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The sherds of pottery that litter the site of Deir el-medina bear testimony to the work of potters who supplied the village with ceramic vessels. These potters belonged to the service staff of the village and were thus employees of the'state' in order to fulfil their obligations they were required to deliver units (b3kw) of ceramics to the village on a regular basis.
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Woodcutters, Potters and Doorkeepers Service Personnel of the Deir El Medina Workmen
The sherds of pottery that litter the site of Deir el-medina bear testimony to the work of potters who supplied the village with ceramic vessels. These potters belonged to the service staff of the village and were thus employees of the'state' in order to fulfil their obligations they were required to deliver units (b3kw) of ceramics to the village on a regular basis.
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The sherds of pottery that litter the site of Deir el-medina bear testimony to the work of potters who supplied the village with ceramic vessels. These potters belonged to the service staff of the village and were thus employees of the'state' in order to fulfil their obligations they were required to deliver units (b3kw) of ceramics to the village on a regular basis.
Copyright:
Attribution Non-Commercial (BY-NC)
Formatos disponibles
Descargue como PDF, TXT o lea en línea desde Scribd
JAC. J. JANSSEN ELIZABETH FROOD MAREN GOECKE-BAUER NEDERLANDS INSTITUUT VOOR HET NABIJE OOSTEN LEIDEN 2003 ever, s not ;utter s IV, may goat, .re is - that 1 this Is it range )fthe more )fthe ;. For :rtain icribe ~ u r e s . elves ty of lin is : they mses have than le, in llcha f the THE POTTERS: ORGANIZATION, DELIVERY, AND PRODUCT OF WORK' Elizabeth Frood The sherds of pottery that litter the site of Deir el-Medina, and the thousands of these sherds that were used as writing material, bear testimony to the work of potters who supplied the village with ceramic vessels. These potters belonged to the service staff of the village and were thus employees of the 'state'. In order to fulfil their obligations they were required to deliver units (b3kw) of ceramics to the village on a regular basis. In this paper I examine the records of the deliveries made by these potters in order to evaluate aspects of their work and deliveries during the 19 th and 20 th Dynasties in a manner complementary to the other studies in this volume. I divide my discussion into four sections. The first section surveys the texts available concerning the potters and their dating. Section 2 concentrates on the documentation of aspects of the organization of the potters' work and their interactions with the community. The third section evaluates the actual deliveries and delivery patterns of the potters. The nature of the b3kw of the potter is examined and deficits or short-falls in delivery are traced. The vessels themselves are analysed in section 4. The implications of the occurrence of three vessel types in the 'potter texts' are discussed. Research in this area has been necessarily limited, and the potential for further research on the classification of vessel-types is emphasized. Paul Nicholson has postulated several organizational levels of the potting industry in ancient Egypt. Potteries were attached to all major state institutions, including temples and palaces. Study of the documentation enumerating the deliveries of the potters of Deir el-Medina illuminates some aspects of organization of this 'state-level' industry, specifically the production of vessels for those involved with royal building projects. I However, the nature of the sources concerning these individuals imposes limitations upon any analysis. The differences between the methods of 19 th recording deliveries in the and 20 th Dynasties and the variations that occur within the different textual categories themselves have significant implications when examining the nature of the deliveries or the organization of the work. 1 Sources for pottery deliveries l.1ldentifYing potters The artisans responsible for the supply of ceramic vessels to the community of Deir el-Medina were termed p3 qd, variously written as IT1'5l, [HlI]Jft, [Hli, and n ~ . This term can alternatively mean 'builder,2 and these two potential meanings can create confusion, as noted by both T. Eric I am very grateful to Jac. J. Janssen who provided the inspiration for this work and has been very generous with his time and advice during my initial research and in the course of recent revision. This paper was initially presented as a component of a Master of Arts degree completed at The University of Auckland, New Zealand, in 1998 under the guidance of Anthony Spalinger. This work could not have been undertaken without his advice and support. Jaromir Malek, Diana Magee, and Elizabeth Miles provided patient and helpful guidance through the resources of the Griffith Institute, Oxford. During the revisions of the paper I was most fortunate to be able to discuss the material with John Baines and Lynn Meskel!. My thanks to Rob Demaree for his invaluable suggestions and advice. I 'The Pottery Workshop at Q 48.4 at Tell el-Amarna', in Ateliers de potiers et productions ceramiques en Egypte, ed. P. Ballet (Cairo, 1992),70. 2 Jrb. V, 72-73. .. 30 POTTERS Peet and Jac. J. Janssen. J Potential difficulties in translation can be resolved if the term p3 qd, or j( an individual known to hold that title, is associated with a vessel delivery. Moreover, the activity Ii of builders was not generally recorded in the Deir el-Medina data, particularly when compared rr with the numerous references to the delivery of pottery by people termed p. qd. One exception to at this is the recto of P. Turin 1923, 2-3 where p. ~ r y qd ... n pr jmn came to take measurements d and make calculations for the construction of a well near the Necropolis. 4 Here the translation 'the tt master builder ... of the domain of Amun' is appropriate. The meaning 'builder' in this text is 0: exceptional; the individual was associated with the temple workforce rather than the workmen's village. The status of qd as builder is, therefore, related to a different work organization. The title (try qd is not otherwise attested in any context concerning potters. It can be concluded that the title qd, when occurring with reference to events in or deliveries to Deir el-Medina, generally d refers to a potter. s si aJ 1.2 Categories oftexts tt My discussion of the categories of text I use as sources follows the model provided by Janssen in the preceding paper (see above p. 2). I treat some texts that do not appear to correspond to any one of these categories at the end of this section. In comparison with the texts concerning wood deliveries, there are significantly fewer sources concerning pottery. I have identified 90 ostraca that record deliveries of unfilled ceramic-ware, although I argue that some of these may not be connected to the smdt-potters. To these sources can be added diverse papyrus documents, one from the end of the 19 th and several from the later 20 th Dynasty, some of which do not fit easily into any category. The largest numbers of sources for pottery delivery are Joumal-of-the-Necropolis texts 01 (Janssen's Category A). The series ofjournal ostraca documenting the final years of Ramesses III and the first two years of Ramesses IV provide the most complete account of ceramic deliveries; I p have identified 28 ostraca in this group. The nature of the data included in these texts changed al over time and from scribe to scribe. 6 It is nevertheless possible to use this evidence to trace w patterns of delivery and deficit and to gain some insight into the nature of each delivery, although Q the contents of the deliveries themselves are rarely enumerated. d Journal papyri from the later 20 th Dynasty provide further information about supply, often detailing the contents of the delivery and the name of the potter. However, these journals are extremely fragmentary. Even in the documents from the best attested reign, that of Ramesses IX, only eight years are represented, and most fragments, except for the comparatively substantial s( 3 T. E. Peet, The Great Tomb-Robberies of the Twentieth Egyptian Dynasty, reprint (Oxford, 1930), I, 96, 7, s( 102 n. 41, noted the potential ambiguity of the title in P BM 10068, translating qd Wenennefer and qd Bakenmut as 'builders' and qd 'Ahawy as a potter. See also J. J. Janssen, Commodity Prices in the Ramessid Period: An Economic Study of the Village of Necropolis Workmen at Thebes (Leiden, 1975),40 n. 8, in reference to a qd Herunefer. Manfred Gutgesell, Die Datierung der Ostraka und Papyri aus Deir 5 el-.Hedineh ind ihre okonomische Interpretation I: Die 20. Dynastie, Hildesheimer Agyptologische 8 Beitrage 18 (Hildesheim, 1983),219, misunderstands the title and includes p:; jqd in his list of workers' names. E 4 R. Ventura, 'On the Location of the Administrative Outpost of the Community of Workmen in Western 1( Thebes', JEA 73 (1987), 149-60. II 5 For discussion of the orthography and textual context of qd, including texts from Deir el-Medina, see P.F. Donnan, Faces in Clay: Technique, Imagery and Allusion in a Corpus ofCeramic Sculpture from Ancient Egypt, Milnchner Agyptologische Studien 52 (Mainz, 2002), 87-99. h 6 J. J. Janssen, 'Appendix: the "Journal of the Necropolis" Ostraca from the Reign of Ramesses Ill', in j\ Village Voices: Proceedings of the Symposium "Texts from Deir el-Medfna and their Interpretation" Leiden. May 3J-June I. 1991, ed. R. J. Demaree and A. Egberts, CNWS Publications 13 (Leiden, 1992), a 1: 91. ( d, or ivity ared )ll to lents 'the xt is len's title t the rally en in ) any ~ i O o d ,traca ot be , one :asily texts es III ies; I ,nged trace ough often s are :8 IX, mtial 96,7, nd qd 'n the 5),40 , Deir ;ische rkers' estern :P.F. 'ient n', in ation" [992), CATEGORlES OF TEXTS 31 journal from year 17, do not record more than 20 days. 1 The data available for these deliveries are limited and it is difficult to draw firm conclusions. Differences in the data provided by these texts may be related to different function. The papyrus texts were probably drawn up for the central administration while ostraca were used by the local authorities; the two contexts required different levels of detail and types of information. Other papyrus documentation is available from this period in the form of payment texts and house lists, illuminating aspects of the potters' organization and situation. The other numerically significant textual category for pottery delivery is Janssen's Category E, 19 th the Dynasty lists which record quantities of ceramics alongside food and fuel, and occasionally other items including tools and implements. Janssen suggests that these ostraca document deliveries that were later recorded in the journal ostraca and papyri, providing significant comparative data for these texts. 8 The 29 ostraca recording pottery enumerate variable amounts of a number of different vessel types, perhaps providing clues to the nature of the b;kw, the term used to record units of ceramics delivered in journal and account ostraca. Important supplementary and complementary data is found in a small group of account ostraca from the 19 th and perhaps the very beginning of the 20 th Dynasties which record the activities of individual potters, sometimes alongside those of the woodcutters (Categories B, B I, Cl). These accounts detail deliveries and, more commonly, deficits, often giving the names of the vessels and amounts involved, data that were not generally included in the journal ostraca. In comparison with the texts concerning, for example, woodcutters (see above pp. 12-15), fishermen,9 and laundrymen,lO potters are rarely named (see Appendix); two of the texts I include in these categories are anonymous although I argue that there is sufficient evidence to assign them to a B or C category. Those that are less clear are included in Category D, discussed below. O. IFAO 387 (unpubl.), O. Qurna 61811, O. DeM 91, and O. Berlin P 10840 (Hierati.sche Papyrus Berlin III, pI. 32; KRII, 368)11 are accounts of the deficits incurred by the potters Menna and Nakhy during the early 19 th Dynasty. O. IFAO 387 records deficits of both these potters, while O. Qurna 61811 records the deficit of just Menna. The other two texts are not so clear. O. Qurna 618/1 belongs to Category C, while I assign the other three to Category B, but see the discussion in 2.2 below. Three accounts from the late 19 th and early 20 th Dynasties record deliveries made by the potters Ptahemheb and Neferher, once together in one text and twice alone, along with accounts of wood deliveries. They are hence assigned to categories Bl (0. Cairo 25591; O. Cairo 25633) and Cl (0. DeM 343).12 Although the identity of the potter in O. DeM 346 is not stated, deliveries are made on two separate days to the scribe Amenemope, known as a srndt-scribe of Right. 13 The delivery to this scribe may indicate that the text refers to the supply of pottery by a single individual, hencc its 7 D. Valbelle, "Les ouvriers de la Tombe": Deir el-Medineh a!'epoque ramesside, I3dE 96 (Cairo, 1985), 53, table I. 8 Commodity Prices, 485. 9 J. 1. Janssen, Village Varia: Ten Studies on the History and Administration of DeiI' el-Medina, Egyptologisehe Uitgaven 11 (Leiden, 1997),38-46. to J. J. Janssen and R. M. Janssen, 'The Laundrymen of the Theban Necropolis', ArOr 70 (2002), 12. 1I ,.fgyptens Aufttieg zur Weltmacht (Mainz, 1987),202, cat. 121; Les artistes de Pharaon: Deir el-Medineh et la Vallee des Rots (Paris, 2002), 104, cat. 41. 12 Pierre Grandet recently published further texts connected with these potters (Catalogue des ostraca hieratiques non litteraires de Deir el-MMimih IX). O. DeM 868 records deliveries of Ptahemhcb and Neferher as well as Hori and Parahotep. Deliveries by Hori are also recorded in O. DeM 869. These texts are included in the tables on pp. 36-7 and in an addendum to the end of this chapter. 13 B. G. Davies, Who's Who at Deir el-Medina: A Prosopographic Study of the Royal Workmen's Community, Egyptologische Uitgaven 13 (Leiden, 1999),284. I 32 POTTERS tentative inclusion in Category C. 14 In contrast, O. DeM 135 records the delivery of two unnamed potters so the text is included in Category B. My Category D consists of 13 ostraca that do not include names, and in which the numbers of potters referred to is unclear. Two of these texts warrant further discussion. The recto of O. DeM 143 records deficits of wood deliveries for two woodcutters and so is assigned by Janssen to Category B 1 (above p. 2). The verso, which is entirely a pottery account, includes no names, so I have assigned it to my Category D. O. Strasbourg H 26 15 does not refer explicitly to vessel types; the recto only gives dates and notes of supply 'by the hand of' unnamed individuals as 'complete (mJ:t)'; this form of text has a parallel in the recto of O. Gardiner 80 (HO 61/ 4). On the verso of O. Strasbourg H 26 the text may record 'deficit of the [potter)' (1. 4), although the end of the line is broken away; qd was restored by Jaroslav Cerny (Nb 35.61).16 I include this text as a pottery account although its status remains uncertain (see section 3.7). O. Cairo 25704, assigned to Category D, is also problematic and may not record a pottery delivery (see section 2.3). Among my remaining sources, O. DeM 73 concerns a legal dispute over the hiring of a donkey (Janssen's Category F). The verso of 0. Berlin P 10654 (unpubl.) seems to refer to the firing of vessels in ten day periods (see 3.4). 0. DeM 337 and O. BM 50728 17 may concern the distribution of vessels to workmen. O. BM 50728 is problematic and is discussed at greater length in sections 2.3 and 4.2. A potter is included at the end of a list of smdt in O. IFAO 351 (unpubl.; rto, 2), following a gardener and a doorkeeper. Line 3 begins with the word 'vessels' (qr/:u) but the rest is lost. It is unclear whether this text refers to a delivery; the list of smdt in lines 1-2 may indicate that it is associated with an aspect of organization. O. Cairo 25597 records the distribution of 'bundles' to members of the smdt, including a potter. Tassign these texts to my Category G, texts that are related to the organization and distribution of the potter's work, rather than explicitly enumerating delivery. These categories are necessarily artificial; the contents of the texts in each category are often complementary and the relationship between them unclear. The fragmentary nature of many of the texts must also be kept in mind (see above p. 2). I do not claim that my categories reflect any ancient administrative system of recording. We have little access to any such broader 'systems' in the material. Any division of the documentation concerning potters into these 'classes' or 'categories' can impose certain expectations about individual texts.1S Such a division is, however, a useful tool in analysing the texts and understanding their potential and limitations for illuminating aspects of the organization and deliveries of the potters. 1.3 Dating oftexts My criteria for dating the texts again follows those presented by Janssen for the woodcutters (see above p. 3) and I have modelled the tables in this section upon those he has developed. As in Janssen's tables, I present the texts in six lists, with the seventh reserved for undatable texts. Discussions of the dates of individual ostraca and papyri by Manfred GutgeseU l9 and Benedict 14 If, as I argue in 2.2, there was usually only one potter assigned to eaeh side of the crew. 15 Yvan Koenig, Les ostraca hieratiques inMits de fa Bibliotheque Nationale et Universitaire de Strasbourg, DFIFAO 33 (Cairo, 1997), pI. 7-8. 16 Koenig, by contrast, tentatively restores nty, ibid., pI. 8. 17 R. J. Demaree, Ramesside Ostraca (London, 2002), pI. 124-5. 18 There is often a fine line between 'account' texts and 'journals'. The guide of Janssen, 'Appendix: the "journal of the necropolis" ostraea from the reign of Ramesses III', 92-4 provides my criteria for classifying the journal documentation from this reign. 19 Die Datierung del' Ostraka und Papyri aus DeiI' el-Medineh und ihre iikonomische interpretation I: Die 20. Dynastie, Hildesheimer Agyptologische Beitrage 18 (Hildesheirn, 1983); id., Die Datienmg del' Ostraka und Papyri aus DeiI' el-Medilleh iI: Die Ostl'aka der 19. Dynastie, Hildesheimer Agyptologische Beitragc 44 (Hildesheirn, 20(2). Da\ ther corr fran 20, inch datil Catf exce nam acco Grot Dym Grot who! GrOl 0.0. 0.0. .0.Dj O. Pe O. D< O.Dc ! o. Tu O.Or IO.Tu I ~ ro.n; f- 20 Davi 21 See Pracee C.J.E' 22 ibid.: DieDa 23 Gutg 24 ibid., 25 ibid., med rs of DeM ~ n to ,so I {pes; plete so of ~ line Ittery ~ d to nkey flg of ution :tions D,2), 'est is licate on of texts icitly often fly of :t any 1s'in s' or 'ever, s for , (see As in texts. ledict re de x: the ifying I: Die g der $ische DATING OF TEXTS 33 Davies 20 are noted. Since many of the sources for pottery deliveries also deal with fuel supply, there is some overlap in the data. Despite this, I feel these tables provide useful points of comparison with those for the woodcutters. Presenting the texts in this way also establishes a framework and reference points for the analysis that follows. I have expanded Janssen's group I to include earlier years of Ramesses III, beginning with year 20, in order to incorporate some account ostraca dated to these years. At the end of group I, I include 2 journal texts dated to year 5 of Ramesses IV (0. DeM 655; 656). Group II includes texts dating to the reign of Sety L As with the woodcutter documents, this group consists mainly of Category E texts; O. Cairo 25704, a Category D text dated to the wl;tm-mswt of Sety I, is the only exception?l Group III contains texts dated to the reign of Ramesses II, largely on the basis of names. In accordance with Davies' discussion of the year 9 date in O. Berlin P 10840, the accounts of Menna and Nakhy could date to either Sety I or Ramesses 11.22 I include them in Group III. I have identified a smaller number of accounts and journal texts from the late 19 th Dynasty (Group IV) and three texts that possibly date to the reign of Ramesses III (Group V). Group VI, as in Janssen's list, contains mainly papyrus documents from the later 20 th Dynasty whose diverse contents means that they cannot be easily assigned to textual categories. ! Group I ! yr : o. Gardiner 80 (HO 611 4) yr 21 ! O. DeM l43vso yr 2424 : O. Petrie 50 (HO 1911) yr25W O. DeM 169 + O. Berlin P 12633 yr25 W ! O. DeM 35 yr28W A I A O. Turin 57153 yr26 O. Or. Inst. Chicago 16998 (unpub!') yr26 D ! yr27 A A A yr27 yr 28 A O. DeM 156 . - ~ D O. Strasbourg H 26 yr 29 25 20 Davies. Who's Who. 21 See S. Wimmer, 'Hieratische Palaographie: zur Datierung der nicht-literarischen Ostraka', in Proceedings of the Seventh International Congress ofEgyptologists, Cambridge, 3 ~ 9 September 1995, cd. C. J. Eyre (Leuven, 1998), 1230-31, for discussion of the dating of this text. 22 ibid., 124, contra Gutgesell, who dates O. IFAO 387 and o. DeM 91 to the latter half of the 19 th Dynasty, Die Datierung, Die Ostraka del' 19. Dynastie, 49,146. 23 Gutgesell, Die Datierung, 20. Dynastie, 102. 24 ibid., 368. 25 ibid., 120. 34 POTTERS 10. DeM 165 0. DeM 154 0. DeM 157 0, DeM 159 I O,DeM 36 IO.DeM 37 i i 0. DeM 166 I O.DeM 153 i 0. DeM 38 .0.DeM39 0. Berlin P 12631 0, DeM 40 + 0. Strasbourg H 42 0. OeM 41 0,DeM43 0. DeM47 0, Berlin P 12641 + 12628 0, DeM 160 0, Strasbourg H 5 0, DeM 161 -:- Strasbourg H 82 0. DeM44 0. DeM45 0, Gardiner 113 (liO 7311) 0, Cairo 25597 0. DeM 655 .0, DeM 656 I Group II 0, DeM 1-19 O. DeM22 26 ibid., 123. 27 ibid., 36. 28 ibid., 47-8. yr 30 26 D yr31 W A yr 31 W I A yr 31 A yr 31 I A yr 31 yr 31 W27 I yr31!2W yr 32 yr 32/1 yr1 yr1 yr1 yr1 yr1 yr1 yr 1W 28 A A A A A A A A A A A I A yrlW A yr 1/2 A yr2 A yr2 A yr2 G yr5 A yr5 A I E E I I 0,D1 I 10.Dl 0.01 10.01 I 0. Or ~ I F [ Grou] ! i O,De l ~ ~ r ~ Io.J; r-::--= 0. Del ! Groul O,Del 0. Cai 10. Cai 10. Del i O. Del 29 Davi }O ibid., Ramesl 31 ibid.. 32 For Ostrak. DATING OF TEXTS 35 .O.DeM23 ! . O.DeM28 O.DR5 I E O.DR6 i E O.DR7 O.DR8 O. Or. Inst. Chicago 18878 (unpubl.) I O. Gardiner 43 (HO 26/ 2) I o. Cairo 25704 yr2 i Group III O. DeM 91 O. Berlin P 10840 yr 9 Sety IIRamesses rr29 I O. IFAO 387 (unpubl.) ! O. Qurna 618/1 O. DeM623 O. BM 50728 O. DeM202 i Group IV O. DeM606 E E E E ! D ! B B B C D G 30 A 32 I Bl O. Cairo 25591 O. Cairo 25633 Bl O. DeM 343 yr6 Cl I o. DeM 868 yr6 C I 29 Davies, Who's Who, 124. 30 ibid., 219 n. 201. Gutgesell considers the dating of this text very uncertain but inclines towards year 2 of Ramesses II, Die Datierung, Die Ostraka der 19. Dynastie, 47. 3] ibid., 159. 32 For the scribes mentioned in this text, see Davies, PVho's Who, 127; Gutgesell, Die Datierung. Die Ostraka der 19. Dynastie, 91. 36 POTTERS O. DeM 869 yr6 B O. DeM 135 B i P. Greg (P. UC 34336) yrs 5-7 Siptah A I o. Cairo 25593 D Group V O. Michaelides 33 (OM, pi. 67) Ramesses m33 A= P. Turin 1961 Ramesses III 34 O. DeM 416 Ramesses IIIIIV 35 D Group VI P. Turin 1880 yT 29 Ramesses III O. DeM346 Ramesses IV_y36 C O. Gardiner 145 (unpuhl.) yr 1 Ramesses y37 D? ! P. Turin 2044 (unpuhl.) yr 1 Ramesses yJ8 P. Turin 2081+2095 (unpuhl.) mid 20 th Dynasty39 O. Berlin 10654 (unpubl.) late 20 th Dynasty40 G I P. Turin 20701133, 134 +, rto late 20 th Dynasty4J A I P. Turin 2014 (unpuhl.) late 20 th Dynasty42 P. Turin 1881 + yr 7 Ramesses IX P. Turin 1900+ yrs 4-9 Ramesses IX P. Turin 20711224 [140] yr 10 Ramesses IX 43 . year yr 17 Ramesses IX 33 Gutgesell, Die Datierung, 20. Dynastie, 253. 34 ibid., 309-12. For the numbering of this papyrus, see J. J. IanssenJorthcoming. 35 ibid., 369. 36 Davies, Who's Who, 284, contra Gutgesel1, who dates the text to Ramesses II, Die Datierung, Die Ostraka der 19. Dynastie, 159. 37 Gutgesell, Die Dalierung, 20. Dynastie, 77-8. 38 ibid., 256. 39 Janssen, Commodity Prices, 98; Gutgesell, Die Datier/mg, 20. Dynastie, 227-32. 40 ibid., 442. 41 ibid., 242. 42 Janssen and Janssen, 'The Laundrymen of the Theban Necropolis', 5 n. 30. 43 Kitchen, RIVI, 637-38. . O. GI: ' I F l O. IFi O.Ca ~ i O.De 2 Th 2.1 Th Accou of the the de interes largel) throug virtual archae ethnoa The of the identif Dynas1 therefc notes f 44 The ( the late 45 One 1 records that the single ( potters' context. 46 Rapp pub/iqu g. Die THE ORGANIZATION OF WORK AND DELIVERY 37 P. Turin 1898+ yr 3 Ramesses X P. Turin 1888 yr 1 Ramesses XI i yrs 8-10 Ramesses XI Anonymous Turin fragment (Cerny MSS 3.616) Group VII O. Gardiner 88 (HO 5511) O. DeM703 O. DeM337 O. IFAO 245 (unpub!.) I O.lFAO 351 . O. CaIro 25245 i O. DeM 871-3 D i D G 44 D G D i G 2 The organization of work and delivery 2.1 The evidence for workshops Account texts in particular provide important clues for understanding aspects of the organization of the potters' work, including the number of potters delivering at anyone time, supervision of the deliveries, and distribution of the vessels to the workmen. However, since the scribes were interested primarily in documenting the receipt or deficit of the pottery, such information is largely based on inference. Although it is possible to identify stages within the delivery process through the documentation, evidence for the organization of the pottery workshops themselves is virtually non-existent. 45 Hypotheses about the workshops can be made from limited archaeological data and by analogy with the evidence for the pottery industries at el-Amarna and ethnoarchaeological research. The written sources are almost devoid of information concerning the location of the workshops of the potters of Deir el-Medina and the archaeological evidence is ambiguous. Bernard Bruyere 18 uJ identified what he considered wasters from a potter's workshop on the exterior of the Dynasty village at the base of the wall of Thutmose I, beneath the 19 th Dynasty house SE 1. He therefore assumed that most pottery production occurred within the village itself. 46 Nicholson notes that most of the private home complexes at el-Amarna had pottery kilns, implying domestic 44 The dating of this text is very uncertain, but Gutgesell considers it to be from the reign of Ramesses II or the late 19 th Dynasty, Die Datierung. Die Ostraka der 19. Dynastie, lOS, n. 95. 45 One text may refer to the work of the potter in making vessels. The verso of O. Berlin P 10654 (unpubl.) records the potter 'fashioning (qd)' vessels on days 10,20 and 30 of II 1bt and day 10 of III 1bt. It may be that these dates are the days on which the shaping or firing of the ceramics occurred. The recording of single days favours the interpretation that the text records firing events. However, little else about the potters' work can be inferred from this text. A translation ofthis text is provided in section 3.3 in another context. 46 Rapport sur les fouilles de Deir el Medineh (1934-1935): Troisieme Partie: Le village, les dfJcharges publiques. fa station de repos du col de la Valtee des Rots, IFAO (Cairo, 1939), 264, 341. -- : 38 POTTERS production of some simple forms alongside those produced in the kilns of the state-controlled the workshops.47 There is no further evidence for such a practice at Deir el-Medina. Dominique con Valbelle also assumed that the potters worked close to the village,48 but there is no archaeological evidence for workshops in the vicinity. 2.2 Rostislav Holthoer's survey of New Kingdom kiln sites does not include any at Deir el Thn Medina. However, he did record a kiln associated with a 19 th to 22 00 Dynasty habitation to the left time of the road between Deir el-Medina and Medinet Habu. This kiln is small, being only 11Ocm wide invc and 70cm high, and may be considered too small for the considerable production levels of the orga Deir el-Medina potters. 49 Nicholson has also noted that the kilns identified by Holthoer at el char Amarna were in fact ovens associated with different industries. 5o This casts some doubt over t e x t ~ Holthoer's identifications. It is also uncertain how far el-Amarna is comparable to Deir el IS p< Medina. expl Some textual evidence may indicate that the workshops were located some distance from the S( village. The service staff of Deir el-Medina was generally regarded as 'of the outside', their (unp deliveries perhaps made to 'the gatehouse of the necropolis', p; lJtm n p; lJr from a location DeM external to the village itself, although this is nowhere stated in a text concerning pottery but t delivery.51 A workshop location on the floodplain also seems appropriate, in view of the ostra quantities of water required by potteries. The town register on the verso ofP. BM 10068, dated to the d year 12, probably of Ramesses XI, seems to support such a location. 52 Three potters are included Ar in the list of houses centred on Medinet Habu; two of these, rAhawy and Bakenmut, are known sumn from contemporaneous journal papyri. The potter r Ahawy 'of the tomb' is also included among Pash( those receiving grain who 'belong to every house [within] the enclosure wall of the temple of Ipuy. Usermaatre meriamun.' These 'houses' are not necessarily to be equated with their workshops. relati< Potteries are generally regarded as unpleasant and anti-social operations, requiring their on th location on the outskirts of settlements. 53 Such an assumption may sometimes be based on actior imposition of modern concepts of pollution. Although the pottery workshop at el-Amarna was on delivf the outskirts of the main city area,54 there is ethnographic evidence for pottery workshops sited crew within residential areas. 55 Be that as it may, the location of the pottery workshops which supplied Left. s whetl1 defici' work, 47 'The Firing of Pottery', in An Introduction to Ancient Egyptian Pottery, eds D. Arnold and 1. Bourriau seem (Mainz, 1993), 113; Nicholson, 'The Pottery Workshop at Q 48.4 at Tell e1-Amarna', 67. The S1 48 Ouvriers, 265. e x a m ~ 49 New Kingdom Pharaonic Sites: The Pottery, ed. T. Siive-Soderbergh, vol. 5:1, The Scandanavian joint twom expedition to sudanese Nubia (Copenhagen, Oslo, Stockholm, 1977),22. as one 50 'The Firing of Pottery', 112. Evidence of pottery kilns was also found behind the mortuary temple of side OJ Amenhotep son of Hapu: A. Varille and C. Robichon, 'Quatre nouveaux temples Thebains', CdE 10 (1935), L It has been suggested that these kilns were a component of the industrial area which operated put the on behalf of the mortuary temples: 1. D. Bourriau, P. T. Nicholson, and P. 1. Rose, 'Pottery', in Ancient The Egyptian Materials and Technology, eds P. T. Nicholson and I. Shaw (Cambridge, 2000), 139-40. found 5l See for example, Giornale of year 17 of Ramesses IX (Botti and Peet, pI. 14), rto, B I, 1112, with 1. seem t Cemy, A Community of Workmen at Thebes in the Ramesside period, BdE 50 (Cairo, 1973), 184-5, but see 25591 now Janssen, section 8. For discussion of the role of the p, I:Jtm n p, I:Jr see, for example, R. Ventura, 'On (the) p the Location of the Administrative Outpost of the Conununity of Workmen in Western Thebes', JEA 73 (1987), 14960. 52 J. J. Janssen, 'A New Kingdom Settlement: The Verso of Pap. BM 10068', AOF 19 (1992), 8-23. 56A.L 53 P.T. Nicholson and H. L. Patterson, 'Pottery Making in Upper Egypt: An Ethnoarchaeological Study', Worksh World Archaeology 17 (1985), 226. For a negative description of the potters' trade in a literary text 1983), : transmitted within Deir el-Medina, see W. Heick, Die Lehre des Dw;-M}, KAT (Wiesbaden, 1970),53-58, 57 This IX. of this t 54 'The pottery workshop at Q 48.4 at Tell el-Amarna', 61. 58 Hene, 55 Nessim Henry Henein, Poterie et potiers d 'Al-Qasr, oasis de Dakhla, BdE 116 (Cairo, 1997). 124.Fo trolled Imque ogical eir el he left tlwide of the at el- It over eir e1 )m the , their tcation )ottery of the ated to eluded known among Iple of IpS. ~ their jed on .vas on s sited pplied ourriau iI1 joint 3ple of :dE 10 )erated Indent with J. but see ra, 'On rEA 73 Study', .ry text 53-58, THE ORGANIZATION OF WORK AND DELIVERY 39 the village and their internal organization remains a mystery. Only when the potters come into contact with the village through delivery do they become more visible in the record. 2.2 How many potters? Throughout the 19 th and 20 th Dynasties, the numbers of potters delivering to the village at anyone time seems to have remained largely stable. Potteries are understood to be substantial operations involving, probably, a master potter and a number of assistants. 56 Evidence for the wider organization of the workshops on this level, as well as any adaptations made in response to changes in the size of the village, is not apparent in the data (see above pp. 12-15). Where the texts do enumerate numbers of potters we can conclude that two were responsible for delivery; it is possible that one potter was assigned to each side of the crew but the texts are not generally explicit concerning this level of the organization. Some evidence for potter numbers is found in the 19 th Dynasty account texts. O. IFAO 387 (unpub!.) separately records the deficits of two potters, that ofMerma preceding that ofNakhy. O. OeM 91 records a deficit accumulated by Menna in lines 1-3. In line 4 Nakhy's name is written but the rest of the line was left blank or erased. Cerny noted that three lines on the verso of this ostracon had been erased, perhaps indicating that the account was originally intended to record the deliveries of both men. 57 Another account in this group, O. Berlin P 10840, is more difficult to interpret. The recto summarizes Menna's total deficit for 5 months, stating that he is 'under the authority of the scribe Pashed' (r-lJt sf P3-sd). On the verso are three lines of text, the first giving the name of a scribe, Ipuy. Lines 2 and 3 record very high totals of vessels (94 qbw vessels and 992lbw vessels). The relationship between the text on the recto and that on the verso is unclear; the numbers of vessels on the verso are almost double the amount of those on the recto. Other sources recording the actions of Pashed and Ipuy indicate that they were smdt-scribes responsible for the supervision of deliveries. Their separate appearance in this text may indicate that deficits for each side of the crew were enumerated seperately, because smdt-scribes seem to have been assigned to Right and Left. 58 It is not clear whether Menna was responsible to the different sides for both deficits or whether the verso deficits belong to a second potter, perhaps Nakhy. If the latter is the case, the deficits of O. DeM 91 and O. IF AO 387 may also reflect the division into Right and Left. The work, organization, and administration of the crew was structured by this division, so it would seem logical that the work and deliveries of the potters should be organized on this basis as well. The situation is often not made explicit and these texts can be interpreted in various ways. For example, an undated and anonymous account text, O. OeM 135, records: 'deficit of the potters two men (4,t n p3 qd s 2)' (1. 1). The totals of vessels that follow are not divided into two groups, as one might expect. It is therefore not clear whether the two men were required to deliver to one side of the crew, to the viIIage as a single unit, or whether, for the sake of expediency, the scribe put the totals for each side together. The only clear statements concerning a division of the potter's deliveries to Right and Left are found in the account ostraca and the journal papyrus from the late 19 th Dynasty. These texts also seem to confirm that two potters usually delivered to the village at anyone time. In O. Cairo 25591 rto, 4-5 is recorded: 'receipt of the b;kw of (the) potter Ptah[emheb], receipt of the b;kw of (the) potter Nefer[her].' The text breaks off at the end of these lines, so it cannot be ascertained 56 A. L. Kelley, 'Some Reflections on Pottery and Society in Ancient Egypt' in Papers of the Pottery Workshop; Third International Congress of Egyptology, Toronto. Sept. 1982, ed. A. L. Kelley (Toronto, 1983),30. 57 This idea is recorded as a note in Cerny Nb. 104.l39. No mention of the verso is made in the publication of this text: Catalogue des ostraca, I, pI. 54. 58 Hence my tentative assignment of this text, and O. DeM 91, to Category B; see also, Davies, Who's Who, 124. For discussion of the role of ,muil-scribes, see section 2.3, with references. -- v 40 POTTERS whether these deliveries were made to different sides of the crew. The preceding entries concerning units of fuel were separately enumerated for each side, Right preceding Left (rto, 1-2). tI Perhaps the pottery delivery followed this pattern. Two further texts, O. Cairo 25633 and O. DeM 343, are more explicit. O. Cairo 25633 vso, 1-2 tI records: 'receipt of the b;kw of (the) potter, Neferher of Left, (ssp b;kw qd n smM'. O. Il DeM 343, 1-2, in contrast, records; 'Year 6, I smw 1, receipt by the hand of (the) potter (, Ptahemheb of Right (qd n wnmy).' Ptahemheb continued to deliver to Right into the B reign of Siptah at the end of the 19 th Dynasty, as recorded in P. Greg rto A, 11: 'potter Ptahemheb
of Right to the scribe Pentaweret - 2 b;kw.'59 Other entries in this text (vso B, 11-13) also v: separately enumerate deliveries of b;kw for each side, the entry on vso B, 8 also recording the Ii name Ptah[ emheb]. 60 From these texts we can posit that, in the late 19 th Dynasty the potters el Ptahemheb and Neferher were probably required to deliver to the right and left sides of the crew re respectively, as successors of Menna and Nakhy, the only other pair of potters named in the 19 tb Ie Dynasty documentation. In the journal ostraca from the reign of Ramesses II which record deliveries to Right, the use of
the singular in the standard entry marking pottery delivery 'entered by the hand of the potter Uw th m-Ijrt p; qd),61 and variants, seems to record the activities of only one potter. However, p; qd is a P. formulaic way of referring to potters and it is possible that the title may conceal varying numbers th of men. pc The lists of smdt, representing Right and Left, included on the verso of the Turin Strike Papyrus (RAD, 45-7) do not clarify the situation for the mid_20 th Dynasty. The entry after 'those who produce pots (nty qd)', in the first list (vso, 1, 19) is lost, although there is space for only one name. The second list also ineludes only one potter, (vso, 4, 11), and the list ends here. 62 It is possible to interpret these lists as indicating the presence of only one potter for each side of the crew. The speech of the door-keeper Khaemwaset, entered later in this text, where he promises to increase the numbers of potters to '4 men (on) Right and 4 (on) Left, total; 8 men' (vso, 2, 16), can perhaps be interpreted as pure rhetoric (see above p. 13). There is little further evidence for 2.: numbers of potters in the journals of year 29 and later, but no such increase seems to have As occurred. ad In the papyrus journals from the late 20 th Dynasty, deliveries of the potter's b;kw are separately OCI enumerated for each side. 63 The entries in these texts indicate some variation in numbers of 'ill potters, although we still seem to be dealing with only one or two men. In P. Turin 2044 vel (unpubl.), from year 1 of Ramesses V, an entry records: "Left, the two potters: [deficit] p; im qd 2 [4;])" (rto I, 5). Thus, at times, two potters may have been expected to deliver to one side. The only potter's name recorded in the later papyrus journals is that of In the Journal De of Year 7 of Ramesses IX (P. Turin 1881: Pleyte and Rossi, pI. 1-8; KRI VI, 609-19), pottery SCI deliveries are made by but there is no indication whether these were made to Right or Ra Left (vso, col. V, 1-3; col. VI, 7-8). In verso col. VII, 1-2, the entry for a lost day in III smw the records 'received by the hand of the potter [ ... ], Right and Left: vessels: Ibw-vessels 150, qb(w) en1 SCt Dy 59 Janssen, Village Varia, 117. Pel 60 ibid., 122. 61 For this phrase, see section 2.3. 62 The potter 'Omek also occurs in P. Turin 2081 +2095 rto. 1 (unpubl.) from the mid 20 th Dynasty. The text records a delivery but the details are lost. 63 For example, P. Turin 2070/133, 134 + 3 frgs rto, II, 10-11 (KRJ VI, 426-8, entered as Cat. 2070/154); P Turin 1881 (Pleyte and Rossi, pI. 1-8) vso, VII, 1-2; P. Turin 1900 (KRI VI, 619-24) vso, II, 7; Turin Necropolis Journal Year 3 Ramesses X (P. Turin 1898: Botti and Peet, pI. 50-63; KRIVI, 687-99) rto, III, 9-10,13-14; Turin Journal Year I Ramesses XI (P. Turin 1888: Botti and Peet, pl. 63; KRJVI, 850-1) vso dockets, A, 2-4. mtries , 1-2). 10,1-2 I)'. O. potter Ito the milieb ) also ng the )otters : crew le 19 th use of :er Uw 'ldis a rnbers Strike 'those lyone 62 It re. of the ises to ~ , 16), ce for , have ,rately ers of 2044 'lli}p3 je. mmal ottery ~ h t or smw 'b(w) e text ;4); P. Turin .0, III, !?IVI, INTERPRETING RECEIPT AND DELIVERY 41 vessels 70.' It seems likely that ("Ahawy's name is to be restored here. This last entry may indicate that I"Aha",), could be responsible for deliveries to both Right and Left. In P. Turin 2018 (KRI VI, 851-63), listing payments of grain to the crew and the smdt dating to the end of the 20 th Dynasty, I"Ahawy is included in the list of smdt for Left (A vso, 1, 10-12; B rto, II, 9-11; B vso, II, 17). In the list of smdt for Right is recorded the name of the potter Bakenmut (A rto, IV, 15-17; A vso, I, 2-6; B rto, II, 2-4). In one entry in this text he is recorded as 'potter Bakenmut, son of r Aha'wy' (A rto, la, 3-5). It is very likely that potting was a skill passed from father to son, and here we see a family of craftsmen responsible for delivery of ceramics to the village. In contrast with the evidence for the woodcutters (see above p. 15), there seems to be little indication of a change in numbers of potters to reflect any decrease in the size of the crew, except for the Journal of Year 7. Perhaps I"Ahawy was assisted in his delivery by his son, the responsibility for supply at this time falling to a single family who could be noted in greater or lesser detail in the record. 64 The potter rAhawy is also entered in a list of potters (m qdw) in P. Turin 2014 (UTlpubl.), rto 27_8. 65 The text is not dated, but his name places it in the late 20 th Dynasty. As Janssen observes, the names of the laundrymen included in the list in this papyrus are different from those listed in P. Turin 2018, perhaps indicating some distance in time between the two texts. 66 The writing of the plural in the title to the list (m qdw) is formulaic and need not indieate that more than one potter is meant. The number of potters delivering to the village at anyone time seems generally to have been stable at two men. Some flexibility may be detected in the papyrus documents of the late 20 th Dynasty, although the numbers do not seem to vary beyond one or two. The potential for flexibility in the numbers of smdt has been noted by Janssen for both the woodcutters and the fishermen (see above p. 15). It is possible that the fonnulae used for recording ceramic deliveries in earlier texts may conceal variations in their numbers. 2.3 Interpreting receipt and distribution As Davies has shown in his study of the family histories in the village, the smdt were administered by their O\'i'll scribes. 67 Possibly the earliest explicit attestation of smdt-scribes occurs in a pottery account. On the recto of O. Berlin P 10840 the potter Menna is said to be 'under the authority (r-!;!) of the scribe Pashed' (I. 1). Pashed and the scribe mentioned on the verso of the ostracon (1. 1), Ipuy, are knovro from other contemporaneous texts to have been involved in smdt-deliveries and the deliveries of produce such as dates and loaves to the village. 68 Scribes also occur with less explicit statements of authority in two other pottery accounts. In O. OeM 346 quantities of vessels were delivered on II prt 20 and 23 'by the hand of (m-4rt)' the scribe Amenemope. Davies records two smdt-scribes named Amenemope, one from the reign of Ramesses II and one from Ramesses IV_V.69 I am inclined to assign this text the earlier date on the basis of its similarity to O. OeM 623. On the verso of O. OeM 623, a number of vessels are entered for I smw 1. On the recto a quantity of wood is 'entered by the hand Uw m-4rt) of the scribe Pentaweret' for the same date. Two smdt-scribes named Pentawcret held office in the 19 tb Dynasty, one late in the reign of Ramesses II and one at the very end of the dynasty.7o The Pentaweret of the late 19 tb Dynasty is recorded as receiving 2 b3kw from the potter Ptahemheb (P. 64 Compare the 'family firms' of fishermen, Janssen, Village Varia, 40. 65 The line numbers given here follow CernY's provisional transcription (17.15.41-6; 17.17.25-9). 66 Janssen and Janssen, 'The Laundrymen of the Theban Necropolis', 5. 67 Who's Who, 123-42. 68 ibid., 124. Davies doubts the equation Cerny made between this Pashed and the like-named draughtsman, (Community,206). 69 Who's Who, 283-4. 70 ibid., 125-6,283. -- 42 POTTERS Greg rto, A, II). The phrase jw tn-4rt can be used of both potters and scribes. In the case of the' scribes, it is likely they were involved in receiving and recording the ceramics rathcr than men physical transportation and delivery. The interpretation of tn-4rt is crucial here. Although I T translate the preposition literally, it can be understood more flexibly as 'under the responsibility of, which could express a range of levels of responsibility for supply, from physical delivery to seen for ( recording receipt. 7l thesl When pots are delivered or received 'by the hand' of someone who is not given the title indi( 'potter' or otherwise connected with the stndt, the status of the delivery is less clear. Valbelle to in notes the distinction between ceramics brought by the potters and vessels filled with beer and o other commodities provided by institutions.72 Usually the content of the latter vessels is given. 73 and However, in some cases the entry is uncertain, particularly with the delivery ofjn/:lt vessels. In O. wor! DeM 23, 5, 16 jn/:ll vessels are delivered 'by the hand of Amenemope, while in O. DeM 26, 2-3, the a 30 large jn/:lt vessels are recorded 'by the hand of Nebnefer, 'entered 27, deficit 3.' Neither of
these men is given any title and it is possible that they are ordinary workmen. 74
The problems associated with interpreting the deliveries of jnl:zt vessels can be best illustrated grou by O. Cairo 25704, which records the delivery ofjn/:ll vessels in year 2 of Sety I; no month or day prob is given. Although Davies connects this delivery with the known smdt-scribe Tjay or the member distn of the smdl, Tjiro,75 the status of this text remains uncertain. Line 2 records: 'the one who brought alloe very vessels returned to Tj[ ... J (nty rdj jn/:lt ('5t sp sn m-hyt m J 0[... ])', while line 3 lines has: 'the one who brought small (?) jn/:lt vessels assigned to [ ... J(nty rdj jn/:lt lrj? m-Is ('5? m-(' twtw [ ... )),.76 The non-standard means of entering the delivery, nty rdj, may indicate that this text 451 d records a more specialized range of vessels, not necessarily to be associated \vith the smdt-potters. O. jn/:lt vessels have a restricted range of occurrence in the Deir el-Medina documentation and are perh! sometimes associated with festival deliveries (see the discussion of O. BM 50728 below and desig section 4.2). Therefore these vessels may not belong with the unfilled ceramics delivered by the desig smdt-potters. text I There is little evidence in the texts that potters were assisted in the delivery of their wares by there other members of the smdt, as is the case with the woodcutters (see above pp. 12ff.). Entries in the smdt journal OStraca record deliveries 'by the hand of the potter (m-4rt P5 qd),77 or 'entered by the In hand of the potter (jw m-4rt P5 qd)'.78 This may indicate delivery by the potters themselves but meml the use of such formulaic phraseology in recording delivery may conceal a number of possible inclUi alternatives for this aspect of supply. Considering the quantities involved and the probable size of (mrw is no' perha 71 For discussion, sec P. Tallet, 'Deux pretres-sem tMbains de la XXe dynastie', BIFAO 99 (1999), 417. An SOl alternative translation of the phrase, with similar implications, would be 'arrived by the hand of. proba 72 Ouvriers, 265. For the representation of such tilled vessels in the ceramic repertoire from Deir el-Medina delivc see, for example, L. Bavay, S. Marchand, and P. Tallet, 'Les jarres inscrites du Nouvel Empire provenant de Deir aI-Medina', CaMers de la Ceramique Egyptienne 6 (2000), 77-86, with references. of the 73 For example, all deliveries of wine to the village were made in mnt-amphorae: Janssen, Commodity Prices, 350. mnt vessels are only once recorded as part of a potter's deliveries. In O. Or. Inst Chicago 79 Tw 16998 (unpubL), 30 mnt vessels are entered alongside 30 qbw vessels and 150 Ibw vessels (1. 3). The entry Amen of a wood delivery in line 2 may indicate that this text records deliveries by the smdt. For the 'elite' status period of the mnt, see Bourriau, Nicholson, and Rice, 'Pottery', l37. potter: 74 O. DeM 202 records quantities of dpr and lbw vessels entered 'by the hand of Wepwawetmose. potter Although the status of this text can be questioned, lbw vessels are a more standard part of the smdt-potters' cornp, repertoire. 80 In 1 75 Who's Who, 106 with n. 302. referri 76 For the readings of m-hyt mJ and rrt-{s m J , see D. Valbelle, 'Remarques sur les textes neo-egyptiens meani non-Iitteraires ( 6-10)', BIFAO 77 (1977), 129-13 L 81 For 77 For example O. DeM 159, 10; O. DeM 39 rto, 4 of hig 78 For example O. DeM 35, addition above line 7; O. DeM 154 rto, 15-6; O. DeM 38, 7; O. DeM 47, vso, 4. Ramel ,e of than 19h I bility ry to title lbelle rand fen. n InO. ,2-3, ler of trated lrday mlber ought line 3 ? m J s text )tters. Id are If and )y the res by in the )y the es but ISsible ;ize of 17. An l1edina ,venant modity 1llcago e entry , status :trnose. )otters' yptiens vso, 4. INTERPRETING RECEIPT AND DELIVERY 43 the vessels, the delivery could have involved several trips and/or the use of assistants who are not mentioned because they had no responsibility. The distribution of the ceramics among the community is only rarely attested. O. DeM 337 seems to record numbers of pots owed to particular workmen: 'III :;ot 10: deficit of 3lbw vessels for (n) Amenemope; deficit of I ds vessel, 1 dpy vessel, and 3 lbw vessels for (n) Nakhy.' Both these names are common and it is impossible to date the text on this basis. 79 This text may indicate that not only were records made of the potters' debts to the crew in general, deficits owed to individual crew members could be documented as well. O. BM 50728, dated to year 2, probably of Ramesses II, also seems to relate to the processing and distribution of a particular type of ceramic, recording vessels delivered to individual workmen as well as deficits owed to them. The first five lines of the recto set out the purpose of the account: 'Year 2 [ ... ] the record of the vessels for Left (p:; SOJW m n n smM - a total of 10 + 5 vessels. Specification (wp s(t) for the crew concerning the 10 + 5 (vessels). ,80 The numbers of vessels given to each member of the crew are then detailed. The first group of five vessels is clearly allocated to four named workmen, one for each man. Baki, probably the foreman of the crew,81 received two, corresponding to the hierarchal systems of distribution known from accounts of rations and other provisions. Lines 7-10 continue with the allocation of different vessel types to named individuals. The end of the recto is very broken, but lines 11 and 12 seem to have recorded vessels owed to Amenmose (4:;t n jmn-msw), Pa-[... ] and twtw(?), and in this the text provides a parallel for O. DeM 337. In O. BM 50728 rto, 11-12, the 4;1 determinative was crossed out, possibly indicating that the debt was paid. O. BM 50728 includes some unusual qualifications for the vessels, including terms related perhaps to quality ('very good' jn!Jt njr nJr, 'middling good' nJr and the designation of certain vessels as being 'in the fashion of hbny (vessels?) (m qd hbny).' These designations and the total of b;q oil given in the last line of the recto may indicate that the text records the delivery of filled jn!Jt vessels for a specific, perhaps festival or ritual, context. I therefore doubt whether the text is concerned with the distribution of ceramics delivered by the smdt potters (see 4.2 for further discussion of this text). In contrast, O. Cairo 25597, dated to year 2 of Ramesses IV, records items distributed to members of the smdt. The distribution list begins on line 2 with 'specification (wp-st)' and includes a coppersmith, a water-carrier, as well as the potter Herunefer who received 5 bundles (mrw or ors); the content of these bundles is not stated. Although the context for this distribution is not clear, this is the only text known to me in which a potter seems to receive a payment, perhaps in exchange for work. Some aspects of organization of work, such as distribution of pots among the villagers, probably did not require the level of administration and documentation needed for the record of delivery. Details concerning the processing of delivery remain unclear, such as the precise nature of the receipt and distribution of the products. However, the texts do allow the stages of delivery 79 Two workmen named Nakhy are known from the late 19 th Dynasty, Janssen, Commodity Prices, 86. Amenemope is a common name in all periods, ibid., 42. Although a potter Nakhy is known from this period, I doubt whether this text should be understood as referring to the deficits of untitled but named potters; instead I read the n as a preposition rather than the indirect genitive. It would be very unusual for a potter to be untitled and the text does not follow the standard pattern for potter accounts recording deficits; compare O. DeM 91; O. IFAO 387; O. DeM 135; O. Gardiner 88 vso. 80 In these lines, the number 10 is written in black ink while 5 is written in red. Some of the numbers referring to allocations to individual workmen in the following lines of the text are also written in red. The meaning of the use of red ink: in the text requires further investigation. 81 For Baki and his family see, Davies, Who's Who, 2-12. If the provision of an extra vessel is an indicator of higher status, this text would provide evidence that Baki continued in office into the early years of Ramesses II. I -- 44 POTTERS to be traced, illuminating aspects of the organization of the potters' work and their relationship the with the community ofDeir el-Medina. veSt may 2.4 Donkey hire by potters timi Although it can be assumed that donkeys were necessary for the delivery of ceramics to the (see village, J know of only one relevant text and that refers only indirectly to the potters' use of lOe donkeys. There seem to be no hireage texts for potters comparable to those attested for or4 woodcutters and watercarriers. O. DeM 73 Ito details a legal case concerning a donkey in the 20 th year of Ramesses III. The 3.2 text records the resolution of a dispute (del) between the potter Herunefer, who was the complainant, and the workman Anynakht. 82 Herunefer hired a donkey from Anynakht. The FrO! b,kI donkey proved unsatisfactory and an exchange was agreed upon in the presence of (m-blM a scribe of the mat, Amennakhe 3 'The bad donkey was handed over to him Uw.tw I}r swd n./) and blk1 Sh01 he gave him Uw.f djt./) an (other) she-donkey in its place' (11. 3-4). The text concludes with the 'resl taking of an oath 'on account of it (br pbwy.s),' presumably by Anynakht. As Janssen observes in reference to the woodcutters and watercarriers, texts about the hireage spec daYE of donkeys are comparatively rare and are concentrated in the reigns of Ramesses III and IV. Those that survive perhaps refer to rather unusual situations, as here. The distinctive nature of this sm}t intel text lends support to Janssen's proposal that there was a 'pool' of donkeys, perhaps state or communally owned rather than belonging to the workmen themselves, available for deliveries to pap) was the village (see above p. 29). here T 3 Documenting supply 3.1 The timing ofexpected deliveries Janssen has determined, through analysis of the journal OStraca of the reigns of Ramesses TIT and IV, that deliveries of ceramics were expected every ten days.84 That this was the practice in the early 19 th Dynasty is confirmed by the delivery lists of wood and pottery. Where the lists are dated, these dates usually fall on days 10,85 20,86 or 30 87 of the month, which are the days on which deliveries were also recorded later in the 20 th Dynasty. It is likely that vessels were not expected on any particular day within this time frame and could be delivered in smaller amounts throughout the period, like the deliveries by the gardeners and fishermen. ss P. Greg vso, B, II, 8 documents the receipt of b,kw of 'the potter' for year 6 of that for ( the doCl pred of tl gene mixt term Siptah on the 19 th day of IV lvt. This delivery is then recorded in the summary information for IV lvt 10 to 20. A journal ostracon of the reign of Ramesses III records that, on II smw 7, the potter entered two blkw, 'one (w') for I smw 30, one for II smw 10' (0. DeM 38, 7). The account text O. DeM 346, of the mid_20 th Dynasty, documents the receipt of two quantities of vessels within three days. On II prt 20, 30 qbt vessels and 110 lbw vessels were received or delivered by the hand of 3.3l The wen O. E IIIp scali mad 82 For Anynakht see, Davies, Who's Who, 74-5. The potter Herunefer is also known from O. Cairo 25597. 39 (:1 83 The role of the 'scribe of the mat (s.v n un;)' in this text has been discussed by Ben Haring, 'The Scribe of the Mat: From Agrarian Administration to Local Justice', in Deir el-Medina in the Third Millennium J a n s ~ 90 'b, AD: A Tribute to Jac. J Janssen, eds R. J. Demaree and A. Egberts, Egyptologische Uitgaven 14 (Leiden, 91 ibi 2000), 149. For the legal status of this text see A. G. McDowell, Jurisdiction in the Workmen's Community 92 O. ofDeir el-Medina, Egyptologische Uitgaven 5 (Leiden, 1990), 146-7. 84 Commodity Prices, 485-6. B,8, 93n 85 O. DeM 1; 5; 7; 10; 12; 13; 17; 23; O. Gardiner 43. 94 Fe 86 O. DeM 2; 8; 15; 24; O. Or. lust. Chicago 18878. reCOl 87 O. DeM 3; 4; 9; 11; 12; 14; 18; 22; O. DH 6; 7. 88 J. J. Janssen, 'b;kw: From Work to Product', SAK 20 (1993),90 n. 52. tragI 95 L; lship )the se of I for The ; the The ,M a ) and h the reage i IV. fthis .te or ies to I and n the :s are fS on :ould sand 6 of or IV lotter xtO. three ndof ;97. kribe znium :iden, lunity DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 45 the scribe Amenemope (rto, 11. 1-2). On II prt 23 a further 42 dpr vessels 'making(?/9 22 qb/ vessels' and 100 tbw vessels were also entered by the scribe Amenemope (vso, n. 1-4). This text may record part payments of the delivery expected for II prt 20-30. The data concerning the timing of delivery therefore correspond to the evidence discussed by Janssen for the woodcutters (see above pp. 18ff.). As in the woodcutter texts, if the delivery was completed in full during the 10 day period, it was recorded as mI}. Any deficit or shortfall in delivery was entered as (w)gJ(t) or gJ nlr. 3.2 The terminology ofsupply: bJkw From the late 19 th or early 20 th Dynasties the deliveries of ceramics were recorded in units of bJlnv in both account and journal ostraca. Janssen has discussed the use and meaning of the tenn b;kw in the Deir el-Medina material. b'lkw in its absolute sense means 'work', but Janssen has shown that in many cases in these documents the meaning can shift from 'work' to the 'result/product of the work.'90 Within this usage, the b;kw of the potter seems to have a more specific meaning. Janssen has concluded that it signifies a fixed amount that was due every ten days, a 'quota'. He cites the example ofO. DeM 38,7 where two b3kw were recorded, 'one for I smw 30, one for II smw 10. ,91 The detenninatives used in the writing of b3lnv support this interpretation. Although in the late 19 th and early 20 th Dynasty texts b;kw was detennined by the papyrus roll,92 from the middle to the end of the reign of Ramesses III the vessel detenninative was used. 93 The change to this detenninative from one with a more abstract meaning signals that here b;kw is a work requirement consisting of an amount of ceramics. The usage of b;kw in the journals and accounts implies that this amount was fixed, a 'quota', that would therefore be quantifiable. There are records of the entry of two b;kw, often to make up for overdue deliveries, and occasionally even half b;kw. 94 These references certainly imply that the b'Ilnv was a predetennined amount that could be doubled or halved when necessary. The documenting of deficits in the texts also shows that each delivery was expected to consist of a predetermined amount. The Category E text O. DeM 12 seems to record such a deficit. On line 4 of this delivery list is written 'deficit, namely deficit of vessels (4; qrlJt 4;).,95 Since qrl}t is the generic tenn for vessels, the implication is that the expected delivery of ceramics, probably a mixture of types and quantities, was not made. To determine the composition of each b;kw in terms of vessel types and numbers is, however, difficult. 3.3 b3kw in the J(jh Dynasty accounts (text categories B, C. E) The 19 th Dynasty accounts of the deficits of the potters Menna and Nakhy indicate that deliveries were pre-determined as amounts that, if not delivered in full, were recorded to be made up later. O. Berlin P 10840 records an accumulation of deficits owed by Menna, 'from year 9 III ;fJt 1 to III prt 30, making 5 months: 53 qbt vessels, 575 {bw vessels' (11. 2-3). This account shows the scale of thc deficit that the potter could incur over a period of time if complete deliveries were not made. 89 Cerny's transcription of the text contains an ellipsis and query at this point (Catalogue VII, pI. 2). Janssen (pers. corron.) has suggested that the two dashes in the hieratic facsimile could be read as Jr. n. 90 'h;kw: From Work to Product', 89. 91 ibid., 89-90. nO. DeM 606 rto, 6,11; O. Cairo 25591 rto, 4-5 and O. Cairo 25633 vso, 1; P. Greg rto, B, 23; A, 11; vso, B, 8, 11-12. 93 The journal ostraca from the mid_20 th Dynasty consistently use this determinative. 94 For an examples entries of two b:;kw see O. DeM 154 rto, 16; P. Greg rto, A, II, 11-12. Half units are recorded in O. DeM 44 rto, 20; P. Turin 1961 (Pleyte and Rossi, pI. 99) vso II, 5; Anonymous Turin fragment (Cerny MSS 3.616). 95 t ~ ~ l o : n 46 POTTERS O. DeM 135 is a testimony to the precision with which such deficits were recorded. This undated text enumerates the deficit of two potters: 'Deficit of the potters, 2 men: 96 29 qbw fle) vessels, 5 g;y vessels, \00 Ibw vessels, 9 dp(r) vessels to (r) qbw vessels, making 4Y2: Total, ves making 33Y2 qbw vessels.' The final two lines seem to indicate that 9 dpr vessels were equivalent mo in some way to 4Yz qbw vessels. 97 When added to the 29 qbw vessels in line 2 this gives the total ves of 33Y2. Perhaps the potters were initially required to deliver 9 dpr vessels, along with the other and vessels, but the decision was made to convert these dpr vessels into their equivalent in qbw dpr vessels. Here, it must be borne in mind that this text records deficit rather than delivery. It seems for to reflect the scribe's accounting mentality, precisely recording the precise value of the deficit, for which may have been rounded up or down in reality. The meticulous record of deficit does imply sigr fixed vessel deliveries, with a specific amount being due every ten days. deli Although such texts imply the presence of a quota, it is difficult to quantify that quota in terms pos of numbers and types of vessels. In this context, O. DeM 135 provides an additional insight. The askl conversion of one vessel type into its equivalent in another type, if it is a concrete conversion the rather than a statement of value, implies a certain flexibility within the deliveries. Perhaps this document shows the superiors of the crew specifying, or making adjustments to, the amounts of 3.4 ceramics required every ten days, in accordance with the needs of the crew. The Such an interpretation could explain the range of vessel types and quantities enumerated in the 19 th defi Dynasty delivery lists, while also perhaps accounting for the precise documentation of It is deficits. These ostraca note deliveries of at least eight different vessel types in varying quantities and combinations, including qbw,IOO kJ-/:lr-kJ, 101 gJy,102 Ibw,103 dpr,104 and dS. I05 and imp Some of these vessel names are very rare in other documentation. The dpr vessel, although common in these lists and in 19 th Dynasty pottery accounts, does not appear to occur later. 106 This Ir pattern could suggest a reduction in the vessel repertoire in the 20 th Dyllasty, but the contents of IVr Jour deliveries are not generally enumerated in the later data, potentially concealing some vessel types. 29: Deliveries of lbw vessels are recorded in the majority of the surviving lists and, as will be 15-1 illustrated below, Ibw vessels, alongside qbw vessels, remained the core of the potters' deliveries (con in the 20 th Dynasty. It is possible that qbw and !bw are classes of ceramics rather than distinct saml vessel types, so that the terms may cover a wider range of forms (see section 6.1). DeI\< othe 96 1, - (I. 1). reml 97 Compare O. DeM 346, where 42 dpr vessels may be the equivalent of 22 qbt vessels (see section 3.1). day The flexibility of equivalence between the two types may indicate flexibility in the form and valuation of seen these vessels (see section 4.1). evid 98 Janssen, Commodity Prices,434; O. DeM 1,6; 15,3; 17,4; 23, 5. ther 99 Wb. II, 126; W. F. Reineke, 'Der Zusammenhang der altag}ptischen Rohl- und LiingenmaBe', MfG 9 (1963),148; O. DeM 5,6; 7, 6; 11,4. 100 Janssen, Commodity Prices, 412-5. qbw is a feminine word and can also be spelt qbt: Valbelle, Guvriers, 18; O. DeM J, 7; 4, 5; 7, 5; 10,4; O. DR 5, 4; O. Gardiner 43,5. 101 Wb. V, 93. O. DeM 28, 3; O. DR 6, 8. lOi 0 102 Janssen, Commodity Prices, 426-8. O. DeM 5, 5; 9, 6; 10,7; 22,5; O. DR 8, 3; O. Gardiner 43,6. 108 0 10J Janssen, Commodity Prices, 433-4. O. DeM 1,8; 3, 4; 4, 6; 6, 6; 8, 6; 10,5; 11,6; 13,6; 15,4; 16, 5; 17, 109 0 3; 22,6; O. DR 5, 7; 6, 9; 7, 5; 8,4; O. Or. lnst. Chicago 18878,5; O. Gardiner 43, 7. O. DeM 28,8 records 110 0 a vessel (see section 4.1). III 0 104 This vessel is not included in Janssen, Commodity Prices, or in the Worterbuch. It is written ",lith the 1110 generic term for vessel, qr/.lt, confirming its nature as such. O. DeM 2,5; 3, 3; 5, 7; 6, 5; 9, 5; 10,6; 16,5; 113 0 O. DR 5, 6; O. Or. lnst. Chicago 18878,4. 4prt vessels, presumably a different orthography of the same 114 C term, occur in hieratic inscriptions from the tomb of Tutankhamun: 1. Cerny, Hieratic lnscriptionsfrom the Il5 't Tomb of TutCankhamun, TutCankhamiin's Tomb Series II (Oxford, 1965), 6, with references. See also G. 116 Ir Bouvier, BlFAG 101 (2001),90 note g. PriCE 105 Wb. V, 485; Janssen, Commodity Prices, 472-4. O. DeM 6,4; 8, 5; 13,5; 16,5; 22, 4; O. DR 5, 6; 7,4. non-I 1(l{j See the documents cited in n. 100; also O. DeM 346 vso, 3. 117 This qbw 'otal, alent total other qbw eems :ficit, mply :erms . The rsion , this Its of .n the m of ttities dS. I05 tough , This lts of :ypes. ill be veries stinct 1 3.1). ion of '.1109 vriers, 5; 17, ecords ith the 16,5; : same Jm the Iso G. 7,4. DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 47 The degree to which the composition of deliveries could vary from list to list illustrates the flexiblity of the institution. On I 3!Jt 10 of year 3 of Sety I, 7 vessels (3 good, 2 poor), 37 qbw vessels (deficit of 3), and 58 Ibw vessels (deficit of 2) were delivered. l07 On the 20 th day of that month, dpr vessels were delivered (the rest of the text is lost).108 80 dpr vessels and 50 Ibw vessels were delivered on the last day of I 3!Jt,109 while on the last day of II ;!Jt, 40 qbw vessels and 50 Ibw vessels were delivered. l1O On day 10 of III ;!Jt, 80 g3y vessels, 90 vessels, and 40 dpr vessels were delivered. lll Not only do several vcssel types occur in each delivery, but totals for each vessel type also vary considerably as weI!. Ibw vessels tend to total between 50 and 60 for each list in which they occur.1l2 However, many of the attested totals documented are significantly larger, between 100 and 300 lbw.1l3 These texts may point to there being variable deliveries that resulted from commissions in response to specific needs. However, this is only one possible interpretation based upon a comparatively small group of texts. The question must be asked whether a similar understanding can be gained from the qualitatively different sources of the 20 th Dynasty. 3.4 Recording b3kw in the 20 th Dynasty The recording of pottery deliveries was less explicit in the 20 th Dynasty with deliveries and deficits generally noted as b3kw and (w)4;(t) of the potter without further clarifying information. It is difficult to determine whether the quantities and contents of the deliveries were as flexible and varying as the 19 th Dynasty data suggest. Indeed, as Janssen has concluded, it is virtually impossible to prove what was meant by the term' b;kw l' .114 In the rare cases where journal entries on ostraca of the reigns of Ramesses III and Ramesses N record numbers of vessels, this information is difficult to interpret. O. DeM 154 rto, recording journal entries in year 31 of Ramesses III, documents the delivery made by the potter on II smw 29: 'entered by the hand of the potter, 2 b;kw, (plus?) 50 lbw vessels for II smw 30, deficit 65' (II. 15-16). Janssen alternatively translates this part of the text as: '[e ]ntered from the potter, 2 b;kw (consisting of) 50 lbw vessels', comparing it with O. Berlin P 10654 (unpub!.) vso, 1 where the same amount of 50 vessels is also mentioned. I IS There is a number of possible readings of O. DeM 154 rto. The two b3kw may be deliveries owing from earlier in the month,116 while, on the other hand, the 50 Ibw vessels may be an early partial payment for II smw 30, with 65 vessels remaining outstanding. Since we do not have the rest of the journal for II smw and the entry for day 20 records neither delivery nor deficit, it is difficult to draw firm conclusions. Nonetheless, it seems unlikely that the b3kw referred to in the text consisted of 50 lbw vessels. The supporting evidence of the late 20 th Dynasty ostracon O. Berlin P 10654 vso is ambiguous also, referring to the production of 50 vessels in the first line; the numbers are lost thereafter: II ;!Jt 10; the potter fashioned 1l7 50 (vessels) day 20; the potter [fashioned x (vessels)] 107 O. DeM 1,6-8. 108 O. DeM 2, 5. 109 O. DeM 3, 3-4. 110 O. DeM 4,5-6. 1110. DeM 5, 5-7. 112 O. DeM 1,8; 3,4; 8, 6; 16,5; O. DH 5, 7; 6, 9; O. Or. Inst. Chicago 18878,5. 113 O. DeM 6, 6; 13,6; 22, 6; 15,4; 17,3; O. DH 7,6. ll4 Commodity Prices, 488; 'b;kw: From Work to Product', 89. 115 'b;kw; From Work to Product', 89. 116 In a similar situation O. DeM 40, 14-5 records 'by the hand of the potter: 3 b;kw'. Janssen, Commodity Prices, 487-8, concludes that two of the b;kw were payments for the first two decades although, ' ... the non-delivery is nowhere stated ... ', while the third delivery was due for the five epagomenal days. 117 II""" 48 POTTERS day 30; fashioning [x (vessels)] III 11]t 10; while he (fashioned?)118 [x (vessels)] 3.5 b day 20: 119 \Vhel total; 230 qbw vessels [ ...] the n specifYing it (wp Sf) 23 vessels. blkw In recording the actual work of the potters, this text is unique. While units of 50 vessels seem to statu! be specified, any connection with a blkw is not made explicit and can only be inferredYo perio Janssen also cites the example of O. DeM 35, on which a note above line 7 recording entries been for IIprt 19 of year 28 of Ramesses III reads: 'entered by the hand of the potter as one b3kw 100 these qbw vessels, 45 lbw vessels.' Although this text indicates that the b3kw consisted of 100 qbw Th vessels and 45 lbw vessels the phrase m w( b3kw could imply that the vessels enumerated were the e: those making up this particular delivery, perhaps differing from, although equivalent to, the recor contents of earlier deliveries and the standard b3kw. The higher number of qbw vessels than Ibw epagt vessels, which is very unusual when compared with other texts enumerating these two types, 5 ep:: suggests that this entry is exceptional not only in its formulation. It may be that this delivery ofth, required special enumeration; perhaps the potter altered the original order and provided an bee)! equivalent number of qbw vessels instead oflbw vessels. P. The two uneertain entries of O. DeM 154 and O. DeM 35 are the only texts in which actual Ram vessel types are enumerated in 20 u , Dynasty journal ostraca. O. DeM 35 in particular may suggest reads that the composition of b3kw could be flexible. Other surviving records of pottery deliveries from An e the reign of Rarnesses III usually state only whether or not the potter entered his deliveries deliv 'complete' or was in deficit. O. DeM 143 vso 5, datable to year 24 of Ramesses III, does, fo11o' however, enter a deficit of lbw vessels for the five epagomenal days. Although the exact figures as 65 are lost, the final two lines record an unknown total (dnuf) of qbw vessels and a total of 680 lbw
vessels, these probably being deficits incurred since IV smw 30, the day the potter first fell behind disru in deliveries, as the account records. In O. DeM 165, which largely documents deficits incurred in prt 1 year 30 III prt and thereafter, a note to one side records: 'year 29, entered for the five whih (epagomenal) days 30 lbw vessels, his deficit 85' (11. 4a5a). vesst Where vessel numbers are enumerated in these 20 th Dynasty texts they vary, in some cases notin considerably, although the relationships of these numbers with the context of the documents must onw be kept in mind. The vessel types are less varied than in the 19 th Dynasty sources. Mostly qbw and that 1 [bw vessels are enumerated in large quantities, which confirms that these vessel types were the here basis of the potters' b 3kw. The deficit accounts from the reign of Ramesses II (group III) record If only qbw and lbw vessels,l2I in contrast with the variety of vessels represented in the delivery deliv lists. The delivery lists of the 19 th Dynasty appear to be exceptional in the variety of vessel types large they enumerate. They may represent deliveries from other specialized workshops or supplies for vess! particular purposes. The similarity between the 19 th Dynasty delivery lists of pottery and wood on en1:r) the one hand, and of specialty breads and beer on the other hand, may indicate that these inter deliveries were, in general, more specialized; they were perhaps associated with festivals. Such an here association is illuminated by a study of one of the vessel types less commonly enumerated in A1 these texts (see section 4.2). However, the regularity of delivery in these lists, recorded in tenday b3kJ.i blocks, is closely comparable with the regular b3kw delivery. For the 20 th Dynasty, it must be potu borne in mind that b3kw, which is mostly unqualified in the journal ostraca, may cover a range of the ( vessel types. sing. liS Q0"--1!i11 122 G ll9 Cerny noted that the line here was left blank. 123 120 The specification of jnJ:z1 vessels may also suggest that this text refers to a specialized, perhaps unique lUF, production series. For jnJ:zt see section 4.2. me 121 0. DeM 91; O. Berlin P 10840 vso; O. IFAO 387. 126 C em to ntries 100 l qbw were ), the n{bw types, livery ed an actual 19gest , from veries does, igures 101bw )ehind red in fivc cases ; must wand re thc 'ccord livery types es for ,odon thcsc Ichan ted in n-day lst be 1ge of mique DOCUMENTING SUPPLY 49 3.5 bikw in the late 20 th Dynasty papyrus documents Where pottery deliveries are recorded in the journal papyri, the numbers of vessels involved and the name of the potter are often included. A further contrast with earlier records is that the tenn b;kw is rarely employed. The more fonnal status of the papyri may explain such differences. This status may also be one reason, despite the large amount of documentation surviving from this period, deliveries of pottery are only recorded occasionally. Those that are recorded may have been special deliveries, and hence worthy of note. When b;kw are recorded, as in earlier records, these may be variable in size and consist largely of{bw and qbw vessels. The recto ofP. Turin 2070/133, 134 + 3 fragments (KRIVI, 426-8), contains journal entries for the epagomenal days of the year 2 of a king later than Ramesses IV. 122 The entry for the final day records the deliveries of the potter: 'Right: the potter - 29 [qb]w vessels, 145 lbw vessels. Five epagomenal days; 100 [+ 45?] Ibwvessels. [Left]: the potter 29 [qbw?] vessels, 145lbwvessels. 5 epagomenal days; 145' (Col. II, 10-11). The deliveries are enumerated separately for each side of the crew although, if the restorations are correct, the totals are the same for each side. As is to be expected, qbw and !bw vessels are the only vessel types mentioned. P. Turin 1881+ (Pleyte and Rossi, pI. 1-8; KRIVI, 609-19) records entries for years 6-8 of Ramesses IX; the potter is only mentioned on three occasions in year 7. For IV ;lu 29 the entry reads: 'received by the hand of the potter - qbw vessels 65, !bw vessels 65' (vso, V, 1-2). An entry for 65 handfuls of plants follows in this list and seems to be associated with this delivery. An entry on the same line also records 2 khar of k3Y ), probably 'roe,.123 The following line records: 'again by his hand (w/:lm m-fjrt.j) (for) I prt 10; 100 [b[w] vessels', as well as 65 handfuls of plants and an unknown measure of 'roe'. It seems that the potter had also been charged with delivering produce to the village; perhaps the organization of deliveries was disrupted in this period. Other entries record deliveries 'received by the hand of' scribes. 124 In III prt 18, almost three months later, made another delivery of 300 Ibw vessels (vso, VI, 7-8) while in III smw there were 'received by the hand of the potter (for) Right and Left' 1501bw vessels and 70 qbw vessels (vso, VII, 1-2). P. Turin 1881 + is an unusual text which, rather than noting events day by day, records only a few days from a few months of each year, perhaps days on which events occurred that were more significant, in the eyes of the scribe. Valbelle observes that the scribe was running out of space on the papyrus, increasing the likelihood that the entries he recorded were those he considered important. 125 If the deliveries recorded in this text were the only ones made for year 7 of Ramesses IX, the delivery patterns of the potters may have changed. Rather than delivering units every decade, large deliveries were made every two to three months. This would explain the large totals of vessels supplied. However, as Janssen cautions, scribal inaccuracies mean that the absence of an entry in the journal does not necessarily mean that the delivery was not made.126 An alternative interpretation is that the 'standard' deliveries were made every ten days and that those recorded here were supplementary and worthy of special mention. An entry in P. Turin 1900+ (KRl VI, 619-24) vso, 11,7 may indicate that regular deliveries of blkw continued, at least in the early years of Ramesses IX. Year 9, II 31Jt 19 records: 'Right; the potter's b3kw [ ... ] (wnmy p; qd n b3kw [... J),. The context of this delivery is similar to those of the earlier 20 th Dynasty, with supply of fuel and gypsum being recorded as well. However, the single mention of a potter's b,kw in this entry in the papyrus may be as unique as those in P. 122 Gutgesell, Die Datierung. 20. Dynastie, 242. 123 Janssen, Village Varia, 53. 124 For example vso 2a; vso 5, 5; vso 5, 10; vso 6, 1. 125 Ouvriers, 63-4. 126 Commodity Prices, 486. l 50 POTTERS Turin l88l. Journal entries from years 10 and 17 of Ramesses IX support this interpretation. P. A Turin 2071/140 (KRIVI 637,15), rto, 9 records delivery of vegetables and pottery, '2l(?) qb(w) varia vessels, 110 [+ x] [bw vessels', for day 30, IV smw, year 10. The Turin Necropolis Journal of year vana 17, rto B II, 2-3 (Botti and Peet, pI. 16) is the only record of a pottery delivery in this substantial inclu text covering two full months: 'potter rAhawy; 33 qbw vessels, 165 [bw vessels.' This may Dyna indicate that the delivery was an unusual, hence noteworthy, event, especially in relation to (HO references to problems with smdt organization earlier in the text (see section 3.7). the p Deliveries of varying quantities of pottery are entered a number of times for different sides of recei' the crew in the journal of year 3 of Ramesses X (P. Turin 1898 +; Botti and Peet pI. 50-63; KRI Re VI, 687-99). On III prt 18, even though the crew was not working because of the 'foreigners cornr (Omyw)', 30 qb(w) vessels and 30 [+ x] [[bw] vessels were delivered to Right (rto I, 11). On the wood last day of IV prt, 9 qb(w) and 27 ([)bw vessels were delivered to Left (the entry for Right is comp lost; rto II, 14). The entry for II smw 19 records, 'crew not working, Right: 28 qb(w) vessels, 300 Janss, [b(w) vessels; Left: 28 qb(w) vessels, 15 g1(y) vessels, 300 [b(w) vessels' (rto III, 9-10). The entry amou for g1y vessels is unusual in this text. Two days later there was a further delivery for Right alone: largel 'the potter - 30 qb(w) vessels, 150 [b(w) vessels' (rto III, 13-14). In the month of III smw, qbw Alt and [bw vessels were delivered on two occasions, day 5 and day 30.127 On IV smw 1, 1 qbw was texts delivered perhaps to Right, while 90 [bw vessels were delivered to Left (rto V, 18-9). If each are in delivery of vessels to the village was flexible in size and composition, the entries in this journal as a c may also illustrate that deliveries to different sides of the crew could be varied as well. quant The journal text of year 1 of Ramesses XI, P. Turin 1898+, VSO,128 records for I 10t 24: 'Right; excep from the hand of (the) potter [ ...] 18 qb(w) vessels, 50 [+x] [bw vessels, Left; from the hand of 3.7 In (the) potter [ ...]y,129 10 [+x] (/,Hh vessels [ r ~ R ~ ~ o : : ] [... J' (vso, Text A, 2-4). Again the Other delivery is separately enumerated for the different sides of the crew; breaks in the text mean that unpre the composition of the delivery is unknown. If the entry on line 4 is a variant orthography of a this b type of vessel, (/,1(/,1,130 it may indicate a specialized delivery, because (/,1(/,1 vessels are not firing, otherwise attested in the pottery deliveries. l3I Further deliveries are recorded in this journal, again there in a very broken context: 'by the hand ofthe potter [ ...], lbw vessels 51 [+ x? . .]' (vso dockets, B, taken 5-6); later, 18 qbw vessels and 50 lbw vessels are recorded (vso dockets, C, 2). This is the latest or adr surviving record of pottery deliveries to the necropolis workmen in the 20 th Dynasty. deficit Impac 3.6 Conclusion: the meanings ofb1kw The The Turin Necropolis journals seem to support the interpretation of the nature of the b1kw found detaile in the earlier documentation. Despite the possibility that delivery patterns may have altered or that from t some entries may represent extra deliveries, these documents indicate that [bw and qbw vessels early' formed the core of any quota of pottery delivered to the village, occasionally supplemented with irregul other vessel types. the pa III. It 127 On III mw 5,29 qb(w) vessels and 150 !bw vessels were delivered to Right. Left received 19 qb(w) month vessels and 150 !bw vessels (Botti and Peet, pI. 57, rto IV, 15-9). The papyrus is damaged in the entries for III mw 30, but the surviving text indicates that deliveries of over 100 !bw vessels were made to Right and both fbw and rq?lbw vessels were delivered to Left (Botti and Peet, pI. 59, rto V, 17-19). Unusually, this latter entry records !bw vessels before qbw. 132 For 128 Botti and Peet, pI. 63; KRI VI, 850-1. I follow the reassessment of Jtirgen von Beckerath in my reading 34; see of this text: 'Papyrus Turin 1898+, vso', SAK21 (1994),29-33. 133 'Th( 129 Perhaps the name of the potter CAhawy can be restored here. 134 C. J 130 Wh. V, 532; W. F. Reineke, 'Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe', MID 9 East, e (1963),151. observ< 131 4343 vessels are included in a list of products in O. Cairo 25678 vso, 17, along with fbw vessels (1. 18). discuss Valbelle, citing this text, considers that 4343 vessels could replace qbw vessels and were perhaps be mad synonymous (in her reference, Duvriers, 265 n. 12, read 25678 for 25673). 135 Con: n. p, 'b(w) year ,ntial may m to es of KRI lers 11 the :ht is ,300 ~ n t r y lone: qbw 'was each lmal ight; ld of I the that ofa not ,gain s, B, atest lUnd ,that ,sels with 'b(w) :8 for tand , this ,ding [09 18), haps DOCUMENTIKG SUPPLY 51 A further correspondence between the papyrus documents and the earlier ostraca is the variation in the numbers of vessels being delivered. If these figures do represent regular b.kw, the variation in vessel totals may reflect responses to the changing needs of the crew, perhaps including orders made by the superiors of the crew to the potters. The use of b;kw in one 20 th Dynasty account ostracon exemplifies the flexible character of commissions. O. Gardiner 80, 4-5 (HO 6114) states, after recording the complete deliveries during III smw: 'received as the b;kw of the potter, entered complete like his custom of every day.' This text implies that the deliveries received during that month constituted the potter's commission, which he managed to fulfiL Records survive of other members of the smdt, such as gardeners and woodcutters, receiving commands to deliver specific amounts.132 Janssen notes the commission received by the woodcutter Saroy, in year 29, III ,fJt 7, to deliver 380 units every 10 days. This order can be compared with that of Saroy's colleague, who received a commission to deliver 500 units. 133 As Janssen observes, the quotas of the woodcutters often deviated quickly from these specified amounts (see above p. 20). Such orders might have been regular, normal occurrences that are largely invisible in the written record, Although no known text records such an assignment to the potters to deliver specific amounts, texts that record varying quantities of ceramics and texts in which vessels other than qbw and tbw are included suggest that such commissions were madc. The b;kw may, therefore, be understood as a commission or expected dclivery of a predetermined unit of ceramics. Although theoretically quantifiablc, the b;kw was flexible, so that we cannot determinc what amount was expected except in specific deliveries. 3.7 Implications ofdefiCits Other factors may also have operated to produce differential sizes of deliveries. Firing was an unpredictable process, with a certain amount of wasters inevitably being produced each time, On this basis Christopher Eyre has suggested the one b;kw may have been the equivalent of one firing, which could vary in composition and in success,134 Although this hypothesis is viable, there is no direct evidence to support it and it is also possible that the needs of the crew were taken into account in each individual b;kw or work requirement. Where problems in the workshop or administrative breakdowns affected deliveries, these are likely to be reflected in the records as deficits. By examining patterns of deficit within the documentation it is possible to observe the impact of external problems in the Theban area on the potters' deliveries in the mid 20 th Dynasty. The journal ostraca of the reigns of Ramesses III and IV (Group I) again provide the most detailed documentation of delivery and deficit, although only very general trends can be deduced from the materiaL Janssen's analysis of pottery deliveries at the end of Ramesses Ill's reign to early Ramesses IV led to the conclusion that deliveries of commodities were generally very irregular at this time whereas in the preceding years they had been more stable. 135 The details of the pattern of deficits can be supplemented by a few account ostraca from the reign of Ramesses III. It must be borne in mind that the idiosyncrasies of scribal record keeping mean that some months record no deliveries at all even though deliveries were most probably made. 132 For the commissioning of the smdt see J, J. Janssen, 'The Year of the Strikes', BSEG 16 (1992), 44 n. 34; see also Janssen's section 7 in this volume. 133 'The Year of the Strikes'. 44-6. 134 C. J. Eyre, 'Work and the Organization of Work in the New Kingdom', in Labor in the Ancient Near East, ed, M. A. Powell (New Haven, 1987), 193. Janssen, 'b;kw: From Work to Product', 90 n. observes that, if this were the case, the potters would have delivered once per decade, The limited evidence discussed in 3.1 and a review of the delivery dates in the texts included in 3.3 indicate that deliveries could be made on more than one occasion during the ten-day period, 135 Commodity Prices, 488. 52 POTTERS The account of O. Gardiner 80 (HO 61/ 4) for year 21 of Ramesses III records deliveries that O. were made complete for the entire month of III smw; the final line, "entered complete like his bJ/rn custom of every day", although formulaic, may be an indicator of a reputation for efficiency and for t: punctuality. The records from a few years later appear to tarnish this reputation. The account text far 11 O. DeM 143, datable to year 24, while recording complete deliveries for III smw 30 and IV smw coml 10 and 20, enters deficits for IV smw 30, the five epagomenal days, and the first two decades of I appe 3bt (11. 1-7). Reasons for the accumulation of such a substantial deficit, beyond internal incre production problems, are unknown. This text warns us that, although the relationship between admi administrative problems at Deir el-Medina and deficit is clear at times, less easily identifiable in th, factors may also have had an impact. By year 27 deliveries appear to have returned to normal, the p with no deficits being entered and every delivery recorded as complete (0. DeM 33 vso, 8; O. TI DeM 34 rto, 7, 16, vso, 11); a deficit is, however, noted for the epagomenal days of year 28 in O. agair DeM 156 vso, 4. that From year 29 deficits are again a consistent feature of the record, during the time when labour inc01 troubles began to disrupt the community. The first hint of delivery problems may be found in the whet problematic O. Strasbourg H 26. If the entries on the recto refer to the potter, this text records m a d ~ complete deliveries throughout I and II smw and probably through the epagomenal days and II there 3bt. The verso may refer more explicitly to pottery deliveries, with the final line recording: 'IV coul, Jbt 10: deficit of the [potter)'. However, the reading of qd is based on a restoration (Cerny Nb. in thi 35.61) and the status of this text as a pottery account could be questioned. There are more certain Th references to delivery from later in year 29. In I prt 30 the potter made deliveries to Right and perio Left; details of the content of delivery are not given (0. Turin 57007 vso, 4-5). The strike action ambi began in the village only ten days later, on II prt 10. 136 The only further entry recording a pottery Peet, delivery is in P. Turin 1961 (Pleyte and Rossi, pI. 99), possibly from the end of year 29; IV prt 30 outsi, notes for Right 'the potter: I Y;,', while 'the potter: l' is noted for Left (vso, II, 5, 7).137 There are there no further records of pottery deliveries until year 30, although the consistent deficits incurred by reorg the woodcutters during year 29 and into year 30 are evidence of the impact of the strikes (see for II above p. 21).138 authc Deficits are recorded in an account text for III prt 30 and probably IV prt 10 of year 30, but a Peet, delivery oftv.'o b3kw was promptly made to remedy this deficit (0. DeM 165 rto, 1-2). O. DeM ~ A h a ' 154 rto, 15-16, of year 31, records the delivery of two b3kw on II smw 29, probably overdue entric payments for days 10 and 20. A number of fbw vessels are also specified. I interpret these as and! perhaps an early payment for II smw 30, although they may relate to the two b3kw. A deficit of 65 speci is noted. Complete deliveries are made in IV ;lJl, but since they are noted specifically, they may perha have been considered late, one b3kw being entered on day 13 for day 10, and one being entered Th for Right only on day 21 (0. DeM 157, 8-9, 17). From then into the reign of Ramesses IV, the may potters made deliveries late or were making good deficits. In II smw 7 of year 32 the debt was diffic paid for I smw 30 and at the same time the b3kw was delivered three days early for II smw 10 (0. or the 19 th DeM 38, 7, 17, 23). No sooner had these deliveries been made then the potter was in debt again I for the rest of the month. Disruptions to pottery and fuel deliveries (see above p. 21) throughout wide] year 30 and into year 31 are symptoms of continued labour problems within the village, or of subst general administrative problems in the Theban area. 139 mont side I 136 RAD 49, 15. P. J. Frandsen, 'Editing reality: the Turin Strike Papyrus', in Studies in Egyptology presented to Miriam Lichtheim, ed. S. Israelit-Groll, (Jerusalem, 1990), 166-99. Risbo 137 Janssen considers that the documentation of half units may point to a scarcity of materials: Commodity availa Prices, 488. A reference to a half unit may also be found in an anonymous papyrus fragment in Turin 140 Fo (Cerny MSS 3.616) which records, 'the potter 2'h'; this probably means 2'h bJkw. 141 Fo 138 Janssen, 'The Year ofthe Strikes', 46-8. BerIir B9 Disruptions in local administration may have directly impacted pottery production if, as Colin Hope b;kw suggests, the 'state' provided clay to these workshops: Egyptian Pottery, Shire Egyptology 5 (princes been ~ :8 that ce his yand It text , smw :s of! ternal tween fiable Irmal, 8; O. in O. aboUT in the
md II 'IV YNb. ertain It and
ottery Jrt 30 re are ed by , (see but a DeM erdue se as of65 may tered " the twas 0(0. 19ain
or of
'ity ffope inces DOCUMENTlI'G SUPPLY 53 O. DeM 40 rto, 15, from I gUt of year 1 of Ramesses IV, records that the potter delivered three bgk:w on day 24, probably overdue deliveries for days 10 and 20 (the deficits are not noted), and for the epagomenal days, for which the deficit was entered in a note in a separate column on the far left. A deficit is also recorded for day 30 (vso, 9). From this point on the deliveries tend to be complete, although often a few days late. 140 There are still occasional deficits, but the deliveries appear to have been generally more regular than in the final years of Ramesses IILI41 The increasing irregularity of delivery is probably a symptom of the general decay of the administration of the Necropolis at the end of a long reign. The more regular deliveries beginning in the first year of Ramesses IV perhaps correspond with a renewed interest in the Necropolis on the part of the successor king who was eager to get work on his tomb underway. These documents provide the only opportunity to trace a pattern of deficit in pottery deliveries against well documented changes and problems in the administration of the village. They show that such an equation between the two is possible; this may have implications for the more incomplete records of the end of the dynasty. It is difficult to determine from the papyrus texts whether deliveries continued on a regular basis in the closing years of the 20 th Dynasty or were made in large consignments more infrequently, as the surviving evidence seems to suggest. Since there were significant civil disturbances in the Theban area throughout this period, deliveries could have been affected to the point that they became more unusual events and warranted entry in the journals. The Turin Necropolis journal for year 17 of Ramesses IX provides the best example from this period. From II prl on, the text includes entries concerning the smdt in general: from the ambiguous entry 'taking the smdt of the Tomb of Left by the scribe of the Tomb, Hori' (Botti and Peet, pI. 14; rto B, I, 8) to the entries a few lines later, 'crew not working, while the smdt were outside under the authority (rJ(wy of the two scribes of the Necropolis, [ ... ] crew not working, there being no smdt outside' (rto B, I, 12). These entries seem to indicate that there was some reorganization of, or problem with, the smdt, although a record of a wood delivery was entered for II prl 15. The entry for II prt 18 records: 'crew not working, while their smdt were under the authority of the two scribes of the Tomb of the Outside, without any payments (1)' (Botti and Peet, pI. 15; rto B, I, 18). On II prt 24 a delivery of fish was made and on day 25 the potter rAhawy delivered a number of vessels (Botti and Peet, pI. 16; rto, B, II, 1-3). Although these entries are difficult to interpret, it seems that the crew was facing both deficits in grain delivery and problems with the smdt. In this context the delivery of pottery can perhaps be seen as a special occurrence; no text from the end of the 20 th Dynasty explicitly records a potter's deficit perhaps indicating that there was no longer an expected pattern to delivery. The interpretations presented here are speculative; moreover, other factors that left no trace may have had an impact on production. The deficits entered for year 25 of Ramesses III are difficult to explain except in terms of unknowable production problems specific to the workshops or the personal circumstances of the potters, as are the causes for the deficits recorded in the early 19 th Dynasty. Such deficits cannot be equated with any known problems in the village or the wider Theban area. The accounts of the potters Menna and N akhy in the early 19 th Dynasty record substantial deficits, especially those incurred by Menna in a year 9 where he is in deficit for five months, totalling 53 qbw vessels and 575 fbw vessels. Further deficit totals, perhaps for the other side of the crew, are even larger: 94 qbw vessels and 992 lbw vessels (0. Berlin P 10840). The Risborough, 1987), 10. This argument may apply only to high quality ceramics considering the ready availability ofNile silt for the production of most basic vessels. 140 For example O. DeM 47 rto, 3, 11; vso, 4. 141 For example, the following texts record deficits in year 1 = I prt 30 (0. DeM 47 rto, 11), III prt 30 (0. Berlin P 12641 + 12628, 7), II smw 20(7) (0. DeM 161 vso, 3). O. DeM 44 rto, 20 records a delivery of 1y, b?klv for III smw 29. Janssen considers that, since no delivery was recorded for day 20, materials may have been scarce at this time: Commodity Prices, 488. -- 54 POTTERS patterns of deficit incurred by the potters that can be traced in the texts cannot generally be Ana correlated with external administrative problems and decay. rese proc 4 Equations of word and object: an analysis offour pot-types A notable feature of the 'potter texts' from Deir el-Medina is the substantial number of vessels 4.1: delivered to the village every ten days. Although the exact number due in each b,kw varied, the I ha totals of some deliveries indicate that there was a significant and constant need for ceramics in the thrOl community. In the lives of the villagers this pottery was essential. It was the principal means to mult store, prepare, and serve food and to carry out many other activities within the domestic and work refer spheres. Janssen observes in Commodity Prices that we have virtually no cvidence for the enun exchange value of ceramics, beeause price texts generally refer only to metal or stone vessels. 142 used Vessels used for a wide variety of domestic purposes would have had a low value and high class turnover; millions of pot sherds were found within the rubbish dumps of the village, including the offo Grands PuitS. 143 Since their role was so essential, it is desirable to learn about the various forms of In thl the vessels - their sizes and range of functions - in order to advance our understanding of the lJl villagers' daily lives. possi Holthoer l44 noted that most Mesopotamian names of vessels relate directly to their material, their function, or their capacity, but concluded that the Egyptians derived their vessel names from something other than vessel function. This conclusion was largely based on the 1935 lexicographic analysis of Egyptian vessels by Robert du Mesnil du Buisson, whose study is the only one that covers a wide range of ceramics, including some of the vessel names that occur in the Deir el-Medina 'potter texts'. He considered that the qbw vessel was connected to qb, 'fresh, cool', an appropriate concept for a jar.145 He equated the g,y vessel with the verb g,w, 'to be narrow', perhaps suggesting a jar with a narrow neck. 146 Edward Brovarski has done preliminary work on some Old Kingdom and First Intermediate Period vessel terms,147 and Patricia Paice has studies connections between vessel shapes and their functions as depicted in tomb reliefs. 148 The most valuable recent examination of the intersection of lexicography and a ceramic corpus is that of Janet Bourriau and Stephen Quirke on the Middle Kingdom ceramic repertoire from Lahun. l49 An approach comparable to that taken at Lahun would be ideal for the material from Deir el Fig. 1 Medina but a full statistical analysis of the archaeological material in relation to the textual data Urk. r that is a prerequisite for determining lexicographic relations is beyond the scope of this study. The VI J;b-n 142 407_8 and n. 5. lS enu 143 ibid., 488. vessel. 144 New Kingdom Pharaonic Sites: The Pottery, 41; see J. Bourriau and S. Quirke, 'The Late Middle termin Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects', in Lahun studies, ed. S. Quirke, (Reigate, 1998), 60 determ 1, for a more recent discussion of the basis of classifications. 145 Les noms et signes egyptiens designant des vases ou objets simi/aires (Paris, 1935),30. l46 Noms et signes, 72. Janssen, Commodity Prices, 427, considers that du Mesnil du Buisson's suggestions 150 FoUl and explanations for the g'ly are unconvincing and concludes that no identification of the g'ly is apparant. P. Turi: Ricardo A. Caminos considered it to be an open bowl or cup since it was used more as a container for Howevl ISl Jans: vegetables and flowers than liquids (CLEM, 194-5), corresponding to the use of g,y vessels for natron, 152 The lotus leaves, and fruit in the Medinet Habu festival lists: A. Spalinger, 'Medinet Habu and Deir el-.Yledina IS3 The Combined', in Deir el-Medina in the Third Millennium AD: A Tribute to Jac. J. Janssen, eds R. 1. Demaree and A. Egberts, Egyptologische Uitgaven 14 (Leiden, 2000), 314. Although the shape of the g'l)' remains these m unknown, Janssen has determined a capacity of 20 hin: Two Ancient Egyptian Ship's Logs: Papyrus Leiden detenni 1350 verso and Papyrus Turin 2008 + 2016 (Leiden, 1961),88. vessel, l47 'Lexicographical Studies in Egyptian Pottery', Bulletin de Liaison du Groupe International d'Etude de determi: fa Ceramique Egyptienne 7 (1982), 36-7. 154 P. GJ 14S 'The Pottery of Daily Life in Ancient Egypt', JSSEA 19 (1989), 50-88. bibliogr 149 'The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects', 60-83. IS5 Com, lly be 'essels :d, the in the ansto lwork Dr the oels. 142 1high ngthe rmsof of the lterial, sfrom 1935 is the :cur in 'fresh, 'to be lediate i their ection ,fiddle eir el t! data study. v1iddle 8), 60
:Jaranl. ler for latron, "-edina :maree :mains Leiden de EQUA TJONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 55 Analysis of the occurrence of vessel types in the potter texts can be related to the present stage of research into vessel shape and size to produce some further insights both into the potters' products and into the documentation for the supply of particular ceramic types. 4.1 The basic pots: qbw and [bw I have shown above that [bw and qbw vessels formed the basis of deliveries to the village 19 th 20 th throughout the and Dynasties. Therefore it seems likely that they were simple, multipurpose vessels distinct from each another in shape and/or size. There is a standard way of referring to them in the records: qbw vessels precede [bw vessels and many fewer are usually enumerated. This relationship points to a qualitative differentiation between the two. ISO Both are used as containers for liquids, such as beer and water. l5l I consider that these two terms designate classes of vessels rather than fixed single shapes, their names perhaps referring to a wider range of forms. Difference in size may account for the differentation in numbers delivered in the texts. In the following discussion I assess the evidence for these two 'classes' of vessels. {Jb lbw) vessels are included among the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak, indicating a possible shape for the vessel. 152 0\1 .It. 0P. ...L II I' I Fig. 1. ob-nw-k; vessels in the offerings of Thutmose III at Karnak (Wreszinski, Atlas II, pI. 33; Urk. IV, 636). The vessel shown is distinctive, being beaker-like, and wider at the base than at the neck. JS3 The ub-nw-k; vessel here is the equivalent of the u-m-Icw of P. Harris I 36a, 7. A significant number is enumerated in this text as containers tor incense, perhaps indicating a smaller, cup-like vessel. l54 Janssen has considered that the [x]-n-k; termination, which is fairly common in vessel terminology, indicates that the vessels were cups; the name of the vessel given in the compound determines the shape.155 In the inscription of the High Priest Osorkon, the Ob/lb-n-k; is written 150 Four texts which enumerate qbw and fbw vessels show a ratio of 1:5 O. Or. Inst. Chicago 16698 rto, 3; P. Turin 2070/133, 134 + frgs rto, 10-11; Giornale of year 17, rto, B II, 1-3; P. Turin 1898, rto, III, 14. However, since these are isolated examples, it is uncertain how widely applicable such a ratio was. 151 Janssen, Commodity Prices, 433; Valbelle, Ouvriers, 265. 152 The equivalence between the l;b andlbw is confirmed in CLEM, 186-7. 153 The determinative given for a qby vessel in the offering list ofThutmose III at Elcphantine indicates that these may have been quite close in shape to the IJb-nw-h of the Karnak list. The simple elongated 'beaker' determinative is quite distinct from the determinatives given for the other vases in the list, including the Ub vessel, which is sho,,"n with a definite neck (Urk. IV, 828, 4). However, the occurrence of different determinatives within a single text does not offer a basis for a classification of vessel forms. 154 P. Grandet, Le Papyrus Harris I (EM 9999), BdE 109 (Cairo, 1994), I, 272; see vol. IT, 141, n. 576 for a bibliography for lbw. l55 Commodity Prices, 409. I 56 POTTERS with a goblet detenninative. ls6 The vessels recorded in these texts may be smaller cup versions of thai larger Ibw jars, with the wide mouth and lack of defined neck perhaps pointing to a vessel associated with food preparation and service. 157 The delivery list O. DeM 28,8 records f;b-nw-kJ cor: 1 vessels, perhaps as a fuller writing of !bw or as a distinct fonn v.'ithin the Ibw class. Vessels ves: categorized as Ibw may have had a generalized function as cups or containers for both liquid and con solid foods. A comparison can be made with the ~ n w vessels which are recorded in significant 4W numbers in the papyrus documents from Lahun and are equated by Bourriau and Quirke with the 346 drinking cups known from the site, the only vessel fonn which they consider could have been used in such numbers. 158 The b;kw of the Deir el-Medina potters show that Ibw vessels too were lbw 50' delivered in large quantities. the: The lower numbers of qbw vessels in the deliveries may be related to their larger size. In Poids o No. 5135, 3 the weight of a metal qbw vessel is stated to be 20 deben, or 1.8 kg. Valbelle betv concludes from this that the qbw was significantly larger than the Ibw. 159 That qbw designates a POttl simple storage jar may be indicated by the name itself. If the connection suggested by du Mesnil two du Buisson between qbw vessels and qb 'cool' can be accepted, it may suggest that qbw vessels were storage jars, perhaps for water and other liquids. The connection may also suggest the sigh one material of manufacture; qbw vessels could have been made from marl clay which cools water Helc through evaporation. As storage jars, qbw vessels may have been connected in shape or broad function with the qbw If a, have n-wt 'canopic jar'. The coincidence of the name suggests some correspondence. The simple canopic jar fonns given by Georges Nagel for Tomb 359 seem similar in shape to vessels found in the cellar of a house in the village. 160 However, Nagel's sample is so small that any identification is tentative. Janssen cautions that the standard shape of a canopic jar was rarely used as the fonn of bronze or pottery vessels. 161 This may be a principle of decorum vessels with a funerary purpose not being equated in fonn with ordinary domestic ceramics. The connection between qbw and qbw-n-wt may be simply that they were both, in one fonn or another, storage jars. Although the qbw may have been proportionally larger than the lbw, it is very unlikely that capa temp capa, appn meas Cc vso, cannc into i either fonn had a fixed capacity at Deir el-Medina, W. W. Struve [V. V. Struve] offered the only attempt to determine the capacity of the qbw (or qby) vessel, based largely on Greek evidence and his research on P. Boulaq 18. 162 Wolfgang HeIck's review of this evidence led him to conclude dOCUJ repre: betw( vesse restril than 1 156 R. A. Caminos, The Chronicle ofPrince Osorkon, Analecta Orientalia 37 (Rome, 1958), 129. 157 p, Cairo 58088 indicates that !bw could have had a large size, in this case accommodating 3 ds measures. See also, Janssen, Commodity Prices, 433 n. 170. C. Daniel, 'Les noms egyptiens de certains types de vases proba fixed In grecs', Studia et Acta Orientalia 5-6 (1967), 383-5, equates the lIb vessel with the Greek 1:0 o<:7tW; and the vesse: Mycenaean di-pa. He notes that the di-pa depicted on a tablet corresponds in shape with the form of the fib indicated by the determinative used for the word. The depictions of the di-pa that Daniel cites are not 163 DG comparable in form with the Ibw depicted in the Karnak offering list: D. H. F. Gray, 'Linear Band evidee Archaeology', Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies of the UniverSity of London 6 (1959), pI. 7. I andDI would argue that the form of the lbw was very flexible. 164 It 1 158 Bourriau and Quirke, 'The Late Middle Kingdom Ceramic Repertoire in Words and Objects', 74. some! 159 Catalogues des poids a inscriptions hieratiques de Deir el-Medineh: Nos 5001-5423, DFIFAO 16 165 D a ~ (Cairo, 1973), 18. 166 FOI 160 La ceramique du Nouvel Empire aDeir el Medineh, DFIFAO 10 (Cairo, 1938),35 cf. 122, no. 38, 42, SpaHn 44. 167 Da. 161 Commodity Prices, 412. sugges 162 Mathematischer Papyrus des staatlichen Museums der SchOnen Kunste in Moskau (Berlin, 1930), 55 Ceram withn.2. 2.5 1itr lions of vessel }-nw-k:; Vessels llid and ilificant vith the Ie been )0 were n Poids lalbelle a Mesnil vessels ;est the s water :le qbw simple s found lat any ; rarely vessels :s. The omlor that Iteonly lce and melude
le vases and the 'the !.b are not . Band pI. 7. I 'AO 16 38,42, >30), 55 EQliAnONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 57 that the qbw had no fixed capacity. Rather it seems that vessels such as the Ibw and qbw could correspond to a range of different ds measures. 163 Two texts may point to some, perhaps proportional, equivalence between qbw vessels and dpr vessels. In O. DeM 135, the record of the accumulated deficits of two potters includes a conversion from dpr vessels into qbw vessels: '9 dpr vessels to (=) qbw vessels, making Ur.n) 4Y:z' (see section 3.1). Such a conversion may indicate a size ratio between the vessels. O. DeM 346 vso, 3 records 42 dpr vessels '[making Ur.n)] 22 qbt vessels' (see n. 89 for the restoration). Ibw vessels may also be equated with dpr vessels in O. DeM 202: 'dpr vessels 30 [as?] 15, !.bw 50' (1\. 3_4).164 The restoration here is problematic and the hypothesis of any equivalence between the two types must remain tentative. O. Berlin P 10654 vso displays a similar complexity in possible equivalences, this time between qbw vessels and jnJ;t vessels. This text (discussed in section 3.3) seems to record the potters' production of ceramics on days 10, 20, and 30 of II :;bt, and day 10 of IIIi{lt. The final two lines state: 'total: 230 of (n) qbw vessels [ ...], specifying it (wp st) 23 jnJ;t vessels.' At first sight such a text seems to point to a proportional relationship between these vessels, a qbw being one tenth of ajnJ;t. Such a ratio is quite possible, because jnJ;t vessels do seem to have been large: Heick's calculations from O. Gardiner 81 indicate that ajnJ;t vessel was 2% of a mnt-amphora. 165 If a mnt had a liquid capacity of c. 20 hin and a hin was 0.48 litres, the capacity of a jnl;zt would have been c. 53 hin or 25.51itres. O. Berlin P 10654 vso would then show that a qbw vessel had a capacity of c. 5.3 hin, or 2.5 litres, whieh is a sensible size for a storage jar. 166 Although it is tempting to make such equations from this data, this evidence is based on assumptions about the capacity of other vessel types so is tentative. HeIck estimated that the ds vessel had a eapacity of approximately 3 litres. 167 If so, the qbw in P. Boulaq 18 would have been double the size ofa ds measure in order to contain the 2 ds (e. 6 litres). Contextual study of the equation between qbw vessels and other types in O. Berlin P 10654 vso, O. DeM 135, and O. DeM 346 vso, indicates some form of size ratio operated although we cannot easily determine the flexibility of that ratio or how it was used. A conversion of one vessel into its equivalent of another type is unusual in a text like O. Berlin P 10654 vso which seems to document the actual produetion of vessels, even their firing. If the last two lines of the text represent the total of ceramics produced in this process then the specification of a relationship between the two vessels types is rather strange. Perhaps the original order was for 230 qbw vessels, and this was then converted into the equivalent in vessels. If vessels had a more restricted, even ritual, function, the equivalence expressed here may be more abstract or complex than a ratio of capacity. The size of vessels delivered may have been standardized to some extent, probably based on ease of delivery and manageability within a domestic eontext rather than as fixed measures. In such a context, a value relationship might well have operated. The jnl;zt, as a specialized vessel, may have had a more established value, in relation to which the qbw vessels could be set. 163 Das Bier im Alten A'gypten (Berlin, 1971), 47. See also Anthony Spalinger's re-evaluation of the evidence for the capacity of these vessels, including discussion of O. DeM 135 and 202: 'Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined', 314. His conclusions largely correspond with mine. 164 It may also be possible to read: dpr 30 Ur.nl 15 lbw 50, which would support the hypothesis of some sort of equivalence. 165 Das Bier, 47. 16<5 For a review of evidence concerning the capacity of the mnl, including discussion of this text, see A. Spalinger, 'Medinet Habu and Deir el-Medina Combined', 312-3. 167 Das Bier, 46. R. L. Miller, ,(is-vessels, Beer Mugs, Cirrhosis and Casting Slag', GM 115 (1990), 64, suggests that the ds was a drinking vessel, perhaps to be equated with depictions given in Nagel, Ceramique, 199-206. Miller identifies a jar found at Saqqara as a ds vessel, noting that it had a capacity of 2.5 litres, roughly corresponding to Heick's estimate. 58 POTTERS In O. DeM 135 the scribe may well have calculated the value of the vessels owed, down to the half vessel. A parallel for this is found in O. Turin 57062 vso, 4, where 2Yz jnJ:tt vessels are set dl against five vessel types which precede them (their names are lost). The recording of five vessels compared with half that amount in jnJ:tt vessels, producing the unusual amount of a half vessel, tt 2; again suggests a value equivalence. Since vessels do not appear with fixed values in the price SJ texts, their worth may well have been assessed in relation to other vessel types. st b. 4.2 A specialized vessel: jnJ.zt D Apart from the two vessel types or classes that formed the basis of the deliveries of ceramics to re the village, the potter texts also occasionally enumerate other types. jnJ:tt vessels, although well known from other contexts, are rare in the potter texts. A few texts that may indicate their rit production or delivery by the Deir el-Medina potters illuminate aspects of its function and context of use. The pattern of occurrence ofjnJ:tt vessels indicates a specialized vessel type, the shape of which is unknown. The jnJ:tt vessel is most widely documented as a storage container for beer, and, as Walter F. Reineke notes, outside the data from Deir el-Medina it was often made of gold or silver. J68 That this vessel could be supplied as part of the ceramic requirement of the village seems to be indicated by the delivery lists from the early 19 th Dynasty (Category E). Some of these lists record jnJ.zt vessels, although they are not always indisputably connected with the smdt potters. In the Category E delivery lists of wood and ceramics jnJ:tt vessels occur four times, their total Cc amount being low in comparison with the other vessels enumerated in these texts. In O. DeM 1, 6, un a total of 7 jnl:u vessels are delivered, 5 of good quality, 2 of poor. In O. DeM 17, 4, only 3 jnJ.zt aU. vessels were delivered (2 good, 1 poor), in comparison with 290 lbw recorded in the previous int line, and in O. DeM 15, 3, 7 j n ~ l t vessels were delivered as against 295 Ibw vessels. 16 jnJ.zt po: vessels are documented in O. DeM 23, 5 (the text is broken and the reading at the end of the line uncertain).169 bei v e ~ Only two texts explicitly includejnJ:tt vessels in pottery deliveries. 0 Qurna 618/1 records two jnJ:tt vessels among the deficit of 55 qbw and 265 Ibw vessels incurred by the potter Menna. O. IJ.ry Michaelides 33 rto, 3-6. J 70 This text records for III Jot 30 matching deliveries from a potter to vex Right and Left, among other deliveries of wood and gypsum: 'the potter: 1, jnlp vessels 20 (pJ qd 1 jnJ.zt 20).'171 The stroke read as 'one' after the title p, qd could refer to the b,kw of the potter, not with jnJ:tt vessels being an addition to the quota delivered. 172 jnJ:tt vessels were, therefore, a wit 'go component of the potters' repertoire, and this fact may complicate the interpretation of other texts where they occur. 173 More generally jnJ.zt vessels are recorded as being delivered filled with beer I this and thus are probably not associated with ceramic delivery. 174 ( Me( J68 'Der Zusammenhang der altagyptischen Hohl- und UingenmaBe', MID 9 (1963), 146. 175(. 169 Kitchen restores: '16jnl;i vessels [by the hand of A]meneminet' (KRII, 367, 8 a-b) but there does not 176 1 appear to be space for this formula in the break. The rest of this text is similar to the other wood and pottery 177 delivery lists. See the discussion of parallel texts in section 2.3. 170 Goedicke-Wente, pJ . 67. However, I follow CernY's transcription of the text here (Nb. 108.30). 178 1 Cau 171 Contra Goedicke and Wente who restore IT1l ] on line 3. On line 7 Goedicke and Wente read 27 jnl;t 197 vessels instead of 20 vessels and the restoration for 'the [plasterer], (Pi q(/) given by Cerny. 179 1 172 Alternatively it could refer to a single potter although this would be unusual in this context (see section Rek 2.1). Compare the reading of this text with that discussed for O. DeM 154 rto, 15-6 in section 3.4. Egy 173 Other entries for this day include specialty breads and ds measures of beer (11.7-8), while the follo\Ving som entry for IV ;!Jt 1 records a festival of Hathor (1. 9). Although an association with a festival context is Diet possible, the delivery of jnl;ts, as discussed by Spahnger, is recorded separately from the breads and ds ina measures, and is included among more standard delveries: 'Medinet Habu and Dei! elMedina Combined', note 310-311. Earl l to the are set vessels vessel, e price mics to well :e their
mpe of Ir beer, of gold village ome of le smdt :ir total M 1,6, r 3 revious 16 :he line 'ds two mao O. )tter to (pJ qd potter, fore, a ;r texts th beer oes not pottery 27 section llowing rrtext is and ds lbined', EQUATIONS OF WORD AND OBJECT 59 vessels of beer occur consistently in a series of six Category E ostraca that seem to document the delivery of commodities associated with festival or temple offerings. 174 Four of these texts state that the commodities were delivered by an individual; in O. DeM 20 and O. DeM 25 the deliveries are made by a local priest. Each of these six texts lists items that include speciality foodstuffs and vessels of beer rather than the fuel and 'plain', unfilled pottery of standard deliveries: 'II smw 12, by the hand of the local priest (w('b Sf): 175 60 large j nJ:zt vessels of beer, entered 56, deficit 4, 120 (bundles of) vegetables, ISO s('t cakes, and 100 rJ:zs cakes' (0. DeM 20). The only exception in this group is O. DeM 26, where 30 'large' vessels are recorded, 27 are entered (jw), and there is a deficit on. No beer is recorded with these vessels. The recto of O. DeM 29 may confirm that lists containing such products are associated with rituals or festivals rather than deliveries of materials to the village. 176 total of various (sbn)jnl)tvessels of beer: 653 [+x] the record of the [ ... ] which were given as offerings (snw) [...] good bread: loaves of [ ... ] s('t cake: [x oipeJ rJ:zs cakes: [ ... J jnJ:zt vessels of beer: [ ... J beer [ ... ] Connections of this vessel type with the temple or festival sphere nmy explain features of the unique and difficult distribution text, O. BM 50728, discussed in section 2.3. The text records the allocation ofjnJ:zt vessels to individual crew members. The 10 + 5jnJ:zt vessels seem to be grouped into four different categories, perhaps to quality of the vessel or its contents, and possibly its shape or finish: 177 '5 doubly good jnJ:zt vessels in the fashion of hbny [vessels?] being returned (m hyt); 2 for Baky, I for Huy, 1 (for) ('Omek, 1 for Qaha, totalS' (11. 5-6). Six vessels given to individuals in line 7, one for each nmn, are stated to be 'middling good (11fr m hry-jb)', and line 10 enumerates two vessels that also have a designation, perhaps reading "not . " (J 3) very poor _ 1."" \\ . If the jnJ:zt vessels were more specialized beer vessels used in festival or ritual contexts, then the note of quality, either of contents or of the vessel itself, would have been important. This concern with quality can also be seen in the delivery lists, where the jnJ:zt vessels are described as either 'good' or 'poor' .178 Particularly difficult to understand in this context are the writings of hbny, perhaps referring to this well-known amphora-shaped vessel. I19 The five doubly goodjnl)t vessels are designated 'in 174 O. DeM 19; 20; 21; 25; 26; 27. For further discussion of these texts, see Spalinger, 'Deir e1Medina and Medinet Habu Combined', 311. ( "'''''1 0 175 l=n (1. 1). For another writing of this title see O. DeM 25, 2. 176 The verso of this text records only nswt bjty mnm;rtr r . 177 For the use of red ink in this text see p. 19 n. 75 above. 178 O. DeM 1, 6; 17,4. For discussion of the meaning of snn, in these contexts, see D. Valbelle, Catalogue des poids ainscriptions hieratiques de Deir e/.Afedineh, Nos 500l-5423, DFIFAO 16 (Cairo, 1977),23. 179 Wh. II, 487. There are depictions of the hbnylhbnt vessel in Urk IV, 1130,8; 1135,2 and in the tomb of Rekhmire: N. de G. Davies, The Tomb of at Thebes, The Metropolitan Museum of Art Egyptian Expedition 11 (New York, 1943), I, pIs. 33, 34. In these examples, it is shaped as an amphora, sometimes without handles, and often contains honey. E. A. W. Budge, An Egyptian Hieroglyphic Dictionary (London, 1920),446, gave the capacity of a hbnt ndst as one quarter of a hin. F. G. Hilton-Price, in an earlier publication, 'Notes on Some Egyptian Antiquities in My Collection', TSBA 9 (1886), 353, noted the same capacity for this vessel. Here see also T. G. H. James, The Heqanakhte Papers and Other Early Middle Kingdom Documents (New York, 1962), 118. 60 POTTERS the fashion of hbny vessels' 0) (vso, 5). This seems to express an equivalence between the two vessel types, perhaps representing an addition or finish to the vessel that increased its value. Du Mesnil du Buisson speculated in his discussion of the hhnl vessel that the word related to hbny, "ebony" t"'..:, ruJ:-Oi) and indicated a blackened colour or lustre to the vesseL I80 hbny also occurs as an annotation above the entries of jni}.t vessels for particular workmen in lines 8-12 of the recto. The entry on line 13 (hhny n [ ... ]) may indicate that hhny vessels themselves were also delivered to the workmen named in the following lines. So far as I know hbny vessels do not occur in other Deir el-Medina texts.l8J These notations may also refer to some sort of finishing to the j ni}.t vesseL The inclusion of more unusual designations for the vessels certainly points to the exceptional nature ofthe delivery in O. BM 50728, as does the entry of an amount ((i}.(w) of bJq oil (8) in line lOon the verso, after the specification of 10 further jnlJl vessels for particular workmen (pJ WpWl n plIO n jnlJt n tJ jst). Janssen observes that this oil was rarely used by the workmen as it was too expensive. 182 It is possible that the text refers to the delivery of jni}.t vessels of bJq oil, the references to quality therefore referring to the quality of oil rather than the vessel itself. The designation hbny may be associated with this as welL Complicating this analysis is the proposed large size ofjni}.t vessels (discussed in section 4.1), which may account to some extent for its more restricted function within the vessel repertoire. jnlJt vessels occur only rarely in the Medinet Habu festival calendar, indicating that even within the temple their use was specialized. ls3 The ealculation of the equivalence in contents of the vessels in O. Gardiner 81 indicates that we are dealing with a set capacity for these vessel types in this text. 184 If the capacity of a jni}.t was 53 hin or 25.5 Htres, this would equate to a significant quantity of bJq oil per person. 185 O. BM 50728 remains a puzzle. Despite thc difficulties in interpretation, it seems most likely that it records allocation of vessels, possibly filled with oil or beer, for festival or cultic purposes. The careful documentation of such a distribution may also indicate that the vessels were not to be kept by the men, perhaps only being used by them for the event and then returned to the temple. A large size may serve to explain their more limited and specialized oecurrence in the data, perhaps restricted to the religious sphere rather than playing a role in the domestic life of the villagers. In this instance, contextual analysis of texts that seem to relate to ceramic deliveries can alter our understanding of these texts and illuminate the role and function of a vessel type in the community. For vessels that were delivered more commonly, we can observe the potential for flexibility in the classification systems; these would repay further detailed study . . S Conclusion Analysis of the texts concerning pottery delivery leaves a number of questions unanswered and areas unexplored; the limited number of sources available and problems inherent in them restrict their potential for interpretation. However, some insights into the organization and administrative structures of Deir el-Medina are fortheoming from the material. Within the meticulous record keeping of the village, the key theme seems to be flexibility. This flexibility is apparent in the 180 Noms et signes, 28. 181 Janssen did not include them in his chapter on 'Vessels' in Commodity Prices. None of the references for the entry in the Wb II, 487 has a Deir e1-Medina provenance. 182 Commodity Prices, 330. 183 On the occurrence of the jnl,tt in the Medinet Hahn festival lists, see A. Spalinger, 'Medinet Habn and Deir ei-Medina Combined', 311-2. ]84 Heick, Das Bier, 46. 185 Even if the mnt was only 10 hin, a jnl,tt would still be of a substantial size, c. 11-12 iitres: Janssen, Commodity Prices. 434. N CONCLUSION 61 number of potters assigned to the crew, the size and content of the quota required every 10 days, and the timing of deliveries. The final section of my study also points to the potential flexibility of form, size, and function of the pots themselves. Although we can find implications in the 'potter texts' for features of society beyond the village itself, such as the specifie interpretation of b;kw or the occurrence of vessels in royal festival calendars, it must be borne in mind that the real value of the Deir el-Medina material lies in its potential to illuminate the lives of ordinary people in Ramessid Egypt. For that purpose we need to attend most closely to the village context. Appendix: The potters of Deir el-Medina Names of potters in documents relating to the delivery of ceramics: I Names of potters in documents concerning matters other than the supply of ceramics: I 1 (Omek i Turin Strike Papyrus, RAD 47,6 I 2 Khonsu O. Turin 57192, 1 ! 3 Herunefer O. DeM 73 rto, 2 4 Paaeminet I O. Berlin P 12343 vso, 3 5 Bakenmut P. Turin 2018 A rto, la, 5; rto IV, 17; vso, I, 6; B rto, II, 4; D I rto, 14; P. BM 10068, vso V, l3 6 Wenennefer ! P. BM 10068 vso V, 14 alence el that 1at the to the ticular thbny ar as I ) refer ltional in line wpwt it was til, the f. The 1 4.1), rtoire. within of the pes in ificant likely poses. tto be ~ m p l e . . data, of the 1 alter in the ial for :d and estrict rative 'ecord in the rences )U and nssen, 1 I Menna O. IFAO 387, 1; O. Qurna 618i1; O. DeM 91, 1; O. Berlin P 10840 vso, 1 2 Nakhy I O. IFAO 387,4; O. DeM 91,4 3 I Ptahemheb O. Cairo 25591 rto, 5; O. DeM 343, 2; P. Greg vso, B, 8; rto A,11 4 Parahotep O. DeM 868 5 Hori O. DeM 868; O. DeM 869 6 Herunefer O. Cairo 25597 rto, 3 7 Neferher O. Cairo 25591 rto, 5; O. Cairo 25633 vso, 2 8 Amennakht O. DeM 44 rto, 8 9 'Dmek P. Turin 2081+2095, rto, 1 10 <'Ahawy P. Turin 1881 vso, V, 1; VI, 7; VII, 1 (?); Giornale of year 17 rto, B II, 2; P. Turin 2018 A vso, 1, 12; B rto, II, 11; B vso, II, 17; P BM 10068 vso, VI, 25; P. Turin 2014 rto, 27-8; P BM 10054 vso II, 9 62 POTTERS Addendnm Pierre Grandet's Catalogue des ostraca hieratiques non litteraires de Deir el-Medineh IXbecame available just as this chapter went to the press. This volume contains a number of important potter texts. I have included them in the tables on pages 33-7 and provide a short account of them here. O. DeM is the longest and most detailed potter account known to me. I will be adressing the issues it raises in a further publication. It records deliveries made by the potters Ptahemheb, Parahotep, Hori and Neferher for the months of I ;bt to I prt of a year 6. The title p; qd occurs only in line I, in reference to Ptahemheb, but probably also covers the other individuals named. Ptahemheb and Neferher are known from other potter accounts discussed in this chapter. O. DeM 869, also published by Grandet and dated to a year 6, records deliveries made by Hori of qbw and lbw vessels to Right. Both Hori and Parahotep are not otherwise attested in the potter texts. In O. DeM 868, details of delivery are grouped according to individual potters. In line 13 Neferher delivers vessels to Left (t; rj; smM; this is the only statement concerning Right or Left in this text. That four potters deliver during the same general period emphasizes the potential number of potters involved in delivery, which is not generally apparent in many of the potter texts. Ptahemheb and Neferher make deliveries on different days in IV ;bt. The vessel numbers vary, except for those delivered as the making good of deficits by Ptahemheb which are consistent sums (II. 3-4). The vessels delivered include qbw and Ibw vessels, as well as g;y andjn/:lt; this text therefore provides further evidence thatjnJ:tt vessels were part of the potter's repertoire. Grandet follows Gutgesell in assigning a date in the mid-20 th Dynasty to O. DeM 868 and 869. 19 th My assignment of a late Dynasty date to the other account ostraca of Ptahemheb and Neferher (0. Cairo 25591, O. Cairo 25633, and O. DeM 343) is based on the record of Ptahemheb's deliveries in P. Greg, firmly dated by Janssen to the reign of Siptah. 186 Gutgesell places Ptahemheb in the 20 th Dynasty on the basis of the occurrence of this name in P. Turin 2006+ 1961, usually dated to year 29 of Ramesses 111. [87 The Ptahemheb in this text is not a potter and so is a different individual. I propose that the late 19 th Dynasty date of the other documents should therefore be retained and should also be adopted for O. DeM 868 and 869. Further texts relevant to potters in Grandet's volume include O. DeM 877 in which a list of arrears in water supplies are measured in jn/:lt vessels. O. DeM 871-3 are sherds bearing the phrase m J qd. Grandet considers these phrases, along with the phrase m/:l m-rJrt p;-J:tm-nlr 'complete by the hand ofPahemnetjer/the priest' on O. DeM 870, as delivery marks inscribed on the pots themselves. 18S 186 Janssen, Village Varia, 115-6. 187 Gutgesell, Die Datierung, 20. Dynastie, 252, 309-12. 188 Catalogue des ostraca IX, 49-50. UNT Marel l Eil Die A Papyr: Einwc zusHin Verw, Angell
Bei suchur wichtil Andre: Vortei: Juni 2( nicht-li recherc Beirr allgem Der MaXI mieh Aufn Doni
J., Ja grap, daz,u 2 Sieht tause Peri, Gutg Teil1 el ME Held Janss Histo 6 MeD Valb, g Venn Witnl II: Ta 10 Ein P II Gutg! 12 Allan 13 Held