90% No 40,97% 63,89% 48,10%

Question 5.b Where have you been a victim or a witness of racist behaviors or actions? (Neighborhood) Bogotá Men Yes Afro-Colombian people Non-ethnic people Totals 13,51% 7,14% 12,73% No 86,49% 92,86% 87,27% Women Yes 24,44% 0,00% 17,19% No 75,56% 100,00% 82,81% Cali Men Yes 11,84% 4,35% 9,42% No 88,16% 95,65% 90,58% Women Yes 14,53% 23,91% 14,33% No 85,47% 76,09% 85,67% Cartagena Men Yes 15,57% 12,50% 16,84% No 84,43% 87,50% 83,16% Women Yes 23,61% 5,56% 19,05% No 76,39% 94,44% 80,95%

Question 5.c Where have you been a victim or a witness of racist behaviors or actions? (Work) Bogotá Men Yes Afro-Colombian people Non-ethnic people Totals 32,43% 14,29% 27,27% No 67,57% 85,71% 72,73% Women Yes 13,33% 15,38% 15,63% No 86,67% 84,62% 84,38% Cali Men Yes 9,21% 4,35% 9,42% No 90,79% 95,65% 90,58% Women Yes 7,26% 15,22% 7,51% No 92,74% 84,78% 92,49% Cartagena Men Yes 27,87% 15,00% 23,68% No 72,13% 85,00% 76,32% Women Yes 14,58% 11,11% 15,71% No 85,42% 88,89% 84,29%

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Question 5.d Where have you been a victim or a witness of racist behaviors or actions? (Public transport) Bogotá Men Yes Afro-Colombian people Non-ethnic people Totals 10,81% 14,29% 12,73% No 89,19% 85,71% 87,27% Women Yes 28,89% 7,69% 23,44% No 71,11% 92,31% 76,56% Cali Men Yes 9,21% 4,35% 7,25% No 90,79% 95,65% 92,75% Women Yes 7,82% 13,04% 7,17% No 92,18% 86,96% 92,83% Cartagena Men Yes 14,75% 22,50% 18,42% No 85,25% 77,50% 81,58% Women Yes 76,39% 77,78% 76,67% No 76,39% 77,78% 76,67%

Question 5.e Where have you been a victim or a witness of racist behaviors or actions? (Airport) Bogotá Men Yes Afro-Colombian people Non-ethnic people Totals 2,70% 0,00% 1,82% No 97,30% 100,00% 98,18% Women Yes 4,44% 0,00% 3,13% No 95,56% 100,00% 96,88% Cali Men Yes 2,63% 0,00% 2,90% No 97,37% 100,00% 97,10% Women Yes 4,47% 8,70% 4,44% No 95,53% 91,30% 95,56% Cartagena Men Yes 3,28% 0,00% 2,63% No 96,72% 100,00% 97,37% Women Yes 3,47% 5,56% 4,76% No 96,53% 94,44% 95,24%

Question 5.f Where have you been a victim or a witness of racist behaviors or actions? (Supermarket) Bogotá Men Yes Afro-Colombian people Non-ethnic people Totals 8,11% 0,00% 5,45% No 91,89% 100,00% 94,55% Women Yes 8,89% 0,00% 6,25% No 91,11% 100,00% 93,75% Cali Men Yes 3,95% 4,35% 5,07% No 96,05% 95,65% 94,93% Women Yes 7,82% 8,70% 6,48% No 92,18% 91,30% 93,52% Cartagena Men Yes 6,56% 7,50% 6,84% No 93,44% 92,50% 93,16% Women Yes 8,33% 0,00% 5,71% No 91,67% 100% 94,29%

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Question 5.g Where have you been a victim or a witness of racist behaviors or actions? (Hospitals and clinics) Bogotá Men Yes Afro-Colombian people Non-ethnic people Totals 2,70% 7,14% 3,64% No 97,30% 92,86% 96,36% Women Yes 6,67% 0,00% 4,69% No 93,33% 100,00% 95,31% Cali Men Yes 7,89% 17,39% 10,14% No 92,11% 82,61% 89,86% Women Yes 10,06% 17,39% 9,90% No 89,94% 82,61% 90,10% Cartagena Men Yes 4,92% 10,00% 5,26% No 95,08% 90,00% 94,74% Women Yes 4,86% 11,11% 5,71% No 95,14% 88,89% 94,29%

Question 5.h Where have you been a victim or a witness of racist behaviors or actions? (Mall) Bogotá Men Yes Afro-Colombian people Non-ethnic people Totals 8,11% 0,00% 9,09% No 91,89% 100,00% 90,91% Women Yes 8,89% 0,00% 7,81% No 91,11% 100,00% 92,19% Cali Men Yes 7,89% 0,00% 5,80% No 92,11% 100,00% 94,20% Women Yes 5,03% 8,70% 4,78% No 94,97% 91,30% 95,22% Cartagena Men Yes 9,84% 2,50% 9,47% No 90,16% 97,50% 90,53% Women Yes 11,81% 8,33% 11,90% No 88,19% 91,67% 94,29%

Question 5.i Where have you been a victim or a witness of racist behaviors or actions? (Restaurants, clubs) Bogotá Men Yes Afro-Colombian people Non-ethnic people Totals 10,81% 21,43% 14,55% No 89,19% 78,57% 85,45% Women Yes 11,11% 0,00% 9,38% No 88,89% 100,00% 90,63% Cali Men Yes 7,89% 13,04% 7,25% No 92,11% 86,96% 92,75% Women Yes 18,44% 13,04% 14,33% No 81,56% 86,96% 85,67% Cartagena Men Yes 14,75% 30,00% 18,95% No 85,25% 70,00% 81,05% Women Yes 12,50% 11,11% 13,33% No 87,50% 88,89% 86,67%

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Question 5.j Where have you been a victim or a witness of racist behaviors or actions? (Parks and recreational areas) Bogotá Men Yes Afro-Colombian people Non-ethnic people Totals 5,41% 0,00% 3,64% No 94,59% 100,00% 96,36% Women Yes 6,67% 7,69% 6,25% No 93,33% 92,31% 93,75% Cali Men Yes 3,95% 4,35% 4,35% No 96,05% 95,65% 95,65% Women Yes 2,79% 4,35% 2,39% No 97,21% 95,65% 97,61% Cartagena Men Yes 4,92% 0,00% 3,68% No 95,08% 100,00% 96,32% Women Yes 5,56% 5,56% 4,76% No 94,44% 94,44% 95,24%

Question 5.k Where have you been a victim or a witness of racist behaviors or actions? (Public offices) Bogotá Men Yes Afro-Colombian people Non-ethnic people Totals 2,70% 7,14% 3,64% No 97,30% 92,86% 96,36% Women Yes 8,89% 7,69% 7,81% No 91,11% 92,31% 92,19% Cali Men Yes 6,58% 0,00% 5,80% No 93,42% 100,00% 94,20% Women Yes 6,70% 13,04% 6,14% No 93,30% 86,96% 93,86% Cartagena Men Yes 5,74% 5,00% 4,74% No 94,26% 95,00% 95,26% Women Yes 6,94% 11,11% 6,67% No 93,06% 88,89% 93,33%

Question 5.l Where have you been a victim or a witness of racist behaviors or actions? (Private offices) Bogotá Men Yes Afro-Colombian people Non-ethnic people Totals 2,70% 7,14% 3,64% No 97,30% 92,86% 96,36% Women Yes 8,89% 7,69% 7,81% No 91,11% 92,31% 92,19% Cali Men Yes 6,58% 0,00% 5,80% No 93,42% 100,00% 94,20% Women Yes 6,70% 13,04% 6,14% No 93,30% 86,96% 93,86% Cartagena Men Yes 5,74% 5,00% 4,74% No 94,26% 95,00% 95,26% Women Yes 6,94% 11,11% 6,67% No 93,06% 88,89% 93,33%

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Question 5.m Where have you been a victim or a witness of racist behaviors or actions? (School and/or University) Bogotá Men Yes Afro-Colombian people Non-ethnic people Totals 16,22% 21,43% 20,00% No 83,78% 78,57% 80,00% Women Yes 22,22% 23,08% 21,88% No 77,78% 76,92% 78,13% Cali Men Yes 6,58% 13,04% 7,25% No 93,42% 86,96% 92,75% Women Yes 11,17% 13,04% 9,90% No 88,83% 86,96% 90,10% Cartagena Men Yes 23,77% 30,00% 27,37% No 76,23% 70,00% 72,63% Women Yes 25,00% 27,78% 25,24% No 75,00% 72,22% 74,76%

Question 5.n Where have you been a victim or a witness of racist behaviors or actions? (Police stations) Bogotá Men Yes Afro-Colombian people Non-ethnic people Totals 10,81% 0,00% 7,27% No 89,19% 100,00% 92,73% Women Yes 2,22% 0,00% 1,56% No 97,78% 100,00% 98,44% Cali Men Yes 6,58% 0,00% 4,35% No 93,42% 100,00% 95,65% Women Yes 2,79% 10,87% 3,75% No 97,21% 89,13% 96,25% Cartagena Men Yes 9,02% 5,00% 7,89% No 90,98% 95,00% 92,11% Women Yes 2,78% 8,33% 4,29% No 97,22% 91,67% 95,71%

Question 5.o Where have you been a victim or a witness of racist behaviors or actions? (Prisons) Bogotá Men Yes Afro-Colombian people Non-ethnic people Totals 0,00% 0,00% 0,00% No 100,00% 100,00% 100,00% Women Yes 2,22% 0,00% 1,56% No 97,78% 100,00% 98,44% Cali Men Yes 2,63% 0,00% 2,17% No 97,37% 100,00% 97,83% Women Yes 2,79% 4,35% 2,39% No 97,21% 95,65% 97,61% Cartagena Men Yes 0,00% 2,50% 1,05% No 100,00% 97,50% 98,95% Women Yes 2,78% 0,00% 2,86% No 97,22% 100,00% 97,14%

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Question 5.p Where have you been a victim or a witness of racist behaviors or actions? (Elsewhere) Bogotá Men Yes Afro-Colombian people Non-ethnic people Totals 5,41% 0,00% 3,64% No 94,59% 100,00% 96,36% Women Yes 6,67% 0,00% 4,69% No 93,33% 100,00% 95,31% Cali Men Yes 11,84% 8,70% 9,42% No 88,16% 91,30% 90,58% Women Yes 3,35% 4,35% 3,07% No 96,65% 95,65% 96,93% Cartagena Men Yes 6,56% 2,50% 4,74% No 93,44% 97,50% 95,26% Women Yes 4,86% 0,00% 3,33% No 95,14% 100,00% 96,67%

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Appendix 4 Question 8
Question 8. If you have been a victim or a witness of an act of racial discrimination, did you report it when it happened? Bogotá Men Yes Afro-Colombian people Non-ethnic people Totals
11% 0% 7%

Cali Women Men No response Yes
16% 62% 20% 17%

Cartagena Women No
63% 61%

Men No response Yes
19% 28% 14% 5%

Women No
71% 65%

No
73% 64%

No response Yes
13% 38% 18% 8%

No
67% 31%

No response Yes
17% 22% 20% 13%

No
61% 59%

No response Yes
15% 30% 15% 11%

No
64% 44%

No response
21% 44%

71% 19%

14% 59% 27%

18% 57% 25%

17% 55% 28%

12% 69% 19%

14% 60% 26%

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Appendix 5 Question 7
Question 7.a In your opinion, what entities do practice racial discrimination on an ongoing basis? (National Police) Bogotá Men Yes Afro-Colombian people Non-ethnic people Totals 45,95% 28,57% 38,18% No 54,05% 71,43% 61,82% Women Yes 28,89% 23,08% 28,13% No 71,11% 76,92% 71,88% Cali Men Yes 27,63% 26,09% 23,19% No 72,37% 73,91% 76,81% Women Yes 16,20% 30,43% 16,38% No 83,80% 69,57% 83,62% Cartagena Men Yes 48,36% 27,50% 40,00% No 51,64% 72,50% 60,00% Women Yes 24,31% 27,78% 26,67% No 75,69% 72,22% 73,33%

Question 7.b In your opinion, what entities do practice racial discrimination on an ongoing basis? (Armed Forces) Bogotá Men Yes Afro-Colombian people Non-ethnic people Totals 16,22% 21,43% 16,36% No 83,78% 78,57% 83,64% Women Yes 20,00% 23,08% 21,88% No 80,00% 76,92% 78,13% Cali Men Yes 39,47% 26,09% 36,96% No 60,53% 73,91% 63,04% Women Yes 40,22% 34,78% 34,47% No 59,78% 65,22% 65,53% Cartagena Men Yes 18,03% 17,50% 17,37% No 81,97% 82,50% 82,63% Women Yes 20,14% 25,00% 22,86% No 79,86% 75,00% 77,14%

Question 7.c In your opinion, what entities do practice racial discrimination on an ongoing basis? (Municipal or Local Government entities) Bogotá Men Yes Afro-Colombian people Non-ethnic people Totals 8,11% 14,29% 10,91% No 91,89% 85,71% 89,09% Women Yes 15,56% 23,08% 15,63% No 84,44% 76,92% 84,38% Cali Men Yes 7,89% 4,35% 5,80% No 92,11% 95,65% 94,20% Women Yes 7,82% 15,22% 7,51% No 92,18% 84,78% 92,49% Cartagena Men Yes 13,11% 17,50% 14,74% No 86,89% 82,50% 85,26% Women Yes 13,89% 16,67% 13,33% No 86,11% 83,33% 86,67%

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Question 7.d In your opinion, what entities do practice racial discrimination on an ongoing basis? (Regional Government institutions) Bogotá Men Yes Afro-Colombian people Non-ethnic people Totals 5,41% 14,29% 9,09% No 94,59% 85,71% 90,91% Women Yes 15,56% 15,38% 14,06% No 84,44% 84,62% 85,94% Cali Men Yes 5,26% 4,35% 4,35% No 94,74% 95,65% 95,65% Women Yes 4,47% 13,04% 5,12% No 95,53% 86,96% 94,88% Cartagena Men Yes 9,84% 17,50% 11,58% No 90,16% 82,50% 88,42% Women Yes 12,50% 11,11% 11,43% No 87,50% 88,89% 88,57%

Question 7.e In your opinion, what entities do practice racial discrimination on an ongoing basis? (National Government entities) Bogotá Men Sí Afro-Colombian people Non-ethnic people Totals 21,62% 21,43% 20,00% No 78,38% 78,57% 80,00% Women Sí 15,56% 23,08% 15,63% No 84,44% 76,92% 84,38% Cali Men Sí 7,89% 8,70% 6,52% No 92,11% 91,30% 93,48% Women Sí 6,70% 10,87% 6,83% No 93,30% 89,13% 93,17% Cartagena Men Sí 25,41% 25,00% 22,11% No 74,59% 75,00% 77,89% Women Sí 14,58% 19,44% 14,29% No 85,42% 80,56% 85,71%

Question 7.f In your opinion, what entities do practice racial discrimination on an ongoing basis? (Control Agencies) Bogotá Men Yes Afro-Colombian people Non-ethnic people Totals 0,00% 7,14% 1,82% No 100,00% 92,86% 98,18% Women Yes 6,67% 7,69% 6,25% No 93,33% 92,31% 93,75% Cali Men Yes 3,95% 0,00% 2,90% No 96,05% 100,00% 97,10% Women Yes 2,79% 8,70% 3,41% No 97,21% 91,30% 96,59% Cartagena Men Yes 4,10% 7,50% 4,74% No 95,90% 92,50% 95,26% Women Yes 4,86% 5,56% 4,76% No 95,14% 94,44% 95,24%

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Question 7.g In your opinion, what entities do practice racial discrimination on an ongoing basis? (Public utilities) Bogotá Men Yes Afro-Colombian people Non-ethnic people Totals 16,22% 14,29% 14,55% No 83,78% 85,71% 85,45% Women Yes 28,89% 15,38% 26,56% No 71,11% 84,62% 73,44% Cali Men Yes 5,26% 0,00% 3,62% No 94,74% 100,00% 96,38% Women Yes 7,82% 8,70% 6,48% No 92,18% 91,30% 93,52% Cartagena Men Yes 17,21% 17,50% 17,37% No 82,79% 82,50% 82,63% Women Yes 22,92% 22,22% 23,81% No 77,08% 77,78% 76,19%

Question 7.h In your opinion, what entities do practice racial discrimination on an ongoing basis? (Media: Television, radio, press) Bogotá Men Yes Afro-Colombian people Non-ethnic people Totals 35,14% 35,71% 38,18% No 64,86% 64,29% 61,82% Women Yes 40,00% 76,92% 48,44% No 60,00% 23,08% 51,56% Cali Men Yes 5,26% 8,70% 5,80% No 94,74% 91,30% 94,20% Women Yes 15,64% 15,22% 12,63% No 84,36% 84,78% 87,37% Cartagena Men Yes 44,26% 32,50% 42,11% No 55,74% 67,50% 57,89% Women Yes 40,28% 77,78% 47,62% No 59,72% 22,22% 52,38%

Question 7.i In your opinion, what entities do practice racial discrimination on an ongoing basis? (Banks) Bogotá Men Yes Afro-Colombian people Non-ethnic people Totals 21,62% 7,14% 18,18% No 78,38% 92,86% 81,82% Women Yes 20,00% 7,69% 17,19% No 80,00% 92,31% 82,81% Cali Men Yes 7,89% 17,39% 7,97% No 92,11% 82,61% 92,03% Women Yes 11,17% 26,09% 10,92% No 88,83% 73,91% 89,08% Cartagena Men Yes 22,13% 7,50% 17,89% No 77,87% 92,50% 82,11% Women Yes 20,83% 8,33% 18,57% No 79,17% 91,67% 81,43%

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Question 7.j In your opinion, what entities do practice racial discrimination on an ongoing basis? (House renting agencies) Bogotá Men Yes Afro-Colombian people Non-ethnic people Totals 27,03% 0,00% 18,18% No 72,97% 100,00% 81,82% Women Yes 26,67% 7,69% 23,44% No 73,33% 92,31% 76,56% Cali Men Yes 2,63% 0,00% 2,17% No 97,37% 100,00% 97,83% Women Yes 2,23% 10,87% 3,07% No 97,77% 89,13% 96,93% Cartagena Men Yes 27,05% 7,50% 19,47% No 72,95% 92,50% 80,53% Women Yes 22,92% 13,89% 21,90% No 77,08% 86,11% 78,10%

Question 7.k In your opinion, what entities do practice racial discrimination on an ongoing basis? (Commercial airports and airlines) Bogotá Men Yes Afro-Colombian people Non-ethnic people Totals 10,81% 7,14% 9,09% No 89,19% 92,86% 90,91% Women Yes 6,67% 7,69% 7,81% No 93,33% 92,31% 92,19% Cali Men Yes 6,58% 0,00% 4,35% No 93,42% 100,00% 95,65% Women Yes 7,26% 17,39% 7,17% No 92,74% 82,61% 92,83% Cartagena Men Yes 16,39% 5,00% 11,58% No 83,61% 95,00% 88,42% Women Yes 6,94% 11,11% 9,05% No 93,06% 88,89% 90,95%

Question 7.l In your opinion, what entities do practice racial discrimination on an ongoing basis? (Colombian Football Federation) Bogotá Men Yes Afro-Colombian people Non-ethnic people Totals 8,11% 7,14% 7,27% No 91,89% 92,86% 92,73% Women Yes 6,67% 0,00% 4,69% No 93,33% 100,00% 95,31% Cali Men Yes 2,63% 0,00% 2,17% No 97,37% 100,00% 97,83% Women Yes 3,91% 8,70% 3,75% No 96,09% 91,30% 96,25% Cartagena Men Yes 7,38% 5,00% 5,79% No 92,62% 95,00% 94,21% Women Yes 7,64% 0,00% 5,24% No 92,36% 100,00% 94,76%

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Question 7.m In your opinion, what entities do practice racial discrimination on an ongoing basis? (Private and public universities) Bogotá Men Yes Afro-Colombian people Non-ethnic people Totals 13,51% 28,57% 20,00% No 86,49% 71,43% 80,00% Women Yes 17,78% 30,77% 20,31% No 82,22% 69,23% 79,69% Cali Men Yes 9,21% 8,70% 7,97% No 90,79% 91,30% 92,03% Women Yes 10,61% 23,91% 10,58% No 89,39% 76,09% 89,42% Cartagena Men Yes 18,03% 32,50% 23,16% No 81,97% 67,50% 76,84% Women Yes 22,92% 27,78% 22,38% No 77,08% 72,22% 77,62%

Question 7.n In your opinion, what entities do practice racial discrimination on an ongoing basis? (Private and public schools) Bogotá Men Yes Afro-Colombian people Non-ethnic people Totals 13,51% 28,57% 18,18% No 86,49% 71,43% 81,82% Women Yes 22,22% 38,46% 25,00% No 77,78% 61,54% 75,00% Cali Men Yes 5,26% 13,04% 5,80% No 94,74% 86,96% 94,20% Women Yes 10,06% 19,57% 9,56% No 89,94% 80,43% 90,44% Cartagena Men Yes 19,67% 27,50% 23,16% No 80,33% 72,50% 76,84% Women Yes 22,92% 36,11% 22,86% No 77,08% 63,89% 77,14%

Question 7.o In your opinion, what entities do practice racial discrimination on an ongoing basis? (Other) Bogotá Men Yes Afro-Colombian people Non-ethnic people Totals 0,00% 14,29% 5,45% No 100,00% 85,71% 94,55% Women Yes 0,00% 0,00% 0,00% No 100,00% 100,00% 100,00% Cali Men Yes 6,58% 4,35% 5,07% No 93,42% 95,65% 94,93% Women Yes 1,12% 0,00% 1,71% No 98,88% 100,00% 98,29% Cartagena Men Yes 1,64% 10,00% 4,74% No 98,36% 90,00% 95,26% Women Yes 0,69% 0,00% 0,48% No 99,31% 100,00% 99,52%

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Appendix 6 Question 15
Question 15. Do you think that entrepreneurs tend to pay Afro-Colombian people lower wages than other people and/or discriminate them? Bogotá Men Yes No Women No response Yes
66,67% 53,85%

Cali Men No
20,00% 23,08%

Cartagena Women No
22,37% 26,09%

Men No
18,44% 32,61%

Women No
23,77% 30,00%

No response Yes
13,33% 23,08% 65,79% 60,87%

No response Yes
11,84% 13,04% 63,13% 52,17%

No response Yes
18,44% 15,22% 59,02% 62,50%

No response Yes
17,21% 7,50% 61,81% 55,56%

No
21,53% 22,22%

No response
16,67% 22,22%

Afro-Colombian people 70,27% 21,62% 6,67% Non-ethnic people Totals
57,14% 42,86% 0,00%

61,82% 30,91% 6,25%

62,50% 21,88% 15,63%

57,97% 22,46% 19,57%

54,95% 19,45% 25,60%

57,89% 26,84% 15,26%

58,57% 22,38% 19,05%

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Appendix 7 Population Structure
Antioquia Ethnic groups Indigenous Romani Afro-Colombian Non-ethnic No response Municipal 0,10% 0,00% 10,90% 86,20% 2,80% 100% Remainder 1,80% 0,00% 13,75% 82,87% 1,59% 100% Total 0,60% 0,00% 11,90% 85,10% 2,40% 100% Atlántico Municipal 1,2% 0,1% 10,2% 87,8% 0,7% 100% Remainder 3,6% 0,0% 21,7% 73,5% 1,2% 100% Total 1,3% 0,1% 10,8% 87,1% 0,7% 100% Bogotá Municipal 0,22% 0,01% 1,45% 95,16% 3,17% 100% Remainder 0,10% 0,00% 0,15% 95,08% 4,67% 100% Total 0,22% 0,01% 1,44% 95,16% 3,17% 100% Bolívar Municipal 0,12% 0,05% 27,04% 70,99% 1,80% 100% Remainder 0,09% 0,04% 27,28% 70,49% 2,10% 100% Total 0,11% 0,05% 27,10% 70,87% 1,87% 100%

Cauca Ethnic groups Indigenous Romani Afro-Colombian Non-ethnic No response Municipal 3,59% 0,00% 26,38% 69,11% 0,91% 100% Remainder 0,09% 0,04% 27,28% 70,49% 2,10% 100% Total 21,03% 0,00% 21,66% 54,88% 2,43% 100%

Cesar Municipal 0,85% 0,00% 9,89% 88,68% 0,58% 100% Remainder 15,64% 0,00% 17,23% 65,18% 1,95% 100% Total 5,10% 0,00% 12,00% 81,92% 0,97% 100%

Chocó Municipal 0,89% 0,00% 86,53% 5,04% 7,54% 100% Remainder 23,95% 0,00% 58,10% 4,24% 13,71% 100% Total 11,36% 0,00% 73,62% 4,67% 10,34% 100%

Córdoba Municipal 5,61% 0,00% 12,11% 81,91% 0,36% 100% Remainder 15,21% 0,00% 14,18% 69,68% 0,94% 100% Total 10,33% 0,00% 13,13% 75,90% 0,65% 100%

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Cundinamarca Ethnic groups Indigenous Romani Afro-Colombian Non-ethnic No response Municipal 0,23% 0,00% 3,99% 93,83% 1,94% 100% Putumayo Ethnic groups Indigenous Romani Afro-Colombian Non-ethnic No response Municipal 11,28% 0,00% 4,99% 74,19% 9,54% 100% Remainder 27,01% 0,00% 4,81% 56,91% 11,28% 100% Total 18,77% 0,00% 4,90% 65,96% 10,37% 100% Remainder 0,52% 0,00% 2,04% 95,64% 1,79% 100% Total 0,33% 0,00% 3,30% 94,47% 1,89% 100%

Guaviare Municipal 1,40% 0,00% 5,20% 81,39% 12,01% 100% Nariño Municipal 2,92% 0,01% 17,87% 76,56% 2,64% 100% Remainder 16,95% 0,00% 18,22% 59,70% 5,13% 100% Total 10,36% 0,01% 18,06% 67,62% 3,96% 100% Remainder 12,57% 0,00% 4,62% 65,24% 17,57% 100% Total 3,73% 0,00% 5,08% 78,02% 13,17% 100%

La Guajira Municipal 9,11% 0,00% 23,96% 61,13% 5,80% 100% Risaralda Municipal 0,72% 0,00% 5,22% 93,81% 0,24% 100% Remainder 10,29% 0,00% 4,53% 83,95% 1,23% 100% Total 2,89% 0,00% 5,07% 91,58% 0,47% 100% Remainder 78,38% 0,00% 3,22% 12,99% 5,41% 100% Total 42,41% 0,00% 13,99% 37,98% 5,61% 100%

Magdalena Municipal 0,24% 0,00% 8,84% 90,09% 0,83% 100% San Andrés Municipal 0,09% 0,00% 48,51% 51,27% 0,12% 100% Remainder 0,13% 0,00% 77,81% 130,00% 0,57% 209% Total 0,10% 0,00% 56,84% 42,81% 0,25% 100% Remainder 2,04% 0,00% 11,65% 84,26% 2,05% 100% Total 0,80% 0,00% 9,71% 88,29% 1,20% 100%

112

Santander Ethnic groups Indigenous Romani Afro-Colombian Non-ethnic No response Municipal 0,11% 0,01% 2,86% 96,64% 0,38% Remainder 0,15% 0,00% 3,90% 95,23% 0,72% Total 0,12% 0,01% 3,14% 96,27% 0,47%

Sucre Municipal 7,84% 0,01% 13,54% 78,28% 0,33% 100% Remainder 16,29% 0,00% 20,30% 62,07% 1,34% 100% Total 10,88% 0,01% 15,97% 72,45% 0,69% 100%

Valle del Cauca Municipal 0,36% 0,02% 27,48% 71,44% 0,70% 100% Remainder 1,83% 0,00% 23,48% 72,31% 2,39% 100% Total 0,55% 0,02% 26,95% 71,56% 0,92% 100%

National Total Municipal 0,95% 0,01% 9,95% 87,22% 1,87% 100% Remainder 10,99% 0,00% 11,82% 74,45% 2,74% 100% Total 3,36% 0,01% 10,40% 84,16% 2,08% 100%

100% 100% 100% Source: Own calculations based on the Census of 2005.

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Appendix 8 Unsatisfied Basic Needs Index (UBNI)
Municipal Remainder

UBN without UBN without UBN AfroUBN Afroethnic selfethnic selfColombians Colombians awareness awareness 28% 15% Antioquia 28% 23% Atlántico 11% 9% Bogotá 42% 40% Bolívar 39% 18% Cauca 35% 36% Cesar 46% 41% Córdoba 20% 15% Cundinamarca 84% 57% Chocó 34% 42% La Guajira 45% 40% Magdalena 56% 18% Nariño 15% 13% Risaralda 22% 13% Santander 49% 45% Sucre 22% 11% Valle del Cauca 33% 24% Putumayo 51% 51% San Andrés 52% 36% Guaviare 33% 18% National Total Source: Own calculations based on the Census of 2005. 61% 43% 17% 55% 46% 55% 76% 41% 68% 58% 56% 67% 31% 40% 66% 29% 46% 15% 42% 56% 45% 42% 28% 72% 61% 64% 76% 32% 53% 60% 65% 56% 28% 44% 69% 24% 43% 16% 60% 49%

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Appendix 9 Illiteracy Rate
6 - 11 years old Municipal Afro-Colombian 7,81% Antioquia Non-ethnic 5,70% 12 - 17 years old Remainder Municipal 14,15% 15,16% 7,27% 10,08% 0,00% 5,89% 10,45% 13,12% 10,61% 9,98% 15,42% 14,09% 10,52% 10,85% 6,40% 5,26% 25,25% 21,48% 8,82% 14,53% 9,89% 18,71% 13,10% 14,72% 26,28% 7,66% 9,63% 8,07% 11,20% 10,10% 1,91% 3,65% 11,30% 8,24% 8,90% 8,14% 2,47% 1,60% 2,24% 1,81% 1,09% 0,67% 2,10% 2,28% 2,82% 0,97% 2,29% 2,56% 2,26% 1,78% 1,13% 0,75% 2,97% 3,05% 1,04% 1,15% 1,83% 1,80% 3,54% 2,56% 5,11% 0,93% 1,56% 1,14% 1,76% 1,25% 0,51% 0,78% 1,53% 0,96% 3,05% 2,02% 18 - 24 years old Remainder 7,38% 6,80% 6,56% 8,69% 0,00% 2,08% 10,01% 12,13% 5,94% 3,62% 12,29% 12,65% 9,83% 9,87% 3,00% 2,56% 12,49% 10,82% 7,84% 5,65% 6,09% 14,28% 14,58% 13,23% 17,14% 2,79% 4,01% 2,85% 5,56% 4,85% 0,88% 1,43% 3,74% 4,28% 15,42% 10,45%

Remainder Municipal 4,97% 5,01% 4,53% 5,11% N.I. 1,34% 5,26% 7,45% 4,02% 2,66% 7,20% 7,63% 5,10% 5,16% 2,11% 1,56% 10,29% 9,37% 4,00% 3,95% 4,45% 11,24% 7,50% 8,36% 17,18% 2,15% 1,84% 2,17% 3,04% 3,01% 1,52% 0,86% 3,40% 2,56% 6,18% 5,23% 2,59% 1,72% 2,84% 2,07% 1,26% 0,72% 3,42% 3,39% 3,46% 1,18% 4,03% 3,79% 3,75% 2,81% 1,60% 0,98% 5,06% 3,52% 2,95% 1,86% 3,24% 2,51% 5,03% 4,09% 7,67% 1,17% 1,50% 1,48% 1,55% 1,58% 1,34% 1,66% 1,78% 1,14% 6,08% 4,24%

Afro-Colombian 6,44% Atlántico Non-ethnic 5,33%

Afro-Colombian 5,14% Bogotá Non-ethnic 3,32%

Afro-Colombian 4,74% Bolívar Non-ethnic 4,61%

Afro-Colombian 5,99% Cauca Non-ethnic 3,60%

Afro-Colombian 5,47% Cesar Non-ethnic 5,62%

Afro-Colombian 4,25% Córdoba Non-ethnic 4,26%

Afro-Colombian 4,71% Cundinamarca Non-ethnic 3,91%

Afro-Colombian 8,15% Chocó Non-ethnic 5,83%

Afro-Colombian 7,21% Guaviare Non-ethnic 5,28%

Afro-Colombian 4,24% La Guajira Non-ethnic 5,07%

Afro-Colombian 8,41% Magdalena Non-ethnic 7,25%

Afro-Colombian 10,27% Nariño Non-ethnic 2,89%

Afro-Colombian 4,98% Putumayo Non-ethnic 3,83%

Afro-Colombian 5,99% Risaralda Non-ethnic 4,89%

Afro-Colombian 3,37% San Andrés Non-ethnic 3,48%

Afro-Colombian 4,46% Santander Non-ethnic 3,68%

Afro-Colombian 4,87% Sucre Non-ethnic 3,47%

115

6 - 11 years old Municipal Afro-Colombian 4,64% 6,02%

12 - 17 years old Remainder Municipal 1,87% 1,17% 2,97% 2,46%

18 - 24 years old Remainder 4,69% 3,92% 2,29% 1,33%

Remainder Municipal

2,67% 5,80% Valle Non-ethnic Source: Own calculations based on the Census of 2005.

Appendix 10 Contributive Healthcare Regime Affiliation
Affiliated to EPS (Municipal) Total Afro-Colombians Non-ethnics 59,38% 40,12% 64,06% 35,32% 46,64% 31,52% 39,47% 32,72% 54,94% 19,20% 34,49% 33,75% 42,28% 38,68% 56,74% 63,95% 54,96% 28,89% 57,23% 51,37% Without Affiliation to EPS (Remainder) Total 25,03% 13,94% 25,79% 8,97% 12,45% 17,03% 8,86% 12,73% 30,40% 4,01% 11,65% 12,58% 15,89% 28,32% 27,80% 42,87% 13,34% 13,03% 29,81% 17,58% Afro-Colombians 29,22% 11,85% 65,22% 9,49% 17,89% 16,85% 8,42% 9,85% 25,89% 2,37% 16,21% 18,57% 6,88% 32,89% 25,69% 42,90% 15,28% 11,11% 30,51% 17,20% Non-ethnics 25,23% 15,01% 26,44% 9,02% 11,26% 11,88% 15,89% 10,95% 30,99% 4,41% 16,20% 11,99% 13,71% 25,36% 26,45% 43,89% 13,36% 10,55% 30,86% 17,60%

56,77% 51,73% Antioquia 38,74% 30,16% Atlántico 61,92% 59,19% Bogotá 33,18% 29,98% Bolívar 43,12% 37,04% Cauca 31,26% 32,22% Cesar 21,87% 22,67% Chocó 31,55% 27,02% Córdoba 53,45% 42,39% Cundinamarca 16,98% 22,44% Guaviare 31,91% 34,34% La Guajira 33,36% 32,63% Magdalena 37,39% 23,54% Nariño 35,32% 42,91% Putumayo 56,39% 55,42% Risaralda 61,64% 59,44% San Andrés 54,61% 47,35% Santander 27,65% 22,19% Sucre 53,00% 43,46% Valle del Cauca 48,95% 38,56% National Total Source: Own calculations based on the Census of 2005.

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Appendix 11 Subsidized Healthcare Regime Affiliation
Affiliated to ARS (Cabecera) Total Afro-Colombians Non-ethnics 29,21% 38,17% 24,03% 45,54% 31,53% 49,78% 29,33% 29,58% 36,62% 54,88% 32,37% 44,75% 37,15% 46,55% 32,56% 24,46% 30,76% 49,26% 25,96% 33,19% Without Affiliation to ARS (Resto) Total 59,61% 51,17% 61,19% 59,30% 46,52% 46,91% 38,59% 35,01% 59,93% 65,67% 26,11% 43,39% 51,21% 41,90% 52,84% 44,07% 73,28% 46,60% 51,06% 54,87% Afro-Colombians 54,72% 51,30% 17,39% 67,68% 38,93% 47,17% 47,73% 47,30% 67,80% 68,80% 40,20% 41,13% 37,23% 46,00% 52,18% 45,46% 55,60% 50,24% 50,01% 49,41% Non-ethnics 61,40% 50,79% 63,03% 57,31% 53,38% 50,73% 56,27% 34,63% 60,90% 69,64% 37,46% 44,08% 62,58% 48,01% 56,15% 39,39% 74,41% 47,54% 53,05% 59,87%

28,95% 36,18% Antioquia 38,72% 45,19% Atlántico 23,25% 23,70% Bogotá 46,31% 51,53% Bolívar 31,15% 29,70% Cauca 49,45% 51,04% Cesar 40,04% 43,69% Chocó 31,50% 41,35% Córdoba 36,51% 51,91% Cundinamarca 48,60% 52,45% Guaviare 28,38% 23,39% La Guajira 44,40% 45,78% Magdalena 38,30% 48,98% Nariño 43,44% 44,40% Putumayo 32,48% 33,28% Risaralda 26,13% 28,00% San Andrés 30,87% 38,32% Santander 49,78% 53,09% Sucre 27,78% 33,23% Valle del Cauca 33,25% 39,40% National Total Source: Own calculations based on the Census of 2005.

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Appendix 12 Without Healthcare System Coverage
Without coverage (Municipal) Total Afro-Colombians Non-ethnics 8,28% 19,46% 8,28% 15,36% 19,60% 16,85% 22,75% 36,53% 6,76% 9,36% 30,02% 19,45% 18,49% 13,78% 9,95% 9,91% 12,21% 20,86% 14,86% 12,86% Without coverage (Remainder) Total 11,47% 32,96% 9,05% 26,59% 34,51% 29,95% 37,40% 48,30% 6,30% 18,35% 53,23% 37,74% 26,58% 19,93% 17,02% 10,10% 11,69% 35,90% 15,67% 22,84% Afro-Colombians 13,17% 36,42% 13,04% 20,88% 38,45% 33,17% 40,64% 39,21% 5,51% 27,37% 38,07% 36,35% 52,43% 19,23% 20,05% 9,22% 27,68% 35,91% 18,02% 30,48% Non-ethnics 11,16% 32,95% 9,30% 29,45% 31,94% 32,12% 24,95% 51,00% 6,44% 20,25% 41,36% 39,44% 22,02% 24,66% 16,36% 13,65% 11,10% 38,21% 14,66% 20,25%

8,04% 8,49% Antioquia 19,73% 22,70% Atlántico 8,10% 14,19% Bogotá 14,70% 13,98% Bolívar 22,60% 31,35% Cauca 16,48% 14,94% Cesar 28,82% 31,34% Chocó 35,39% 30,52% Córdoba 6,58% 5,57% Cundinamarca 8,25% 9,29% Guaviare 26,39% 22,25% La Guajira 19,32% 19,93% Magdalena 18,80% 24,33% Nariño 11,94% 12,10% Putumayo 9,96% 10,61% Risaralda 10,32% 10,80% San Andrés 12,23% 13,68% Santander 21,22% 22,92% Sucre 16,32% 20,38% Valle del Cauca 13,26% 18,79% National Total Source: Own calculations based on the Census of 2005.

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Appendix 13 Fasting
|| Municipal Afro-Colombians Non-ethnics Remainder Afro-Colombians 7,5% 24,5% 8,7% 21,2% 15,8% 19,1% 11,6% 6,9% 27,3% 16,0% 23,1% 40,6% 10,6% 8,5% 16,5% 12,4% 13,2% 7,0% 4,7% Non-ethnics 7,5% 24,5% 8,7% 21,2% 15,8% 19,1% 11,6% 6,9% 27,3% 16,0% 23,1% 40,6% 10,6% 8,5% 16,5% 12,4% 13,2% 7,0% 4,7%

9,1% 5,8% Antioquia 12,0% 7,7% Atlántico 9,2% 4,6% Bogotá 14,9% 9,2% Bolívar 15,1% 7,3% Cauca 18,7% 12,1% Cesar 13,0% 7,3% Córdoba 3,9% 3,8% Cundinamarca 16,5% 5,1% Chocó 15,8% 13,4% La Guajira 25,7% 14,2% Magdalena 28,4% 4,4% Nariño 7,3% 4,2% Risaralda 10,6% 3,9% Santander 12,2% 9,7% Sucre 10,8% 4,1% Valle del Cauca 7,5% 4,7% Putumayo 7,8% 3,9% San Andrés 9,8% 2,9% Guaviare Source: Own calculations based on the Census of 2005.

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Appendix 14 Causes of Change of Place of Residence
Difficulty to find a job (Persons total) Risk of Natural Disaster (Persons total) Member of a Family nomadic reasons group or (Persons another total) reason (Persons total)

Life threat (Persons total)

Educational needs (Persons total)

Health reasons (Persons total)

No response (Persons total)

Antioquia AfroColombians Municipal Remainder Municipal Non-ethnics Remainder 15,12% 29,89% 11,48% 28,72% Atlántico 17,31% 29,28% 13,51% 32,37% Bogotá 21,79% 52,94% 12,73% 27,94% Bolívar 16,04% 22,72% 14,44% 29,87% Cauca 13,22% 24,04% 12,77% 25,18% Cesar 16,27% 41,92% 17,55% 40,08% Chocó 16,31% 18,08% 2,52% 4,05% 1,24% 3,50% 4,33% 6,01% 3,79% 7,67% 4,80% 4,21% 3,55% 3,72% 2,37% 3,56% 2,11% 3,22% 46,05% 43,78% 43,92% 42,05% 24,68% 7,90% 33,89% 10,30% 0,12% 0,60% 0,03% 0,83%

AfroColombians

Municipal Remainder Municipal

1,54% 5,16% 1,29% 1,72%

3,21% 5,75% 2,71% 4,69%

4,06% 4,96% 4,07% 3,34%

1,43% 3,35% 1,46% 2,37%

58,03% 47,97% 61,86% 51,62%

14,40% 3,54% 15,03% 3,72%

0,03% 0,00% 0,06% 0,17%

Non-ethnics

Remainder

AfroColombians

Municipal Remainder Municipal

0,85% 0,00% 0,70% 2,05%

3,30% 0,00% 2,00% 7,20%

5,01% 5,88% 3,80% 4,49%

1,95% 0,00% 1,81% 3,63%

43,33% 23,53% 51,11% 44,78%

23,77% 17,65% 27,84% 8,85%

0,01% 0,00% 0,01% 1,06%

Non-ethnics

Remainder

AfroColombians

Municipal Remainder Municipal

3,06% 4,57% 1,98% 6,97%

4,55% 11,52% 4,25% 9,63%

4,78% 4,59% 5,56% 5,86%

2,13% 2,84% 2,43% 5,22%

53,66% 50,34% 56,19% 37,90%

15,70% 2,93% 15,01% 3,28%

0,07% 0,50% 0,14% 1,28%

Non-ethnics

Remainder

AfroColombians

Municipal Remainder Municipal

1,55% 7,22% 1,18% 4,91%

5,81% 10,14% 7,06% 10,57%

6,97% 7,89% 7,25% 5,55%

2,40% 7,60% 2,09% 4,83%

54,37% 32,12% 51,94% 42,19%

15,24% 3,43% 17,64% 5,05%

0,45% 7,55% 0,07% 1,72%

Non-ethnics

Remainder

AfroColombians

Municipal Remainder Municipal

1,17% 2,46% 1,17% 2,89%

6,45% 7,39% 5,11% 8,60%

3,72% 5,02% 4,15% 4,12%

1,80% 2,42% 1,78% 2,95%

42,84% 33,54% 43,44% 36,08%

27,72% 7,20% 26,79% 5,21%

0,02% 0,04% 0,02% 0,08%

Non-ethnics

Remainder

AfroColombians

Municipal Remainder

9,98% 13,36%

13,01% 14,10%

11,46% 12,34%

9,22% 12,64%

28,34% 19,36%

6,28% 0,76%

5,39% 9,37%

120

Difficulty to find a job (Persons total)

Risk of Natural Disaster (Persons total)

Life threat (Persons total)

Educational needs (Persons total)

Health reasons (Persons total)

Member of a Family nomadic reasons group or (Persons another total) reason (Persons total) 30,17% 28,75% 13,23% 2,46%

No response (Persons total)

Municipal Non-ethnics Remainder

24,00% 28,20% Córdoba 14,40% 26,68% 14,02%

7,08% 8,20%

7,08% 10,99%

6,92% 7,58%

6,97% 7,67%

4,56% 6,15%

AfroColombians

Municipal Remainder Municipal

1,77% 3,96% 1,38%

3,37% 5,56% 2,72% 4,76%

5,77% 4,27% 5,88% 4,38%

2,24% 3,44% 1,78% 2,97%

45,68% 49,60% 54,23% 49,53%

26,74% 6,11% 19,97% 4,30%

0,03% 0,38% 0,02% 0,22%

Non-ethnics

Remainder

30,30% 3,54% Cundinamarca 21,00% 31,88% 13,60% 29,60% Guaviare 18,64% 40,74% 20,94% 1,81% 2,25% 1,05% 1,77%

AfroColombians

Municipal Remainder Municipal

4,00% 5,69% 2,47% 4,61%

3,60% 4,81% 3,07% 3,76%

4,17% 3,86% 2,71% 3,64%

41,75% 40,77% 52,53% 45,11%

23,58% 10,29% 24,52% 11,18%

0,10% 0,46% 0,05% 0,32%

Non-ethnics

Remainder

AfroColombians

Municipal Remainder Municipal

2,83% 8,64% 3,17%

20,44% 6,17% 11,09% 17,88%

7,07% 6,79% 7,90% 8,70%

4,24% 8,02% 4,09% 9,22%

41,26% 17,90% 43,43% 18,11%

5,14% 2,47% 8,34% 1,03%

0,39% 9,26% 1,04% 7,27%

Non-ethnics

Remainder

28,68% 9,11% Magdalena 15,97% 32,04% 15,22% 30,81% Nariño 16,48% 23,37% 15,54% 2,75% 4,86% 2,72% 4,31%

AfroColombians

Municipal Remainder Municipal

7,12% 7,86% 5,58% 10,29%

4,09% 3,99% 4,35% 3,97%

2,09% 1,83% 1,92% 2,80%

42,51% 46,59% 47,88% 42,49%

25,47% 2,69% 22,32% 5,16%

0,00% 0,12% 0,00% 0,17%

Non-ethnics

Remainder

AfroColombians

Municipal Remainder Municipal

3,46% 11,59% 1,23%

10,77% 12,37% 4,02% 11,68%

8,94% 11,61% 5,65% 5,36%

2,49% 11,11% 1,78% 4,94%

37,83% 21,11% 49,17% 37,79%

18,85% 0,70% 22,40% 6,22%

1,17% 8,14% 0,21% 4,54%

Non-ethnics

Remainder

24,09% 5,38% Putumayo 17,93% 20,58% 17,87% 5,47% 11,99% 6,11%

AfroColombians

Municipal Remainder Municipal

17,24% 15,67% 14,50% 15,58%

8,73% 13,26% 8,03% 12,00%

6,37% 12,18% 6,69% 11,85%

25,82% 19,25% 29,02% 20,51%

17,12% 0,92% 15,11% 0,81%

1,32% 6,15% 2,69% 6,10%

Non-ethnics

Remainder

21,43% 11,71% Risaralda 14,98% 34,65% 12,74% 2,85% 3,76% 2,45%

AfroColombians Non-ethnics

Municipal Remainder Municipal

7,74% 11,78% 2,80%

4,77% 2,62% 2,89%

2,26% 1,44% 1,95%

38,95% 36,49% 42,44%

28,38% 9,16% 34,69%

0,07% 0,10% 0,03%

121

Difficulty to find a job (Persons total)

Risk of Natural Disaster (Persons total)

Life threat (Persons total)

Educational needs (Persons total)

Health reasons (Persons total)

Member of a Family nomadic reasons group or (Persons another total) reason (Persons total) 41,28% 10,65%

No response (Persons total)

Remainder

35,91% 2,38% San Andrés 6,98% 9,52% 5,90% 3,78% 3,10% 3,83%

5,11%

2,04%

2,53%

0,10%

AfroColombians

Municipal Remainder Municipal

2,61% 2,98% 2,23% 5,76%

3,78% 7,57% 2,91% 14,10%

2,61% 4,36% 2,85% 7,77%

52,78% 65,83% 59,69% 46,04%

27,44% 6,42% 22,60% 7,48%

0,00% 0,23% 0,00% 0,00%

Non-ethnics

Remainder

13,09% 5,76% Santander 17,20% 27,44% 10,93% 31,96% Sucre 13,87% 24,67% 14,28% 27,92% Valle 14,82% 20,81% 12,41% 31,86% National 13,45% 28,26% 13,17% 1,71% 1,77% 2,73% 2,36%

AfroColombians

Municipal Remainder Municipal

3,82% 4,62% 2,20% 3,85%

6,16% 3,17% 4,51% 3,57%

1,93% 4,03% 2,09% 3,13%

48,60% 36,31% 47,73% 45,83%

20,51% 22,22% 29,78% 8,90%

0,07% 0,43% 0,03% 0,40%

Non-ethnics

Remainder

AfroColombians

Municipal Remainder Municipal

1,72% 2,14% 1,58% 4,55%

13,95% 7,62% 7,60% 7,09%

4,87% 3,88% 5,21% 4,89%

2,00% 2,24% 2,02% 3,11%

46,01% 51,87% 57,41% 50,70%

17,56% 7,51% 11,84% 1,63%

0,01% 0,07% 0,06% 0,11%

Non-ethnics

Remainder

AfroColombians

Municipal Remainder Municipal

1,19% 8,01% 0,96% 2,46%

4,60% 10,66% 2,60% 5,25%

3,25% 8,34% 2,75% 3,15%

1,96% 8,21% 1,80% 3,41%

44,59% 33,57% 47,72% 46,00%

29,31% 5,44% 31,71% 7,50%

0,28% 4,98% 0,05% 0,37%

Non-ethnics

Remainder

AfroColombians

Municipal Remainder Municipal

1,62% 5,09% 1,50%

3,54% 8,25% 3,25% 7,19%

4,18% 5,73% 4,03% 4,49%

2,16% 5,22% 2,07% 3,99%

47,99% 37,94% 48,53% 41,42%

26,90% 6,33% 27,39% 7,45%

0,17% 3,19% 0,06% 1,14%

3,69% Non-ethnics Remainder 30,62% Source: Own calculations based on the Census of 2005.

122

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