1

THE PHRASE IN TELUGU PROVERBS III: A CASE STUDY

OF ANALOGICAL PROVERBS IN ANDHRA LOKOKTHI CHANDRIKA

Chilukuri Bhuvaneswar CIEFL, Hyderabad



Abstract

There are a large number of adverbial phrases that occur as proverbs in addition to adjectival
and noun phrases. Such proverbial phrases are embedded in sentences or used independently to
perform different functions in discourse.

In this paper also, M. W. Carrs (1868) Andhra Lokokthi Chandrika has been examined as a case in
point to find out the range of adverbial phrases represented in Telugu proverbs. From such an
examination, it has been found out that there are two types of adverbial phrases:1. adverbial
phrases ellipted from larger utterances; 2. adverbial postpositions appended to different syntactic
classes of utterances. The first class of adverbial phrases have been discussed already in the
second paper The Phrase in Telugu Proverbs 2: A Case Study of Adverbial Phrases in Andhra
Lokokthi Chandrika. In this third paper, the second class are analysed. Very significantly, they
are very large - about 391- in the corpus. They are formed so frequently and easily that they can
be classed as analogical proverbs separately. Such a classification is essential for the following
reasons.
1. It points out to a need for re-examining the very classification of proverbs into literal and
metaphorical proverbs in the traditional manner.
2. More importantly, their presence as a large corpus in Telugu proverbs further lends
credence to a karmik linguistic perspective of considering proverbs as prototype
categorial instaintiators of social praxis.
3. In addition, they point out to the inter-relationship between meaning, function and form
in an anushangik manner, i.e., the properties of meaning inheriting the properties of
svabhavam inheriting the properties of karma.
4. Finally, the presence of such classes of syntax in proverbs shows the psycholinguistic
evolution of proverbs from mono-actional cognition of action into inter-actional
analogical cognition of action to metaphorical cognition of action in a prototypical
principle.
5. As a result, all these manifestations of proverbs in essence pave the way for considering
language in a unified theory where form, function, and meaning are integral to the
process of languaging.



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I. INTRODUCTION
In The Phrase in Telugu Proverbs 1 and The Phrase in Telugu Proverbs 2
(Bhuvaneswar, 2003, a, b), the adjectival, adverbial and noun phrases are
analysed. All the examples that have been quoted are only phrases and no
sentences have been involved. In The Clause in Proverbs 2: A Case Study of
Telugu. (Bhuvaneswar, 2003c), the adverbial clause is discussed and some
analogical phrases have been quoted in a different context. Since there are a very
large and significant number of proverbs containing adverbs of comparison
appended to utterances, they require to be studied separately. Furthermore, they
constitute an important class of proverbs in Telugu by virtue of their number and
their structure. In addition, their syntactic structure offers an important formal
linguistic clue to the very nature of proverbs as prototypes. Therefore, an attempt
is made to study them in this paper.

II. LITERATURE REVIEW
As has already been pointed out earlier, in Bhuvaneswar (2003, a, b, and c), no
comprehensive analysis of phrases has been made so far. Only in Reddi, P. N.
(1983:20-22) a compact statistical review of analogical proverbs has been made.
A review of his analysis will be taken up in Section III. Even in Venkateswarlu, V.
(1982), no discussion of this class of proverb formation has been made even
though a detailed discussion of adverbial postpositions has been. He mentions the
following similarity and manner postpositions in phrases:

(1). su:rjuni uale
Surya like
Like Surya



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(2). nippu la: (la:ga:/la:guna)
fire like like like
Like fire
(3). munap[i ma:diriga: (ri:tini/t]anda:na / mostaruga)
previously in the manner like (in the manner /in the manner like)
Like previously
(4). salaha: praka:ram
advice according (to)
According to the advice
(5). t]a[[a ri:tja
law according to
According to law
(6). a:gja: nusaram
order following
Following the order

uale, la: (la:ga:, la:guna), ri:tini, t]anda:na, and uattu (like) are all used in proverbs
very frequently. Of course, uattu with its Sanskritic origin (uat + u > uattu like)
has not been used productively in Modern Telugu in spite of its presence in Carr
(1868).

By attaching these postpositions, to utterances, a large number of phrases have
been formed as proverbs in Telugu. These phrases contain small phrases or
sentences of different types as their complements. This is a very unique way of
expressing prototypicalization in proverbs. Such different ways of expressing
prototypicalization by the use of similarity manner adverbial postpositions will
be discussed in the next section.

III. ANALYSIS OF ANALOGICAL PROVERBS IN ANDHRA LOKOKTHI CHANDRIKA
A cursory reading of Carr (1868) and Avadhani, D. V. et al. (1974) shows that
there is a preponderance of similarity manner adverbs attached to the end of
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many expressions. Words such as a[[u (a variant of a[lu like), and anna[[u (a
variant of anina a[ulu saying like) and the particle a[a or an[a (that with its
masculine quta, qata, a:[[a and the feminine d i[a or da[a as well as their plural
r(a)[a) are the two classes of suffixes frequently encountered in these two most
important collections. These forms are Spoken Telugu specific and they indicate
the nature of these proverbs on the one hand and throw light on the very nature of
proverbs in general as analogical in their function as interpreted by many Telugu
critics.

There are also some other words such as uale like, t]andamu, like, ma:diri in
the manner of, ri:ti in the manner of, uan[idi like it, and uid'amu in the way
of which are encountered once in a while. These suffixes also point out to the
nature of proverbs as analogical. The second class with a[a is a reporting particle
which is suffixed to indirect speech and also brings in analogy with reference to
the contextual action.

An analysis of the usage of such proverbs having similarity manner adverbs
shows that they are not actually comparing two actions but categorizing the
contextual action in terms of the proverbial action. To put it differently, by
analogy of the contextual action with the proverbial action, a prototype-categorial
relationship is established. This is a very subtle and crucial distinction that has to
be made if we want to establish the most important property of proverbs which has
been lost sight of right from the time of Aristotle and Goethe up to the present day,
namely, the prototype - categorial instantiation property (or pro-cat
(instantiation) property )). Therefore, this type further offers a formal linguistic
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evidence to show that these analogical proverbs are in fact designed to be used as
prototypes with which contextual actions are related as their categories.

When someone looks at a flying animal in the sky whose species he doesnt know
and wants to know what it is, he first tries to know the unknown or the unfamiliar
in terms of an already known object or species. When someone asks him, what it
is he will say that it is like a bird or simply it is a bird. The first is a simile and
the second is a metaphor. In both the cases, the purpose of comparison or
superimpositional cognition of one in terms of another is to categorize human
experience as that (tat) and this (idam) (Bhuvaneswar, 2002).

This important way of knowing the unknown/unfamiliar/abstract phenomena in
terms of the known/familiar/concrete is an inherent trait of humans that is the
primary cause for the formation of proverbs. This property is anushangically
inherited from the very principle of creation as understood in Karmik theory
(Bhuvaneswar, 2003d). The same property is further extended to perform another
derived function, namely, that of classification which brings in clarification and
elaboration also (Bhuvaneswar, 1998a). Since proverbs have become culturally
established, they have further gained cultural authorization of or categorization of
social praxis to comment on it. (Bhuvaneswar, 1998b)

Furthermore, proverbs gained aesthetic appeal in view of their attractive imagery
and catching meaning and symmetrical structure. As such, this property is further
harnessed and they are used as ornamentation in discourse. (Bhuvaneswar, 1999)

An important extension of cultural authorization of proverbs is their idealization of
prototypical action. The prototypical action expressed by the prepositional content
is not necessarily always wise or absolute but it is the norm of the society in a
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context. This norm is recommended for guidance (as advice by warning,
suggestion, etc); and this norm is also used to offer support to a categorial action
in a context (Bhuvaneswar, 1998b).

Another important extension of cultural authorization of proverbs is in discourse
as a strategy for politeness. In view of its cultural authorization, the propositional
content of the proverb becomes generalized as a common way of conducting
social praxis. This feature helps to distance the proverb user from the comment he
makes and transfers the opinion on to the culture. Thus, it reduces the
impoliteness on the part of the speaker and at the same time conveys his opinion
indirectly, hand and glove.

Finally, proverbs are used for instantiation, transmission and perpetuation of
cultural praxis also. That is proverbs are cited in discourse to promote that kind of
proverbial action as indicated in the proverb.

These are the most important functions of proverbs. However, for the purpose of
our present analysis, the pro-cat instantiation property is considered in the light of
the formal linguistic evidence shown in the syntactic structure of proverbs.

First, let us exemplify the various syntactic patterns used in the construction of
analogical proverbs and then use them in conversation to show their pro-cat
instantiation property.

A. PHRASES PREMODIFYING THE ADVERBS
According to Reddi, P. N. (1983:20), in Andhra Lokokthi Chandika of Carr
(1868), the following adverbial postpositions are used as shown in the third
column and verified by me in the fourth column.

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S. No. Name of Adverb Frequency count by Reddi Frequency count by
Bhuvaneswar
1.
sa:mita
No. 9 6 times
2. sa:mjamu 4 times 3 times
3.
a:ua[amu
1 time 1 time
4
ma:diri
1 time Nil
5.
t]andamu
1 time 3 times
6.
uattu
3 times 8 times
7.
uale
no mention 19 times

It is not known how he arrived at these numbers since the serial numbers of the
proverbs have not been given in his review - probably due to lack of space.
Nonetheless, they have to be crosschecked once again as they do not tally with my
analysis and counting. The frequency of the occurrence of these items according
to my count is given in the fourth column. They are listed below for verification.

According to Reddi, P. N. (ibid.), at the end of the ninth proverb, there is the word
sameta, sa:mita. In the First AES Reprint 1988 of the 1868 version of Carrs
Andhra Lokokthi Chandrika, there is no such wording. The following proverb is
given there:
(1). 9. anta ma:trama: koqaka: t]euulu pa[[ukoni taqiue:uu anna[[u
Am I so well of, my son, that you should feel my ears?
(See No. 819). Said by an old woman to a thief (No. 9, p.2)
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a. sa:mjamu Proverb or Similarity or Likeness

He mentions that the word sa:mjamu occurs at four places in the proverbs.
According to my counting, it occurs only three times as follows.
(2). 723. ko:ti: guruuinda sa:mjamu
Like the monkey and the Guruvinda (see No. 717)
The seed of the Guruvinda (Abarus Precatorius) is a small pretty
black and red seed (No. 723, p. 131)
(3). 1224. nakka re:laka:ja sa:mjamu
Like the effect of the cassia fruit on a jackal
Rela is the Cassia (catharto carpus) Fistula. (No. 1224, p. 216)
(4). 1341. ne:ti bi:raka:ja sa:mjamu
Like a tasteless cucumber
(see Nos. 230, 240, 279, 613, 1250, 1542, 1796.)
neti birakaya is the ghee cucumber.
Grand in name but not worth anything (No. 1341, p. 235)

Carr mentions the incidence of sa:mjamu in the Index I (ibid. Supplement: 135) as
only once. Reddi, P. N. mentions further that a:va[amu, ma:diri, and t]andamu
each occur at one place. According to my count t]andamu occurs at three places
as follows.

B. t]andamu Likeness

(5). 739. gada kat]t]'apa po:ru t]andamu
Like a fight between an elephant and a tortoise (No. 739, p. 134)
(6). 1503. pu:sa ku:rt]ina t]andamu
Like stringing beads.
All in harmony (No. 1503, p. 263)
(7). 1880. re:palle ua:qa t]andamu
Like a row of houses in Repalle
Repalle (or Vrepalle) is the Telugu name of Nandavraja, the scene of
the youthful exploits of Krishna.
It was famous for its prosperity according to some according to
others, for the unchastity of its women. (No. 1880, p. 235)

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Carr also mentions these three numbers in his Index I (Supplement: p. 107).

I could not find where ma:diri is mentioned but in proverb No. 648, there is
a:ua[amu.

C. a:uatamu

(8). 648. kummarapuruga:ua[amu
The manner of the mole-cricket
Never resting from doing mischief (No. 648, p. 118)

Reddi, P. N. (ibid.) also mentions that uattu occurs at three places. According to
my count, it occurs at seven places excluding uat which is the Sanskrit word from
which the tatsamamu uattu is formed. uat occurs only once. So uattu occurs at
eight places.

D. uattu Like

(9). 445. e:nugu miqgina uelaga panqu uattu
Like a wood-appel swallowed by the elephant
(See No. 798)
It is swallowed whole, and is said to be found afterwards empty
though unbroken.
Said of a person in an influential position who does not benefit
others (No. 445, p.81)
(10). 447. e:nugulu tine:ua:qiki pi:nugulu pinqiuan[a uau
To the man that eats elephants, corpses are as pastry.
(See Nos. 684, 773, 1008)
A thoroughly bad man wont stick at trifles (No. 447, p. 81)
(11). 827. go:ri:ka:qi nakka uattu
Like a jackal at a tomb
A tantalizing position, as he cannot get into it.
Like a cat round hot-milk (No. 827, p. 149)
(12). 1087. tirupati maqgalaua:qi uau
Like the Tirupathi barber (See No. 683)
.. . ..
Applied to a person selfishly taking work out of others hands
which he is unable to complete himself (No. 1087, p.194)

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(13). 1206. dua:rapu:qi pat]t]epu ua:i uau
Like a pickpocket of Dvarapudi.
Dvarapudi is a notorious village in the Godavary District. (No. 1206, p. 213)
(14). 2504. buradagun[alo: paqqa pe:qapurugu uau
Like a beetle (lit. a cow dung worm) fallen into a mire pit.
Said of a man being in an harassing service from which he cannot
escape, & C (No. 2504, p. 59)
(15). 2698. re:gu t]e[[ukindi t]eui[iguqqiuani uatt u
Like the deaf blind man under the Regu tree.
(For Regu see No. 119)

(No. 2698, p. 94 (Supplement))
(16). 1396. para drauja:qi bellaua
The property of others is as sweet as molasses
(See Nos. 3, 910, 1560)
Being liberal at others expense
To eat large shives of another mans loaf (No. 1396, p. 245)

Reddi, P. N. (ibid) has not mentioned about the incidence of uale in Carr (1868).
This is the largest occurring word among the seven items mentioned earlier.
The following 20 proverbs have uale: 188, 688, 719, 1114, 1165, 1675, 1680,
1695, 1801, 1877, 2118, 2159, 2163, 2223, 2256, 2300, 2305, 2492, 2503, 2560,
2689. Out of these proverbs 688, 1165, 1675, 1680, 1877, 2118, 2159,2223, 2492,
2503, and 2689 have uale within the proverb but not at the end as in the other
proverbs. A few examples are given below:

E. 1. uale at the End
(17). 719. ko:ti t]e:ti pa:mu uale
Like a snake in a monkeys paw
Jacko is afraid of it, but wont let it go (NO. 719, p. 130)
(18). 1695. malli pa[[ina t]e:ni uale
Like a field attacked by worms
Sudden and overwhelming ruin. (No. 1695)
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(19). 2256. kanqlaku gantaka[[i aqauilo: uadilipe[[abaqqa ua:ni uale
Like blindfolding (and pinioning) a man and leaving him in the jungle.
Putting a man into great difficulties (No. 2256, p. 20 (Supplement))
(20). 2300. gand'a poqi mo:se: ga:qia uale
Like a donkey carrying sandal powder
(No. 23000, p. 28 (Supplement))
(21). 2305. garut mantuni t]u:t]ina pa:mu uale
Like a snake seeing Garutma(n)t(a)
Garutmat or Garuda (No. 751) was the King o the feathered tribes and
the remorseless enemy of the serpent race (Vishnu Purana, Wilsons
trans.) (No. 2305, p. 28 (Supplement))
(22). 2560. me:kunu perikina ko:ti uale
Like the monkey that drew out the wedge
.. The Monkey drew the sawyers wedge, and died:
Let meddlers mark it, and be edified.. ((No. 2560, p. 69)

In all the above mentioned proverbs, the adverbial postposition uale like modifies
the verb that is to be supplied in a sentence in the context. These are abstracted from
many common experiences that are observed in our daily life. Sometimes, these
phrases have their origin in folktales as in (22) or in mythology as in (21). A noun
phrase invariably precedes uale in all these proverbial phrases. Furthermore, the head
noun in the NP is modified by an adjectival participial phrase as in mo:se:, t]u:t]ina,
perikina, etc, or a postiposition as in (17).

E. 2. uale within the Proverb
Out of the 20 proverbs cited about half of them are found in full length - unshortened
- constructions. A few examples are given below.

(23). 1165. iuue ti:sina gu:q u uale uunnai.
Like a niche with the lamp taken out of it.
The reality wanting (No. 1165, p. 207)

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The translation given by Carr is not syntactically faithful. (23) is a simple sentence
which should be translated as: (It) is like a niche with the lamp taken out of it
where adi It is not an expletive but is a real subject of the sentence which is ellipted.
This It refers to an object that is categorized in the context by the proverb.

(24). 1680. ma uru mi:i pilli uale uunna:qu.
He is like the cat on the coping
i.e. lying steadily in wait
Said of a cool, calculating, selfish man (No. 1680, p. 291)
(25). 1877. rekkalu uirigina pak]i uale uunnaqu.
Like a bird with broken wings.
Utterly helpless (No. 1877, p. 324)
The translation as in (24) should read: He is like a bird with
broken wings.
(26). 2159. ab'i]e:kam t]e:sina agniuale uunna:qu.
Like fire inaugurated with water
Abishekam is the term used for bathing or anointing an idol.
(No. 2159, p. 4 (Supplement))
Again the translation should read: He is like fire oblated with
ghee, etc. Abhishekam of fire is not performed with water but
with ghee and other items. There is a similar proverb mentioned
in the main book at No. 29:
(26a). 29. agniho:tramulo: a:djamu po:sina[[u
Like ghee poured on fire
To cast oil in the fire is not the way to quench it. (No. 29, p. 6)
When ghee is offered as an oblation, fire glistens with renewed
glow and a person who is provoked by a categorial action is
compared with this type of fire. This is completely different in
meaning with (26a).
(27). 2492. baqgi:inna ko:i uale tiruguta:qu
He runs about like a Bhanged monkey
(for Bhang see No. 1034) (No. 2492, p. 57. (Supplement))
(28). 2503. bu[[alo: pa:mu uale aqigina:qu
He sank down like a snake in a basket
i.e. his pride was humbled
A snake charmers covered basket is here referred to
(No. 2503, p. 59 (Supplement))

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E. 3 uale in Compound Proverbs
uale is also found in proverbs occurring as participial or compound constructions or
with a slight modification of the postposition.

(29). 1114. telakaluua:qi muqqi kindi ra:ji ualene:
Like the oil mongers stone seat.
Of permanent utility. (No. 1114, p. 199)
The particle e: is used to indicate emphasis in telugu. So feel
my ears?
ualene: (ualenu + e:) ualene: means like only and hence the
translation should be: Like the oil merchants stone seat only
(indeed). A noun phrase precedes ualene: in this proverb.
(30). 1801. mu:lugulu munda[i ualene: , tinqi eppa[i ualene:
Groanings as before, but glutting as usual
(See under No. 1173)
A skulk. (No. 1801, p. 312)
The translation should be: Groanings as before only, food as
usual only. Two phrases are clubbed together in this proverb
and the following proverbs.
(31). 2118. su:i uale uat]t]i, dabbanamu uale te:lina[[u
Coming like a needle and turning out a packing needle
The reverse of No. 688 of. v. (No. 2118, p. 386)
No. 688 is given below.
(32). 688. konqauale uat]t]i mant]uuale te:lina[[u
Coming like a mountain, and melting away like dew
(See No. 2118)
Said of a difficulty which appears great when distant but is easily
overcome when grappled with. (No. 688, p. 125)
(33). 2233.eddu uale tini moddu uale nidra po:jina[[u
He eats like a bullock, and sleeps like a dog. (No. 2233, p. 15)





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F. sa:mita Proverb or Comparison

There are six proverbs listed in Carr (1868) that contain the word sa:mita proverb.
This is a noun and functions as the head of the phrase.
The following proverbs are listed.

(34). 1291. niuuru kappina nippu sa:mita
Fire covered with embers
Said of a very learned and humble man. (No. 1291, p. 227)

In the above proverb, niuuru kappina ember covered is an adjectival phrase that
qualifies nippu fire and the entire noun phrase joins with s:amita to form a
compound as it were: The proverb (that or called) fire covered with embers. Carr
has not included the word samit a in his translation for this proverb. In Telugu, such
type of compounds are similar to compounds such as:

(35). ma:miqi t]ettu < ma:miqi ane: t]e[[u
mango tree < mango called tree

These are called sambhavana purvapada karmadharaya samasamulu where the name
of a place or person or thing combines with its genus name.

(36). 1565. po:quba:mu sa:mita
Like the Boa constrictor
(See No. 1615)
Applied to indolent persons; or to those who, from religions motives
separate themselves from the world and strive to quench all natural
emotions. (No. 1565, p. 274)

In this proverb sa:mita is translated as like and so also in the proverbs listed next.

(37). 1614. burada gun[alo: pandi sa:mita
Like a pig in the mire (No. 1614, p. 281)
(38). 1617. bu:qia gun[alo: kukka sa:mita
Like a dog lying in the warm ashes
Keeping quiet for a while, but soon returning to mischief.
(No. 1617, p. 282)
15
(39). 1879. re:gut]e[[u kindi musala:me sa:mita
Like the old woman under the Regu tree
(for Regu see No. 119)

An unfortunate position. (No. 1874, p. 325)

G. uan[i like

uan[i is an adjectival postposition that is used in the formation of certain phrases
which indicate analogy. The following four examples are observed in Carr (1868).

(41). 340. u:quga uittanamu uan[i ua:qu.
He is like an Uduga seed.
The seed of the Uduga (Alangium Decapetalum) after falling
from the tree is said to attach itself again to the trunk when the
rain falls.
To stick to a man like a leech in spite of all rebuffs(No. 340, p. 61)

This is a phrase in which ua:qu is a suffix that has been added to an adjectival
postpositional phrase u:quga uianamu uan[i to form an adjective noun. It is so
because it functions as a noun (see Vekateswarlu, V. 1982: 389, 85-87, 54 and 35).
[It will be better if all the words in the proverb are joined together as a single word]

(41a). ua:qu u:quga uittanamu uan[i ua:qu auunu.
He Uduga seed like man is
He is like an Uduga seed man.

and as a noun in:

(41b). inta u:quga uittanamu uan[i ua:qini t]u:qa le:du
this much Uduga seed like man acc. case seen not
(I) have not seen this (so) much u:quga seed like man.
Because in a this much qualifies the phrase as an adjective.
(42). 2057. iggu anaga: to:[aku:ra uan[idi
Modesty is like garden greens.
They sprout again after being cut.
Totakura is specially applied to Amaranthus Tristis.
(No. 2057, p. 356)
16
In this phrase, the subject of comparison modesty is explicitly
stated. Sometimes, this type of a phrase is further shortened as in:
(43). 2402. de:hamu ni:ru bugga uan[idi
The body is like a water bubble.
Frail and transitory. (No. 2402, p. 43 (Supplement))
(44). 2432. na:b'ilo: pu[[ina puruguuantiua:qu
One like a worm born in the Nabhi
Nabhi (Sans. Vatsanabha) is an active vegetable poison, the root
of Aconite ferox brought from Nepal (Wilson).
Said of a treacherous villain (No. 2432, p. 48 (Supplement))
The translation should be: A Nabhi born worm like man.

H. la:ga Like

There is another similarity manner postposition la:ga (la: , ga:) observed in Carr
(1988: No. 623, p. 113) which does not form a phrase by itself as in No. 2432 or No.
340 listed above. So also is ga: in

(45). 1158. dikku le:ni diua:qamuga: uunnadi
A government which affords no protection(No. 1158, p. 206)
The translation should be:
(It) is as a directionless (i.e. protectionless) government.

In addition to the adverbial postpositions mentioned above, there is one very
extensively productive postposition a[ulu like with its variant anna[[u. a[ulu is
realized as a[[u most of the times since it is the colloquial form of a[ulu. It is added at
the end of different syntactic classes of expressions which may be sentences or
phrases. A few out of the examples found in Carr (1868) are listed below in Section
B separately.

B. Sentences and Phrases Premodifying Atulu and Annatulu

i. a[ulu (a[lu, a[[u) Like
A large of number of examples are found in Carr (1868) in different syntactic
structures premodifying a[[u. Their representative samples are listed below under
phrases and sentences.
17

1. PHRASES (PARTICIPLE) FROM SIMPLE SENTENCES

(46). 13. andani ma:nipanqlaku a:a paqqa[[u
Like wishing for fruit which cannot be reached (No. 13, p. 3)
(48). 27. agnilo: miqata paqqa[[u
Like a grass-hopper jumping into the fire (flame)
(See No. 177)
To try, they say, to extinguish it.
Applied to rash acts. (No. 27, p. 5)
(59). 59. atti pu:t]ina[[u
Like the fig blossoming
(See No. 1863)
This tree (Focus Glomerata) bears no apparent blossoms.
That is as likely as to see a hog fly (No. 59, p. 11)
(60). 65. addamu mi:da pesaraginda paqqa[[u
Like a pesara seed on a looking glass
(For pesara see No. 32)
Used with reference to a remark aimed at a particular person, but
conveyed in such general terms that he is unable to take notice of
it.He said devil but meant you (Dutch) (No. 105, p.12)
Pesara is the Phaseolus Mungo or greengram.
(61). 163. a:graha:na a:na pe[[ukonna[[u
Like taking an oath in fit of passion (No. 163, p. 29)
(62). 195. a:rela ma:nu kina bu:rela ma:nu uirgabaqqa[[u
Like a tree loaded with cakes falling below an Are tree.
(See No. 1362, 1425, 1886)
Are is the Banhinia race mosa; it bears fruit like cranberries
Great Luck. (No. 195, p. 35)
(63). 208. a:ua:lu mudda t]e: sina[[u
Making mustard seed into a ball
An impossible combination (No. 208, p. 37)
mudda literally means a lump.
(64). 313. ut ta t]e:ulu mu:ra ue:sina[[u
Like measuring the air
(See No. 66)
Idle dreams (No. 313, p. 56)
(65). 404. elakaku pilli pont]u ue:sina[[u
Like a cat crouching for a mouse (No. 404, p. 74)
18

(66). 422. e: ga:li:ki a: t]a:pa jettina[[u
Like setting the sail according to the wind
Set your sail according to the wind (No. 422, p. 77)

All the abovementioned proverbs are formed from simple sentences by turning them
into participial phrases and then adding them to the adverbial postposition a[[u. For
example,

46a. agnilo: miqata paqindi.
fire in locust fell
A locust fell in fire,

is a simple sentence in Telugu in ASV structure with in the fire as a marked theme.
Its unmarked structure will be SAV. This simple sentence can be turned into a
participial clause by changing the verb into a non-finite one: paqqa falling or
having fallen and then adding it to the postposition a[[u as follows:

(46b). (agnilo:) miqata)) paqindi < [< paqu] > paqqa
fell it < [< to fall] > having fallen >
(agnilo:) miqata) paqqa + a[[u > (46)
fire in locust having fallen + like
A locust (having ) fallen in fire + like

In Telugu, the postpositions will combine with verb-adjectives as they combine with
nouns and form adverbial postpositional phrases. For example, paqqa functions as a
verb adjective. The postposition a[[u combines with it as the head to form an
adverbial postpositional phrase as in (46) (See Venkateswarlu, V. 1982: 508).




19
2. PHRASES FROM PARTICIPIAL PHRASAL SENTENCES
Not only a simple sentence but also any other sentence can be turned into a participial
phrase. As discussed in detail in Bhuvaneswar (2003e), when a finite verb is changed
into an infinite verb in a sentence, that sentence becomes a participial phrase. In a
participial phrasal sentence, there will be one or more participial phrases in addition to
a subject and a predicate with a finite verb as in a simple sentence. For example, let
us take the following sentences:
(67a). (ua:qu) t]allaki uat]]a:qu.
(he) buttermilk to came
(He) came for buttermilk..
(67b). (ua:qu) munta(ni) da:t]ukunnau.
(he) pot hid
(He) hid the pot.

(67a) can be changed into an adverbial participial phrase by turning the finite verb
uat]t]a:qu into an infinite verb uat]t]i coming or having come as follows:
(67c). (67a) > ua:qu t]allaki uat]t]i
(67c) can be combined with (67b) to give a participial phrasal sentence as follows:
(67d). ua:qu t]allaki uat]t]i munta da:t]ukunna:qu.
he buttermilk to having come pot hid
He, having come for buttermilk, hid the pot.

In the above sentence, ua:qu occurs only once and the second ua:qu is ellipted as it is
redundant. Again, (67b) also can be turned into an adjectival participial phrase:



20
(67e). (ua:qu) munta da:t]ukonna:qu >
(he) pot hid
(He) hid the pot
munta: da:t]konina (ua:qu)
pot having hid or hiding he
having hid or hiding (he)

(67e) qualifies the postposition a[[u as follows:


(67f). (ua:qu) munta da:t]ukonina + a[[u
he pot having hid +like
having the pot or having hidden the pot + like
(ua:qu) munta da:t]ukonin(a) a[[u
he pot having hidden like
Like (he) having hidden the pot.

When this change is affected in (67d), we get the final version as follows:

(67g). (ua:qu) t]allaki uat]t]i munta d a:t]ukonina[[u.

ua:u is omitted from the proverb since the theme of the sentence is: having come
for the buttermilk, and the action is impersonalised to fit into the context. In the
West Godavari District, konina[[u is further shortened to konna[[u.
Sometimes, more than one participial phrase will be there in the adverbial phrase as
shown in (68) below:

(68). 461. e:ru e:q a:maqa uunqaga:ne:
t]i:ra uippi t]aqka pe[[ukoni po:jina[[u
She took off her cloth and put it under her arm,
while the river was still seventy miles off.
(See Nos. 1208, 1696)
Do not strip before bed time. (No. 461, p. 84)
21

A faithful translation should read:
While the stream is being seven amadas, taking of her saree, (and) putting it under
her arm, going like or
Like taking of her saree (and) putting it under her arm, (and) going while the stream
is being seven amadas.
Saree is the long cloth worn around the body by ladies and one amada is ten miles.

In this example, all are participial phrases and there is no main clause. So also in
(67). There can be even a number of participial phrases as in the following example.

A faithful translation should read:

(69). 379. ekki po:ji pa[[i t]u:t]i digi uat]t]i ra:[[u ruuuina[[u
Having mounted (the tree) and felt (the fruit) he came down again and
threw stones at it. (No. 379, p.69)


There are five adverbial paraticipial phrases preceding the main clause which itself is
also turned into the sixth one:
(69a). Mounting (climbing), going, holding, seeing, dismounting, coming,
stones throwing (or having thrown) like
or
Like climbing going, (and) holding seeing, (and) descending coming,
(and) having thrown stones.

There are two interesting syntactic features in Telugu that are used in this proverb.
The first is the use of auxiliary verb and verb following verbs (anuprajukta krijalu).
The second is the natural order of action in a linear sequence. po:ji is a verb
following verb which is used to express completeness of action. ekki po:ja:qu
means completely climbed and ekkipo:ji means completely climbing or having
22
completely climbed. ekku to climb becomes ekki climbing or having climbed. It
is the main verb to which po:ji is added. This is a special feature in Telugu syntax.

uat]t]i is an auxiliary verb that is used to indicate the tense of the main verb digi. digi
can also be used independently: digi (descending). The second feature relates to the
representation of order in action in syntax. In almost all the proverbs mentioned in
Carr (1868), the participial phrase always precedes the main clause. Hence, in
proverbs, we can say that the cause is represented first and the result next. Very
rarely do we come across such constructions as:

(69b). 1806. meqataqauaqamu pu:sala korake:
Feeling the neck for beads.
aid of a wheedling scoundrel. (No. 1806, p. 313)
(69c). 708. ko:[i uidjalu: ku:[i korake:
Ten million arts are only for (getting) food. (see No. 2035)
All professions are only so many means of livelihood. (No. 708, p. 128)
(69d). 2035. ue:sa:lella gra:sa:lake:
Every garb (i.e. occupation) is for food.
(See No. 708). (No. 2035, p. 351)

These examples are marked constructions. An unmarked construction with a similar
postposition is:

(69e). 2473. pilla ko:saram gaqqi tin[a:ru
They make themselves fools for a child
Lit. They eat grass.
Foolish vows are made and silly ceremonies performed to
propitiate the gods and obtain their children. (No. 2473, p. 84
(Supplement))

The translation should read:
For a childs sake, (they) eat grass.
23
In Modern Telugu usage (see Bhuvaneswar, 1998), No. (68b) is not attested. It is
(69f). ku:[i ko:samu ko:[i uidjalu
For (the sake of) food, one crore arts
Even in adaptations of this proverb, the same order is maintained as in:
(69g). uo:[u ko:sam ko:[i tippalu
For (the sake of) vote, one crore manipulations

In Telugu proverbs, the use of a[[u at the end of participial phrasal sentences is not
uniform and so its usage has to be further investigated. There are some examples
where a[[u is used as a variant for a participial phrasal sentence as given in (70).
There are some other examples where the alternative use of a[[u is not observed,
especially, in interrogatives as given in (71). Furthermore, the same proverb may
have a second type variant which is a[a or [a. (that). In Avadhani, D. V. et al (1974:
211), (70) is given with both a[lu and a[a but not as a participial phrasal sentence.

(70). 672. ku:e: ga:qide uat]t]i me:e:
braying donkey coming grazing
a:qidenu t]eripinadi.
donkey spoiled
The braying donkey came and spoiled the grazing donkeys
business.When the one that was outside brayed, the other that
was inside answered and was consequently discovered and
driven out of the field. (No. 672, p. 122)

In the translation, Carr, sometimes, omits the participle construction for easy
understanding. It should read:

(70a). The braying donkey, coming/having come, spoiled the grazing
donkey.
24

In Avadhani, D. V. et al, it is given as:

(70b). kuse: ga:qidot]t]i me:se: ga:qidenu t]eat]indata! (t]eat]ina[lu)
That means the proverb has become analogical from metaphorical in its
structure in the modern times.

Sometimes, there can be more than one participial phrase as in the following
examples.
(71). 167. a:t]a:rjuni talat]i, nippulo: t]ejji peqite: ka:lada:?
If you think of your spiritual guide and put your hand in the fire, will it
not be burnt? (See No. 761) (No. 167, p. 30)

A faithful translation should read:
(71a). Thinking of the spiritual guide, (and) putting the hand in fire, will (it)
not be burnt?

English, as has already been pointed out, prefers the clausal construction while Telugu
the phrasal construction (See Bhuvaneswar, 2003). Furthermore, the subject is
usually omitted in such constructions where the propositional content is to be
impersonalised for a general application in the context. In this example, there are two
participial phrases.

The choice of the adverbial postposition might be constrained by its structure in the
discourse which results in its various forms. For example, in

(72). A: lak]maqe:qanqi?
Wheres Lakshman?
B: mandini munt]ala. masi:du ka[[a:la
Drown (the) people. Build (the) mosque.
(Bhuvaneswar, 1999)


25
This particular proverb is listed in a different form in Avadhani, et al (1974: 461):
(72a). mandini munt]i masi:du ka[[ina[lu
Drowning people, building a mosque like
Like drowning people, (for) building a mosque.

A few more examples are given below to show the variety in phrases from participial
phrasal sentences.
(73). 407. elukami:di ko:pa:na in[iki t]it]t]u pe[[u konna[[u.
Like getting angry with a rat and setting fire to ones house.
(See No. 53). (No. 407, p. 74)
(74). 546. kariue:pa:ku ko:e:ua:qu ua:gina[[u
Muttering like a man plucking Kari vepa leaves.
Kari vepa is Bergera koenigii and is used in making curries. There is an
idea that the leaves lose their flavour if plucked silently. (No. 546, p. 100)
(75). 576. ka:kulanu ko[[i gaddalaku ue:ina[[u
To kill crows and throw them to the kites.
(See No. 829)
He robs Peter to pay Paul. (No. 576, p. 105)
(76). go:qgu:ralo: t]intaka:ja ue:ina[[u
Like mixing unripe tamarinds with Gogu greens
Gogu or Gongura is the Hibiscus Cannabinus.
A combination of evil person. (No. 817, p. 147)
(77). 1374. pat]t]i uelaga ka:ja gontuna paqqa[[u
Like an unripe wood apple sticking in ones throat
Distress caused by continual worrying. (No. 1374, p. 241)


3. PHRASES FROM DOUBLE SENTENCES

Phrasalization of sentences is not only restricted to simple and phrasal sentences but
also to double sentences. In them, both the sentences are turned into adverbial
phrases and the finite verb is usually ellipted. A few examples are given below.
(78). 1681. manamaqu ne:rt]u konna[[u, auuaku durada ti:rina[[u
The grandson learnt his lesson, and the grand mothers itching was
taken away.
The grandmother made her grandson write the alphabet on her back.
To kill two birds with one stone. (No. 1681, p. 291)
26

(79). 11. andamu t]indina[[u, na:garikamu na]tamajina[[u
His beauty has overflowed, and his politeness has gone.
(See Nos. 12, 16)
Said ironically of an ugly ruffian (No. 11, p.3)

(80). 772. guqipa:mu karit]ina[[u, gaqgigo:uu poqit]ina[[u
The bite of the temple snake, the goring of the sacred cow.
An injury is none the less, though it be inflicted by a relation or friend.
(No. 772, p. 140)

Double and multiple sentential proverbs are a special feature of proverbs where two
different propositions related to a common idea are brought together. When such
sentences are phrasalized at both the sentential levels, we get adverbial phrases from
double sentences as the premodifiers of the adverbial postposition a[[u.

4. PHRASE FROM COMPLEX SENTENCES

In Telugu, ani (that) is an infinite verb form derived from the root (of the verb) anu
and is used as a coordinating conjunction (i..e. coordinator) and a postposition. As a
coordinator, ani joins nominal clauses with other clauses; in addition, it also joins
adverbial clauses expressing cause or purpose with other clauses (see Venkateswarlu,
V. 1982: 621 622, 743 746, 749 50). Another very important function of ani is
in linking the reporting sentence with the main clause in direct speech and the noun
phrase in indirect speech. In indirect speech, ani functions as a postposition in the
formation of noun phrases.
A few examples are given below for illustration.
(81). 1163. dinamu mant]idani tellauar:lu: doqgilina[[u
Trusting to the lucky day the thief let the dawn overtake him.
Taking advantage of liberty (No. 1163, p. 207)

27
Here, the coordinator ani combines the subordinate clause dinamu mant]idi (the
day is auspicious (for stealing)) with the main clause (doqga) tellaua:rlu:
doqgilint]a:qu ((The thief) thieved through out the day). This main clause is further
turned into a phrase:
81a. (doqga) tellaua:rlu: doqgilint]a:qu
The thief through out the day stole
(doqga) tellaua:rlu: d oqgili + a[[u
(The thief) throughout the day stealing + like

> (doqga) doqgilint]i
> (The thief) stealing
> (doqga) ..doqgilina[[u
Like the thief stealing throughout the day
(82). 1456. pilli kanqlu mu:sukoni pa:lu ta:gutunnu
jeuaru: jerugarani jent]ukonna[[u.
Like a cat shutting her eyes, and fancying that no one could
see her drinking the milk.
A man fancying that he is unseen when committing some crime.
(No. 1456, p. 255)

pilli (kanqlu mu:sukoni pa:lu ta:gutunnu) ent]ukondi is the participial phrasal
sentence whose verb ent]ukondi has the simple sentence, (i.e. nominal clause) euaru
erugaru as its object. ani joins this nominal clause with the main clause. The main
clause is further phrasalized and made the complement of a[[u.

(83). 1696. ma:ja:uaramulo: t]euulu ku[[uta:rani, ma:t]auramu
lo:nunt]i t]euulu mu:sukoni po:jina[[u
[Having heard that] they bore in Malayalam, she covered up her ears all
the way from Mayavaram.
(See Nos. 461, 1208)
Mayavaram is near combaconum (No. 1696, p. 293)

ma:jauaramulo: . ku[[uta:ru is the adverbial clause of purpose joined by ani with
28
the main clause: (x) ma:jauaramu po:ja:qu which is further changed into a
phrase and then attached to a[[u as in the previous cases.
(84). 1812. me:lu me:lante:, meqa uiragabaqqa[[u
When they cried Bravo!Bravo! he jumped down and broke his neck
Said of a vain man, who makes a fool of himself to please others
(No. 1812, p. 314)
In this proverb, ani is ellipted since an[e: is itself derived from the verb root anu to
say. Generally, whenever a verb derived from anu is used to report the content in
the direct speech, ani is deleted.
(84a). me:lu me:lu ani an[e: > me:lu mel (u) an[e:
If the reporting verb is not so, ani is not deleted. The translation should read:
(84b). If/when said Good! Good, neck broke like
or
Like the breaking of the neck, if/when (x) said Good! Good.

In the absence of pronouns in the indirect speech, sometimes, it is difficult to say
whether a given utterance is direct or indirect speech since ani is present in both the
forms.

(85). 1982. uini ramman[e:, tini uat]t]ina[[u
When he was sent to find out, he ate and returned
(See No. 537) (No. 1982, p. 343)


The translation should read: (85a) If/When said, listen, (and) come!, eating, (and)
coming like or Like coming back eating, of/when asked to listen (and) come back.



29
(86). 1172. dunna po:tu i:ninadan[e:, du:qanu ka[[i ue:jumanna[[u.
When one said The male buffalo has calved the other replied then tie
up the calf.
(See No. 390). ( No.1172, p. )
(87). 390. eddu ji:nenan[e:, ko[[a:na ka[[amanna[[u.
The bullock has calved [said one] Then tie it up in the shed
[replied the other] (See No. 1172)
Applied to a foolish person. (No. 390, p. 71)

From (84) (87), proverbs containing direct indirect speech as part of them are
mentioned. However, they all contain a[[u in the end.
u. anna[[u in Direct Indirect Speech
There are many proverbs that contain direct-indirect narration. These are similar to
Wellereisms in English. In this class of proverbs, instead of a[[u, like anna[[u like
saying is used at the end. The difference between them (a[[u and anna[[u classes of
proverbs) is that in a[[u class, general social action, while in anna[[u class, specific
lingual action is represented. These proverbs can be monologueic as in (88) (91) or
dialoguic as in (92) (94).
A few examples are given below for illustration.
(88). 843. t]at]t]e: da:ka: bratiki uun[e: penqli t]e:sta:nanna[u.
If you live until I die, Ill get you married.
A jocular saying (No. 843, p. 152)

The translation should read:

(88a). Like saying, If you live until I die. I will get you married
(89). 433. e:qupulo: e:qupu jeqamat]ejji baja[a pe[[umanna[[u.
Show your [withered] left hand and add to their grief.
The story is that after a marriage the bridegroom was found to be a fool,
which caused much regret to the family of the bride. The bridegrooms
friends then told him to show the withered state of his left hand which
he had hitherto concealed.
Making bad matters worse. (No. 433, p. 79)
30

(90). 767. ga:li:lo: di:pamu be[[i deuuqa: ni: mahima t]u:pumanna[[u
Having put the lamp in the wind, he prays O God! Show thy power
(See No. 761) (N0. 767, p. 139)
(91). 766. ga:liki po:jina pe:la pinqi b'agauadarpita manna[[u
Offering to God the flour which had been blown away by the wind.
Let what which is lost be for God.
What the abbot of Bumba cannot eat, he gives away for the good of his
soul. (Spanish). (No. 766, p. 139)
(92). 1821.mokkubae: le:dan[e: , uakka da:sarikajina: pe[[amanna[[u
As you say you have made no vow, feed at least one Dasari.
(for Dasari see No. 111)
Importunity. (No. 1821, p. 315)
(93). 1060. ta:bo:te: maddiga le:dan[e: , peruguku t]i:[ i: ura:jumanna[[u
After being refused butter milk, when he went himself, he ordered
his servant to write for curds.
After being refused a trifling request, to demand authoritatively
something much greater. (No. 1069, p. 189)
(94). 429. e:[lo: uaqka:jalu ka:staua: an[e: ka:staui anna[[u
Like saying Yes when asked whether brinjals grow in the river.
(For brinjal seeNo. 97)
A time server. (No. 429, p. 78)
So far we have seen how different types of social praxis is represented analogically by
explicit lexical items such as sa:mjamu, a:ua[amu, t]andamu, uatt u, uale, sa:mita,
uan[i, and anna[[u in phrases.
Now let us take an example and see how such a proverb is used in real life
conversation and how it functions in the given context.

95 a. Background.
A and B are good friends and respect of each other. A makes a courtesy call on B in
his Office B was at that time the principal of a degree and postgraduate college and
A (myself) a research scholar. During their conversation, B mentions that he had
31
been to Waltair and came back. He was telling A about the changes that Andhra
University wants to implement. At that time the following conversation took place.

b. Conversation:
A: amerikan sistam peqada: manukuntunna:ranqi.
American system put will thinking Sir
(They) want to implement the American system, Sir
B: ade:mi: kudaradanqi.
That what possible not is sir
Nothing is possible of that kind?
e:do: pulint]u:si nakka ua:te[[ukunna[[u
something tiger seeing fox mark putting like
Something, like, seeing a tiger a fox branding
Something, like, seeing a tiger, a fox branding (putting scars on itself)
unnada:nni sariga: t]e:su ko:kunqa:
that which is there rightly doing without
Without setting all right that which is there
unnada:n[lo: tappulu diddukoni ba:ga
being that in mistakes correcting good
t]e:suko:uaqam le:du ga:ni iqka: kot ta
doing not but still new
tappulu t]ejjaqam tappint]i mare:mi: le:du
mistakes doing except still what not

correcting mistakes in what is there (and) making it good is not
there but except still making new mistakes nothing else is there.

By using a[[u like in the proverb pulini t]u:si nakka ua:ta pe[[ukunna[[u , B is
establishing a relationship between two social actions. The first is: Andhra
Universitys attempts to bring about changes in teaching. The second is: A fox trying
to imitate a tiger by putting scars on its body. There is no similarity between Andhra
University and a fox or between American system and a tiger for more detail, see
Searle (1986: 86 89, 90 102) who strongly refutes the similarity theory in
32
comparison. The comparison that is being established is between two actions which
can be grouped together in a relationship: the relationship is categorization of the first
action which is new in terms of an already known action which is culturally
prototypicalized to represent such new actions. In other words, B uses the proverb in
order to challenge my assertion and correct my understanding of the Andhra
University reforms via a categorization of the first action in terms of the second
action. This type of relationship between a proverb and a contextual action is
discussed in detail in Bhuvaneswar (1999 and 2003f). It is called prototype-
categorical instantiation of the contextual action and a number of examples are given
To support this view in Bhuvaneswar (2003g). This method of trying to categorize
human experience in terms of an already known experience is actually an extension of
the basic trait of human beings to see one in terms of another which I call inter-
actional cognitional trait. This is itself a property, the most essential property which
is the efficient cause of creation seeing Consciousness as Differentiated Matter,
Eswara as Srushti, in my Karmik Theory (of Proverb Analysis).

IV. CONCLUSION
1. From an analysis of the different postpositions attached to phrases, we find that
such phrases are extensively used in the formation of proverbs. There are
about 391 such phrases out of the 2700 proverbs listed in Andhra Lokokthi
Chandrika. As such, this is a significant number which cannot be brushed
aside and such phrases should be considered separately as a class by
themselves. If proverbs are assigned such distinctions as metaphorical and
literal, they can equally be assigned another distinction as analogical.
33
2. The postpositions as lexical items convey the meaning of similarity and the
phrases with them in their context function as prototypes categorizing the
contextual action in terms of them (prototypes). The use of such analogical
phrases is a common experience in our daily language of interpreting our
experience.

For example, a simple instance of some naughty boys trying to pluck fruits from a
gooseberry tree and sitting on the wall in spite of warnings from the housemaid who
is not educated at all typically evoked a censure from her in a simile:
(96). ko:tila: ela: ku:t]unna:qo: t]u:qu. digu.
monkey like how sat he see get down.
See how he sat like a monkey. Get down
Going on the road and looking at the colour of the steps of the stairs in Brahmana
Samakhya, Narsapur, a group of very young boys were discussing the colour. One of
the boys identifies the colour of the steps in a simile:
(97). raktam raqgula: undadi
blood colour in is that
That is in the blood like colour.


Such instances can be multiplied innumerably in our daily life. A grown up adult
looked at the unused canvas shoes of her sister and pointed out:
(98). enqu ro:jjila: aji po:jaji
dry shrimp like became
They became like a dry shrimp

In all these cases, there is an attempt at cognising the contextual experience in
terms of an already known experience. The contextual experience is new,
34
sometimes unfamiliar, some times very difficult to comprehend. In such cases, the
cognizers try to experience the new action, to interpret the unfamiliar action, or
comprehend the contextual action in terms of what is known to them, in terms of
their cognitional habits and traits. Cognition of experience of the basic level is
monoactional, i.e. trying to cognize an action as an action only; at a higher level, it
is inter-actional. At this level, it can be simple comparison or contrast, or
metaphorical. At a further level, it can be prototypical. In prototypical cognition,
the individual cognition of experience is standardized at the collective level of the
society and is marked off to assist the individual members to cognize unfamiliar
experience. If we look at the evolution of legendary or mythological proverbs,
this process can easily be inferred. Even the famous quotations of writers have
also evolved into proverbs in this fashion only. For example, a simple practice
such as a barber on the Thirupathi Hill shaving the heads of the devotees partially
and going to other devotees for shaving them is encountered again and again by
the pilgrims. That person who initiated it has initiated it with greed, with a selfish
motive to earn more money at the expense of others inconvenience. It was
continued for long and I am myself was a victim of this practice when I was
young. Somebody observed it and used it to categorize another experience which
is unfamiliar. This is accepted by the people and is transmitted from one person to
another person may be because of its appropriateness to many such contextual
actions. A stage has been reached where it has been known to the many members
of the society as a reference point to categorize action. At such a stage, it becomes
a prototype to categorize action. Later on, it might be polished at all the levels of
phonology, syntax, and vocabulary to make it mnemonic and aesthetic.
Furthermore, if there is a geographical separation, which is a wave, the regional
influences will affect it and modify it. But our concern here is with the cognition
and expression of experience in terms of inter-actional prototypicalization. This
cognition has two important angles to it. The first is the very ability of human
beings to enter into such intellectual enterprise. It is obvious that if they do not
35
have this, they cannot enter into such an enterprise. In that sense, language is
mental action. Again, such inter-actional cognition is not possible without the
presence of such social praxis as in the case of the Thirupathi Hill barber or
natural praxis as in the case of an elephant swallowing a wood apple. In that
sense, language is social action because it is the social or natural praxis that is
responsible for the coinage. There is a catch here: if there is no inter-actional
cognitional ability, there can be no comparison and if there is no social praxis,
there can be no inter-actional processing. Adding fuel to fire, the inter-actional
cognitional process is further controlled by the disposition or tendencies of the
cognizers. For example, an action can be categorized in terms of a particular
prototype which is considered vulgar or humorous or shocking, etc. In such cases,
we get different prototypes to categorize the same experience. In Telugu, such
synonymy is productive. The prototypical experience represented in:
(99). 172. a:qa ne:raka maddela mi:d a tappu t]eppina[[u
Not being able to dance, she abused the drum
A bad workman complains of his tools
An ill sharer never got a hook (scotch). (No. 172, p. 31)

has been recorded with different lexical, and syntactic variations in Avadhani, D. V.
et al (1974:89) as follows in (100) (104).

(100). a:qa le:ka aqgaqam uaqkara anna[[u
Like saying, being unable to dance, the stage is crooked.
(101). a:qale:ka pa:ta gaddelu anna[[u
Like saying, being unable to dance, the ankle-bells are old.
(102). a:qa le:ka maddela ua:nipai go:qu po:sukonn[lu
Like complaining about the drummer, being unable to dance.
(103). a:qa le:namma maddela o:qanna[[u
Like a woman unable to dance, saying the drum is spoiled.
(104). a:qa le:ni bo:gamudi maddelapai baqi ko[[u konna[lu
Like a Bogum woman unable to dance falling on the drum and beating
it.

36
In my place (West Godavari District of Andhra Pradesh) the proverb is generally
heard as:

(105). a:qale:ka maddela o:qanna[[u
Like, unable to dance, saying the drum is spoiled (i.e. literally torn
out)

This proverb has an equivalent in an entirely different vulgar social praxis as in:

*(106). deqgale:ka pu:koqkaranna:[[a
Unable to fuck, he said that the cunt is crooked.
[* This is a very rude proverb which is totally unacceptable in polite
conversation. I quote this here risking censure]

It has a lesser vulgar but humourous equivalent in:

(107). ba:panajja, ba:panajja daqqunista:ua an[e:
i: ue:[a uarjdjam / ukraua:ram po: anna[[a
If/When said, Oh, Brahmin, Oh Brahmin will you give (your) stick
(i.e. male genital), he said, Today is vardjyam /Friday. Go!
[uardjam is the inauspicious time during the day; Friday is an
auspicious day when people observe religious vows].


How can we motivate the choice of these proverbs in their variety? Both the
Chomskyan and Hallidayan models have a different framework and it is difficult
to motivate the choice of standard vs vulgar proverbs. The Systemic Functional
Linguistic model can only give these variations as options and has no mechanism
to motivate the choice in a functional perspective without considering the
disposition or character of the speakers. As the svabhavam ((disposition) which is
a complex of gunam (behavour), and vasana (impressions or habits) is, so will be
the choice of the cognition. A man with vulgar behaviour will think in a vulgar
way; as he thinks in a vulgar way, he chooses vulgar social praxis; as he further
chooses it, he represents it in a vulgar proposition. This vulgar proposition is
prototypicalized and turned into a proverb. This process is at the propositional
level. That is meaning is anushangikally (i.e., the effect inheriting the properties
37
of the cause in a karya-karana sambandham (cause-effect relation)) derived from
svabhavam. Such svabhavam is derived from tamas which is the result of karma
(i.e. the fruit of ones previous actions). In other words, as a person performs
action, he reaps the result of such action from the samskara (mental impression)
which becomes vasana (strong mental impression that impels action without a
precedent or an antecedent cause) which produces vulgar action to experience its
effect to be rebuked or avoided or branded as rude, etc. as the karma phalam.
For this meaning to be conveyed, it has to be in a pattern. The choice of the
pattern can be analogical or metaphorical as observed in the case of (70) and
(70b). Here, vasana determines the choice according to the guna. Again, this
pattern is also derived in a similar a way. But for a pattern to take shape, there
should be words. Again, the words are also chosen in the same way. So also its
phonation in a particular stress and intonation. All this processing is karmik as in
the karma srushti model (gradual evolution) or in yugapath srushti model
(simultaneous creation). In terms of modern psychology, the formation of such a
proverb is social psychological in its processing and automaticity oriented in its
production in conversation.

In such a view of mine, language is considered impressional (vasanaic),
cognitional representational action of actions and proverbs are impressional,
prototypical, cognitional representational actions of actions. I call this Karmik
Theory of Proverbs. I developed this model since it not only accounts for the
motivation and choice of proverbs but also offers a unified theory that integrates
form, function, and meaning into a single model. Form is the gross manifestation
of its pattern which is the subtle manifestation of its meaning which is the causal
manifestation of the svabhavam which is the phalam (fruit) of the karma of the
individual. It is only One, that is the Consciousness (chith), that stirs Its Prakruthi
(Energy) from Its unmanifest nadam into manifest sabdam in a patterned structure
to semiotically represent meaning. In a way, this is itself a categorial
38
transformation as in the famous E = mc
2
equation of Einstein and accounts for a
unified theory of classical and quantum linguistics (mechanics) of proverbs.
Quantum linguistics is like karmik linguistics while classical linguistics like
formal & functional.

A detailed discussion of the theory is beyond the scope of this paper and it will
suffice to know that the structure which is the spoken or written utterance (called
vaikhari or sthula sarira) is the material manifestation of its pattern (called
madhyama or sukshma sarira) which is the subtle manifestation of its cause
(called pasyanthi or karana sarira) which is itself a product of svabhavam.
Hence, it is one becoming the other in the manner of a person becoming an actor
becoming a character (or role) in a drama. (For a detailed discussion of Karmik
Theory see Bhuvaneswar, 2003).

In conclusion, it is shown that, first analogical proverbs are significant in their
number which warrants a separate classification of them; second, there is explicit
syntactic evidence in the postpositional endings for a prototype-categorial
instantiation of action; third, the formation of the proverbs is anushangik; fourth,
the psycholinguistic evolution of proverbs is from mono-actional to inter-actional
cognition; and fifth, language can be explained in a unified theory.






39
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