As children we are socialized into gender roles based on our biological sex e.g.

masculine men and feminine women. However in most societies there is a third gender role, some are accepted such as the two-spirited people amongst Aboriginal North Americans (Callender and Kochems, cited in Mahalingam (2003) and the Faafafine of Samoa (Vasey, Vanderlaan, Gothreau and Bartlett, 2011) however some are not; Unlike the Beradaches and the Faafafine the Hijra of India are marginalized (Hall and ODonovan, 1996). Even though these 3rd gender roles are different in each society we can draw some similarities such as the fact that in most highlighted examples third gender roles men present themselves as in a feminine way. However there are cases of women presenting a masculine appearance such as the lakin-on of the Philippines (Hart, 1968). The aim of this essay describe three examples of an alternative genders among human populations and how they relate Vasey et al. describe the Faafafine of Samoa as androphilic (biological males who are sexually attracted to and aroused by adult males(Vasey et al., 2011: 511)) males who occupy a 3rd or alternative gender role within Samoan culture differentiating themselves from the normative categories of man and woman(Vasey et al., 2011:511). However countering this Schmidt explains that some Faafafine do in fact go on to marry woman either keeping their status as a Faafafine or disregarding the Faafafine identity and become formally male (Schmidt, 2003: 419). Bartlett and Vasey describe the Faafafine as unremarkably masculine, but most of whom behave in a feminine manner in adulthood in reference to the strong masculinity of Samoan biological males (2006: 659). The direct translation of the word means in the manner of a woman (Bartlett and Vasey, 2006). Faafafine are not however as easy to define in an essentialist way best explained by Schmidt While some dress as women, not all do; while many have sex with masculine men, their role in this act is usually perceived as strictly feminine and thus they do not easily fit into the category of homosexual; while some undergo body modifying practices to more resemble women, neither those who do nor the group as a whole can be readily defined as transsexual (2003: 417).

According to Schmidt potential Faafafine are identified at an early age by virtue of their propensity for feminine tasks (2003: 419). This presents two ways in which someone can become a Faafafine; where one is socialized (or their gender is constructed) into the role by

family or one where they as children show feminine characteristics (Schmidt, 2003). Schmidt notes that in older times that it was likely for a child to be socialized into the Faafafine role because of a lack of female labour within the houselhold, this is less common now as children are able to choose if they want to be a Faafafine or not (Schmidt, 2003: 417). Bartlett and Vasey (2006) observed how children became Faafafine(Outside of being socialized) in fieldwork they conducted in Samoa where they devised a table showing the responses of men, women, and Faafafine to questions regarding the types of play they engaged in as children. The results show that Faafafine were involved in slightly less girl typical play than women but more girl typical play than men. Furthermore Bartlett and Vasey (2006: 664) refer to interviews with various Faafafine adults where some describe how they felt uncomfortable as boys and around them and considered themselves girls inside as children whilst others say that from an early age they were given girls clothes and shoes as well as encouraged to engage in activities around the house that are typically given to girls showing how some may be socialized into being Faafafine something which is less common. As well as playing with and like girls Schmidt emphasises that Faafafine have been and generally still are initially identified in terms of labour preferences (2003: 419). When considering the Faafafine Vasey and Bartlett noted that Samoans do not conceptualize extreme male femininity as disordered (Vasey and Bartlett, cited in Vasey et al. 2011: 512) and that they do play a valid role in Samoan society when it comes to extended family and in the context of the village, important aspects of Samoan culture(Schmidt, 2003: 319). Based on the above Faafafine represent the use of a 3rd gender to fulfil labour requirements however to some it is a lifestyle choice. Meyer-Cook (2008) describes a similar situation amongst pre-colonial Aboriginal American populations where the term used to describe the alternative gender is two-spirit people. According to Meyrer-Cook some evidence suggest that some families were involved in constructing cross-sex identities from a young age, when this best served the family unit (2008: 246) thus demonstrating a similarity between the Faafafine and two-spirited people. Meyer-Cook (2008) describes the social situation and the concept of the two-spirit people amongst pre-colonisation Native American populations where she explains their acceptance in their communities. Aboriginal Americans understanding of the concept of a two-spirit gender is that people are able to hold the spirit of both male and female gender

characteristics (Meyer-Cook, 2008). As with the Faafafine two-spirits identify themselves as representing that identity or they were simply scoc Meyer-Cook describes both male and female individuals that were recognized as two-spirited people. These people were valued within their communities because they were able to apply skills of both men and women: there were men that assumed childcare roles and hunt whilst there were women who could do the same (Meyer-Cook, 2008: 248). Sexually most two-spirits are described as either bisexual or homosexual however it is noted by Garnets and Kimmel (2003) that they do not fit into western conventional notions of sexual preferences (e.g. gay/straight/bisexual) as it changes between each individual highlighted; This draws more similarities between the twospirit and the Faafafine. Meyer-Cook (2008) goes on to describe how prior to colonisation there were no issues in Aboriginal North America relating to the presence of two-spirits. However when colonist first arrived in North America with them they brought European notions of sex and gender meaning. Colonists asserted authority through force against the Aboriginals; and when they saw two-spirits, they did not understand how a person could not be categorized into a specific gender role thus discriminating against the two-spirits (Meyer-Cook, 2008). The explorer Vasco Nez de Balboa became famous for setting dogs on two-spirit people; this type of discrimination forced other Aboriginal People to disassociate and disregard twospirits as to avoid conflict (Neill, 2009: 27). Centuries later in modern North America the eventual effect is seen where many two-spirits of Aboriginal people have tension within their families and face discrimination from modern North American society due to the westernization of Aboriginal populations (Neill, 2009: 30). The influence of western conceptualizations has marginalized two-spirits within Aboriginal society and in a broader North American term (Neill, 2009: 27) leaving them in a similar position as the Hijra of India. Hall and ODonovan use the quote below to show to what extent Hijra people are discriminated against. I was disowned by the Hindus and shunned by my own wife. I was exploited by the Muslims who disdained my company. Indeed I was like a Hijra who was neither one thing nor another but could be misused by everyone. (Singh, cited in Hall and ODonovan, 1996: 228)

Hijra are a marginalized, alternative gender, biological males who possess a gender identity that is atypical of their sex. Although there is a common belief that Hijra are hermaphrodites this was proved wrong by research conducted by Rehan (2011) that shows that only 0.8% or 3 in every 400 Hijra lack male sex organs. Hijra are characterized by their tendency to wear saris - traditional Indian dress for women -, feminine mannerism, make- up, long hair and normal male voices with use of female linguistic characteristics they also view themselves as neither man nor woman (Hall and ODonovan, 1996). According to Mahalingam they also call themselves feminine names and refer to each other in female kinship terms (2003: 491). Hijra are recognized in childhood through their linguistic preferences (pronouncing words in a feminine way) as well as their preferences for tasks around their homes (Hall and ODonovan, 1996). Hall and ODonovan (1996) also note that children who are born as hermaphrodites are often given to the Hijra to raise as their own. Children like this are then socialized into the Hijra community (Hall and ODonovan, 1996). Hijra become who they are either this way or through their own identification as more feminine than others. Those that are not Hijra join the Hijra at an appropriate age where they are welcomed and socialized accordingly within the ranks of the Hijra which are headed by Gurus (Hall and ODonovan, 1996). According to Hall and ODonovan (1996) Hijra face marginalization various levels; these are in their family, in their culture and in society. Mahalingam says they are shunned by their family members (2003: 491) especially their male family members. However Hijra are to some extent important in Indian culture as it is believed that they are almost magical, they are often asked to bless new-born babies as well as new dwellings and other things which they get money for (Mahalingam, 2003). Outside of blessings and ceremonies Hijra usually turn to selling their bodies to other non-Hijra men (Mahalingam, 2003). Mahalingam (2003) also states that they do have monogamist relationships among each other calling their partner a husband. Linguistically this creates confusion how do you refer to a Hijra? Hall and ODonovan show that Hijra refer to other Hijra people using a mixture of pronouns based on the context of the situation. After presenting the above it is possible to generalize the similarity between each gender group within their societies. The Hijra, Faafafine and two-spirit people are all either recognized at a young age what they are or are socialized into a third gender role, evidence that gender-construction is not only exclusive to the what western society considers normal genders as well as each serving some purpose in their societies. The differences between these examples are mainly on a cultural level are but when we look at them as a whole we can see a general similarity amongst them. Samoa and pre-colonised aboriginal North American present a perfect example of how it is possible for a non-marginalized alternative gender to exist. However it must be noted that post-colonial Aboriginal two-spirits face discrimination and marginalization due to the influence of western notions on gender.

References:

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