P. 1
EPrize Apartheid

EPrize Apartheid

|Views: 16|Likes:

More info:

Published by: margaret-maloney-194 on Jan 17, 2011
Copyright:Attribution Non-commercial


Read on Scribd mobile: iPhone, iPad and Android.
download as PDF, TXT or read online from Scribd
See more
See less








Elizabeth Lee Jemison

tect the supremacy of Afrikaans-speaking whites and to repress non-white groups through a policy of almost complete separation. The Afrikaner people, the descendants of the first Dutch settlers in southern Africa, were the dominant white minority and, once unified behind the cause of apartheid, formed a majority of the allwhite electorate. Apartheid, the Afrikaans word for separateness, began as a governmental system after the elections of 1948 when the Afrikaner Nationalist Party, became the majority Party, and this system lasted until 1994. The Afrikaner white population developed the apartheid system in 1948 in part as an outgrowth of the ideology of Nazi Germany, an ideology the Afrikaners readily accepted because of the affinity they felt towards Germans, and because they feared being dominated by the English minority who had previously controlled the country. The desire of the Afrikaners for complete power in South Africa began when the British took over the Cape area in 1806, in an effort to prevent Napoleon from gaining control of the region. The introduction of another European group vying for power
Elizabeth Lee Jemison is at Princeton. She wrote this paper at St. Mary’s Episcopal School in Memphis, Tennessee, for Ms. Joan Traffas’ Honors World History II course in the 2003-2004 academic year.

South African apartheid was a system developed to pro-


Elizabeth Lee Jemison

served to awaken Afrikaner nationalism. The British who settled in the Cape area in the early 19th century brought with them concepts of the 18th century Enlightenment and the pro-business liberalism of the 19th century. These ideas conflicted sharply with the conservative Calvinist ideology of the Dutch who had settled South Africa beginning in the mid-17th century. As the result of the anti-slavery lobby in Britain and of the efforts of Christian missionaries to end racial prejudice, the British advocated a lessening of segregation to allow some non-whites to participate at least partially in the white-dominated society. Overall, the English possessed a more advanced culture and lifestyle than the Dutch living at the Cape, so the Dutch were likely to be absorbed into a colonial British society as second-class citizens. Indignant about the possibility of such a fate and without sufficient skill to fend off the British, many of the Dutch Boers moved further inland to areas to the northwest of the Cape area beginning in 1835. These Afrikaners or Voortrekkers conquered the land of native African tribes and established autonomous Boer republics. There, Afrikaners began to cultivate an Afrikaner culture.1 These Afrikaner or Boer republics began to prosper, especially after the discovery of gold and diamonds within their lands. This new-found wealth, however, worked to the detriment of the Boer republics because when the British learned of the gold and diamonds to be found further inland, they vied for control. The conflicts erupting from the attempt on the part of the British to incorporate the Boer republics into the British Empire eventually caused two Boer Wars. The first of these lasted from 1881-1882 and the second from 1899-1902. During these wars, the British suppressed and mistreated Afrikaners. The British created voluntary concentration camps during the second Boer War where many women and children came for protection, yet conditions in these camps were such that 26,000 Afrikaners died of disease and starvation. Towards the end of the second Boer War, the British began to burn Boer farms—destroying crops and razing homesteads. These wars illustrated the dangers of two self-proclaimed Christian nations going to war against each other when both nations believed in the same God and both were certain that God



justified all their actions.2 The Freethinker, a liberal English journal, reported in October 1899, “The Boer has a Mauser rifle in one hand and a Dutch Bible in the other, while the Britisher has weapons in both hands and a Bible behind his back...Each informs the God of that book which side he ought to take in the quarrel.”3 Ultimately, the British gained control of the Boer Republics with the Treaty of Vereeniging of 1902. Though the Afrikaners were routed, many loyal Afrikaners chose to destroy their weapons rather than surrender them to the British, while still others accepted deportation rather than swear allegiance to Britain.4 Despite their defeat, many Boers felt pride that while Britain used 448,000 soldiers in the war where 7,000 of them died, the Boers never had more than 70,000 soldiers (rarely more than 40,000) and most of these were civilians. Only 4,000 Boers died in the war. This pride in their military record evolved into a new wave of Afrikaner nationalism. Their defeat after bloody wars made them more bitter towards the British than if Britain had seized control of the Boer republics without a struggle.5 This century of conflict (1806-1902) encouraged Afrikaner unity and a strong anti-British attitude that would serve as an initial impetus for German sympathy culminating in intense pro-Nazism in the mid-20th century. The extent of Afrikaner anti-British sentiment was most evident in Afrikaners’ opposition to the leadership of Jan Christian Smuts. Smuts, though an Afrikaner himself, was willing to negotiate with the British; he served in a variety of offices in Britishcontrolled South Africa including two terms as prime minister. Smuts had fought on the Boer side of the second Boer War but later became active in seeking compromise between the two sides by leading the Boer negotiations for surrender as the Transvaal State Attorney. Smuts explained the Boer position,
We are not here as an army but as a people...Everyone represents the Afrikaner people...They call upon us to avoid all measures which may lead to the decline and extermination of the Afrikaner people...We commenced this struggle and continued it to this moment because we wished to maintain our independence...But we may not sacrifice the Afrikaner people for that independence. As soon as we are

he experienced dissent from the Afrikaners who viewed him as a British agent for his belief that the Union of South Africa did not have the right to secede from the British empire. Smuts played crucial roles in convincing Britain to give Afrikaners general autonomy and in uniting the defeated Boer republics with British provinces to form the Union of South Africa in 1910. Upon entering office. The Party became increasingly devoted to Afrikaner supremacy rather than Hertzog’s initial policy of equality between the two white groups.M. Hertzog who wanted to make British and Afrikaner cultures equal but separate entities. From that political vantage. Smuts and Hertzog reconciled their differences to form the United Party in 1933 in which Smuts served as deputy prime minister until Hertzog resigned from the government in 1939. Smuts was very cautious in his opposition to the Afrikaners.6 As the result of his efforts to lead the post-war negotiations. Smuts’ opposition to the rebellion primarily caused the formation of the Afrikaner Nationalist Party later that year by J. when South Africa entered World War II supporting the Allies.B. there is no reasonable chance to retain our independence as republics. In 1919 Smuts had become prime minister when his proBritish Union Party was still the majority party. The first evidence of this conflict appeared in 1914 at the beginning of World War I when Smuts fought to end a proGerman rebellion led by Afrikaners. it was able to enact its policies of apartheid that it developed during this period of ascendancy. Smuts’ belief that Britain had the right to rule South Africa earned him a pro-British label and alienated many fervent Afrikaner nationalists. it clearly becomes our duty to stop the struggle in order that we may not perhaps sacrifice our people and our future for a mere idea which cannot be realized.8 After he lost power to Hertzog in 1924. Hertzog’s resignation made Smuts very aware of the division among South Africans in their opinions on World War II and of the possibility of a civil war . Smuts became more politically astute and aware of the strength of his opposition. In the wake of his experience with the pro-German rebellion in 1914. humanly speaking.7 The Nationalist Party grew in strength from 1914 until 1948 when it gained a majority.78 Elizabeth Lee Jemison convinced that.

Smuts was the object of many Afrikaners’ frustrations at the failed attempts at Afrikaner independence. Fichte’s theories. many Afrikaners were of German as well as Dutch ancestry and shared a common bond with Germans through . Where anti-British sentiment was unable to produce lasting German sympathies. but it contributed in laying the groundwork for stronger ideological identification with Germany. J. C. introduced the concept of German supremacy that became the first seeds of Nazism. and he ironically became a symbol of oppressive British imperialism. conquered native tribes. ideological identification with German nationalism especially through Afrikaners’ adoption of the concept of a volkgeist forged strong ties between Afrikaners and Germans. Herder called the character distinctive to a culture its volkgeist. Britain. Anti-British sentiment was not a direct cause of the bulk of pro-German and later pro-Nazi sentiment in South Africa. Afrikaners adopted this concept of a volk for their own purposes.THE CONCORD REVIEW 79 resulting between the South Africans of British descent who were pro-Allies and the Afrikaners who were pro-Nazi. and established the Boer Republics. “Why should we fight for Britain. so Afrikaners used it to glorify the Voortrekkers who traveled deeper into Africa. J. Johann von Herder. The volk stood for the identity of the common people. Fichte. they were the paragons of Afrikaner idealism. built on Herder’s concepts of volk and volkgeist by claiming in his Addresses to the German Nation that the German volkgeist was superior to that of other cultures.9 Smuts’ leading South African forces on the side of the British in World War II angered the more conservative Afrikaners whose position the newspaper. A later German philosopher. G. an early romantic German nationalist coined the term volk in his Ideas of a Philosophy of Human History to describe the cultural heritage of the common people in any particular area. captured when it posed the question. In an attempt to distance themselves from Smuts. many Afrikaners aligned themselves with Germany against the old enemy. Die Burger. first expressed in 1808. the only country which has ever attacked us?”10 Although he was an Afrikaner. In addition.

Accordingly. they claimed that God had established the volk as a tool for His purposes in South Africa.14 Nazi influence in shaping the ideology of Afrikaners was not the primary cause of Afrikaner belief in the superiority of whites over blacks. Nazis and Afrikaners construed the concept of volk to permit a form of xenophobia that would preserve their Western Christian tradition from the dangers Asian and Soviet powers posed. Several future leaders of the apartheid era encountered Nazism while studying in Germany. Many Afrikaners opposed the Versailles Treaty ending World War I. and cultural superiority of the “elect” Afrikaner culture. Afrikaners took Calvinism’s doctrine of election and claimed that it supported the spiritual. but Nazism was largely responsible for encouraging the idea that Afrikaners were superior to any other groups of whites.15 Afrikaners distorted their Calvinist beliefs to further this attitude of not only white supremacy but also of supremacy of the Afrikaner volk over all other groups. Afrikaners felt an inclination to support Nazism as both Nazism and their own Voortrekker heritage relied heavily on the idea of volk to promote the concepts of racial supremacy. Most Afrikaner students who traveled to Europe to pursue their post-graduate studies at a large university studied in Holland or Germany rather than England despite the fact that more of these students spoke English.11 Strong pro-German sentiment was evident as early as 1914 when German nationalism caused an Afrikaner rebellion against British rule. not German. the religious ties of Afrikaners were a natural place to find additional support for the Afrikaner volk. biological. thus making the “salvation” of the Afrikaner nation from .12 As the Nazi Party gained power in Germany. Because Afrikaner culture derived support from the Calvinist tradition. Afrikaners further adapted Calvinism to include a national consciousness in the doctrines of election and vocation.13 Afrikaners adopted Hitler’s concept of a master race and Nazi German nationalism to their Afrikaner situation. Even Smuts attempted to persuade the British to negotiate a less debilitating treaty with Germany. They viewed it as a cruel domination of the already defeated Germans.80 Elizabeth Lee Jemison their identification with Protestantism.

”18 In addition to advocating independence from Britain. In 1929. David. after having gained independence from Britain in 1961. General J. anti-Semitism in the 1930s further linked the ideologies of Christian-Nationalism and Nazism.a plan formed in 1653 when [the first Dutch settlers] arrived at the Cape. expressed decent tolerance. Afrikaners manipulated Calvin’s teachings to claim that Calvinism’s clear delineation between the elect and the damned supported the formation of apartheid’s rigid racial and ethnic distinctions. ChristianNationalists stressed the State at the expense of more liberal ideas of individual freedom. Goliath. revealed the degree to which they thought that independence from Britain was their divinely ordained destiny when the Afrikaner newspaper.16 By equating Calvinism to Nationalism and by seeing the struggle for Afrikaner political power as obedience to divine will. .17 The Christian-Nationalist movement grew in importance and became a central part of the campaign for Afrikaner independence and for apartheid. Die Transvaler. there was initially resistance to this trend from powerful Afrikaner leaders.. Hertzog.THE CONCORD REVIEW 81 the evils of British domination appear comparable to the spiritual salvation of its inhabitants.M. Afrikaners.19 While Christian-Nationalism provided an ideological justification for fascism. Afrikaner journalists supported the concept of Christian-Nationalism by frequently referring to the growth of Afrikaner power in the British-controlled government as similar to the biblical story of the young Hebrew boy. defeating the Philistine giant. Both formulated similar policies to control Jews within their respective countries. This made the emerging ideas of totalitarianism and fascism seem reasonable and compatible with Christian-Nationalism. Through this combination of deeply entrenched doctrines of Calvinism and the newer concept of nationalism expressed through support of the Afrikaner volk...for which the defeat of our Republics in 1902 was a necessary step.. “Our republic is the inevitable fulfillment of God’s plan for our people. the founder of the Nationalist Party. Interestingly. reported. the concept of Christian-Nationalism emerged.B.

A protest organized by the Grey Shirts met the ship near the docks in Cape Town as a show of the force various militant groups possessed.4% of the 6. a chartered ship. fearing that Jews would eventually overpower Afrikaners’ economic and political control. Thus.20 and anti-Semitism became an official policy of the Afrikaner Nationalist Party.295 Germans immigrating to South Africa from 1933-1936. the . Despite such voices. Daniel F. but the Grey Shirts were the most vehemently anti-Semitic of these groups. but the Party soon became involved in pressing for a new restriction on immigration of Jews that went into effect on November 1. the Afrikaner Nationalist Party attempted to oppose the Grey Shirts’ anti-Semitism. there was a dramatic increase in the number of Jews immigrating to South Africa from Germany. 23 In reaction to the SS Stuttgart incident. The Grey Shirts became very active in anti-Semitic protest against the rising numbers of German Jewish immigrants. led by L. also outwardly supported Jewish equality.T. In 1930 Dr. a South African of German descent. Other Nazi sympathizing organizations included the Boerenasie and the New Order. Several militant Nazi-sympathizing organizations protested the immigration of Jews into South Africa. the government seemed to legitimize anti-Semitism.22 Initially. Many Afrikaners noted this increase with alarm. who later became the head of the Nationalist Party and the first prime minister of South Africa under the apartheid regime.21 These immigrants formed 57. the SS Stuttgart. South African anti-Semitism was directly related to the anti-Semitism and persecution policies in Germany. 1936. Malan. with the Immigration Quota Act.82 Elizabeth Lee Jemison saying that the Jews were the ethnic group whose concerns were most similar to those of the Afrikaner. he initiated the Immigration Quota Act to allow immigration only from a select group of countries excluding those eastern European countries from which Jews most frequently immigrated. but at the same time. anti-Semitism rose at an alarming rate in both Germany and South Africa during the 1930s. all these were anti-Semitic. Because of the persecution of Jews in Germany. Before this new restriction went into effect. One such gang was The South African Grey Shirt Party. In fact. Weichardt. carried 600 German-Jewish refugees to South Africa.

a center for Afrikaner volk identification.28 Following these demands of the Nationalist Party. Louw maintained that Jews were involved in the Bolshevik Revolution and therefore intended to spread Communism worldwide.26 Afrikaners continued to pursue increasingly radical antiSemitic legislation throughout the late 1930s. In 1937. Afrikaners often considered Jews “non-assimilables” and prevented them from immigrating. His bill was a means of suppressing all Jews. Eric Louw. and that Jews were a danger to society. later Foreign Minister. This bill defined Jews as anyone with parents who were at least partly Jewish regardless of actual religious faith or practices. Here Dr. and prohibition of Jews and other “non-assimilable” groups from joining certain professions. he became editor of Die Transvaler. These demands included the explicit prohibition of all future Jewish immigration. the removal of Yiddish as an approved European language for immigration purposes. keeping pace with that of Nazi Germany.27 The ambiguities in the Aliens Act caused the Nationalist Party to fight for a number of new demands to prevent all Jewish immigration and thus minimize the role of Jews in South Africa. His first editorial was a caustic diatribe against Jews. the newspaper published by the Nationalist Party of the Transvaal region. Although this act did not explicitly prohibit Jewish immigration. To support his claim. which provided a prominent voice on Party issues for several decades. and five other Stellenbosch professors pledged themselves to pursue an end to all Jewish immigration. a Nationalist Party member. the Aliens Act created an Immigrant Selection Board to ensure “assimilability” among all immigrants. This bill suggested that Jews threatened to overpower Protestants in the business world and were innately cunning and manipulative. introduced another anti-Semitic bill that strongly resembled Nazi legislation—the Aliens Amendment and Immigration Bill of 1939. in 1937. Hendrik Venvoerd. The majority Union Party .25 Verwoerd became even more outspoken on the subject of anti-Semitism when.24 Verwoerd further pursued anti-Semitic policies by suggesting to the government that it no longer give Jews any new trading licenses.THE CONCORD REVIEW 83 Nationalist Party met near Stellenbosch University.

Malan.29 Many of the Jews who immigrated to South Africa adapted more readily to urban life than the largely agrarian Afrikaners and were generally better educated. Hofmeyer.. H...84 Elizabeth Lee Jemison however vehemently opposed and rejected this bill.to satisfy their hatred of. the enemy of the whole world!”31 Dr.. subsequently. most Jews seemed noticeably wealthier than Afrikaners. a Union Party member of Parliament..They have robbed the population of its heritage so that the Afrikaner lives in the land of his father but no longer possesses it.Down with Judaism.. the introduction of such a claim revealed .Christian Afrikaners. the incoming leader of the Afrikaner Nationalist Party. Afrikaners found a scapegoat for their own difficulty in adjusting to an urban. D. This anti-Semitism grew in its irrationality and contradiction until Afrikaners accused Jews of being both ruthless capitalists and subversive Communists. considered the bill even worse in parts than Nazi rhetoric. voiced this slander in a speech made on July 10.F. In addition to anti-Semitism from the political arena. While the whole synod voted against accepting this committee declaration..30 Thus. the fact that politicians introduced such bills showed the extremes of South African antiSemitism in the 1930s. 1939: “Behind the organized South African Jewry stands organized world Jewry. by blaming Jews for Afrikaner economic hardships and by seeking to prevent Jewish immigration.”32 Malan also voiced his opinion that Jews should never comprise more than five percent of the population of any region. industrial society. Stuttaford. remarked that the bill reminded him of the Inquisition during the Middle Ages. “We say: Down with the Jewish Communism! Down with the exploiters of Democracy! Down with the exploiters of the Trade Unions! Down with the Bolshevik agitators who want. Although the Aliens Amendment and Immigration Bill failed. A 1937 poster for the South African Nationalist Peoples’ Movement read. then Minister of the Interior. and J. Afrikaners blamed the Jews for their own lack of wealth by branding them enemies of society and of the Afrikaner in particular. a committee within a synod of the Dutch Reformed Church concluded after much examination that the Jews were not God’s chosen people as described in the Old Testament..

Naude of the Dutch Reformed Church. This disturbance left a deep impression especially on three Afrikaner teenagers at this meeting—H. H.35 The mission of the Broederbond was to promote Afrikaner interests in every area.F. .J. Membership was very limited.W.3% educators. van der Merwe.6% of these being public servants and 33. provided a firm foundation for the formation of strong. In 1918. This. and considered itself a quasireligious organization for the purpose of promoting Afrikaner unity and of allowing young nationalist-minded Afrikaners to meet one another. J. The mob vandalized the Nationalist Club building and injured some of the Party members attending the meeting.F. and Daniel H. The name of the organization that they began with only eighteen members was Jong Suid-Afrika (Young South Africa). Membership was open.34 However. The Broederbond began as a fraternity of men devoted to the Afrikaner cause in 1918 and became a secret organization in 1924. the organization took the name Afrikaner Broederbond.C. As the Broederbond grew. In 1944.THE CONCORD REVIEW 85 the extent of Afrikaner anti-Semitism at this time. the Broederbond did not remain as open and harmless an organization as it began. then the Party leader in Cape Town. its nature changed and it became increasingly exclusive by the late 1930s. Klopper. The Afrikaner Broederbond (Brotherhood) was the earliest conservative Afrikaner group which closely aligned itself with Nazi Germany.33 This strong attitude of anti-Semitism fed the ideological bond between Afrikaners and Nazi Germany. du Plessis—who met the following day to pledge themselves to restore the Afrikaner to his rightful place in South Africa. On June 5. 1918. held a meeting in du Plessis’ home. Nazi-sympathizing organizations. and which was influential in the founding of apartheid in 1948.674 with 8. but by 1920. a mob interrupted a Nationalist Party gathering in Johannesburg where Dr. these three under the guidance of Rev. Malan. was speaking. This meeting marked the beginning of the Broederbond. membership was about 2. and the Broederbond strongly encouraged its 37 members to wear Broederbond buttons to distinguish themselves. along with the concepts of the Afrikaner volk and Christian-Nationalism. D.

The Broederbond denied membership to J. though fraudulent.40 Eventually Smuts . both Afrikaans-speaking Protestants. the Minister of Lands and an outspoken anti-Broederbond member of the United Party.B.38 Hertzog also denounced the Broederbond for their refusal to negotiate with English-speaking South Africans and for hindering his diplomatic efforts. Smuts chose not to expose the Broederbond because so many Broederbond members were Dutch Reformed Church ministers and teachers. Smuts refused to oppose the pro-Nazi attitudes of university students and professors except in the case of those who committed civil crimes. Hertzog and J. G.C. for their willingness to negotiate with Britain and for their refusal to deny the right of English-speaking South Africans to participate in government. Malherbe. Senator Andrew Conroy. They reported that the Broederbond was a benign social organization open to all Afrikaans-speaking Protestants who were loyal to South Africa. cult-like nature prevented the South African people from realizing the full extent of the power of the Broederbond until it had gained a firm grip on South African politics.39 Smuts considered the Broederbond a dangerous organization but failed to oppose it publicly for some time despite having the power granted by the special War Measures Act of 1941 to do so. the Broederbond’s membership was not as open as the Dutch Reformed Church’s report alleged. Because of this and other allegations of Broederbond involvement in the Dutch Reformed Church.36 In 1946. the Church launched an investigation of the Broederbond in 1949.86 Elizabeth Lee Jemison Its secretive. E. Smuts. Many of the Broederbond’s critics argued that precisely the Broederbond’s influence within the church had secured a favorable.37 Just as its critics feared. report.M. estimated that the Broederbond had strong influence over nine out of ten Dutch Reformed Church congregations. professions for which Smuts had great respect. According to his Director of Military Intelligence. The Broederbond was the means by which the ideological ideas of Afrikaner volk and Christian-Nationalism attempted to unify all Afrikaners into a single force. The Broederbond countered by accusing Hertzog of trying to increase his own political power by provoking English-speaking South Africans to fear Afrikaners.

In 1944. 1. but with the rise of Nazi Germany. This link became critical to the Broederbond with the 1934 visit of Graf von Durckheim Montmartin. 807 rejoined after Smuts’ administration lost power to the Nationalist Party in the 1948 elections. cunning. Montmartin came to South Africa with the official intention of attending a conference on education. the Broederbond reorganized itself to resemble the Nazi Party. After this order.THE CONCORD REVIEW 87 yielded to the repeated counsel of his military intelligence who believed that the threat posed by the Broederbond was great. political Fascist organisation. the link between the ideology of the Broederbond and that of Nazi Germany grew. When the Broederbond began in 1918. Hitler sent Montmartin with the purpose of determining what support South Africa might provide to Germany in the new world order that Hitler envisioned. but according to documents confiscated during World War II at the German diplomacy headquarters for the Union of South Africa. The Broederbond became aware of Smuts’ plans for action in 1943 but allowed members to deal with Smuts’ coming ultimatum as each saw fit. whereas Hitler . it was not the fascist organization that Smuts denounced in 1944. After this meeting with Montmartin. but many more resigned from their civil service position.094 Broederbond members resigned from the organization. Of those who resigned from the Broederbond. Smuts demanded that all Broederbond members who were public servants (including teachers) resign either from the Broederbond or from their public service positions.”42 Broederbond members responded by repeatedly denying Smuts’ allegations. Broederbond members gained much public sympathy during this period for their loyalty to the Afrikaner cause. Montmartin met secretly with top Broederbond leaders to discuss how the Broederbond might be of service to this end.41 while Smuts publicly denounced the Broederbond as “A dangerous. and claiming that the Broederbond was a benign cultural organization. a representative of Nazi Germany. One exception in this new organization was the Broederbond’s use of the Dutch Reformed Church to inspire nationalism and support of all Afrikaners.

a South African captain of Military Intelligence. more clearly than the British Broadcasting Company or any South African radio stations. a South African court found Holm guilty of treason and imprisoned him. She reported: “This terrifying octopus-like grip on the South African way of life was made possible by reorganising the Broederbond on the pattern of Hitler’s highly successful Nazi state. Verwoerd. complete with fuehrer. . Erik Holm. Verwoerd expressed delight at Allied defeats and much dismay in his reports on Nazi losses. Such Broederbond propaganda prompted much concern among government officials about the growing power of the organization as the tie between the Broederbond and the Nazi Party became evident to those outside of the organization. broadcast vehement anti-British and anti-Semitic messages in Afrikaans to the listeners in South Africa. Holm later received an appointment to the Department of Education.44 Influenced by Holm’s proNazism.45 Janie Malherbe. One example was Die Transvaler. In addition to his antiSemitic editorials. published by Dr. newspapers openly began to reflect Nazi sympathy before and during the war. This radio station was very popular for its music programs. Dr. After the popular music programs. After the war. a Broederbond member. Germany that broadcast very clearly to South Africa. the new government released Holm from prison after only serving one year of his 10-year sentence.88 Elizabeth Lee Jemison had reverted to the symbols of Nordic mythology to provide a competitive “religious” awe for the Nazi Party. a South African teacher studying in Germany. Ironically. young South African scholars whom the Broederbond encouraged to study at German universities.43 Montmartin’s appeal emphasized the value of anti-British propaganda as a means of securing South African support for Nazi Germany and included another sphere of possible influence. but when the Nationalist Party came into power after the elections of 1948. realized the danger of Broederbond’s close alliance with the Nazi Party after Montmartin’s visit. One implementation of Montmartin and the Broederbond’s strategy of anti-British propaganda during World War II involved a radio station in Zeesen.

spread in a sinister network over the whole of South Africa. The cartoon pictured an exaggeratedly rotund. he had the title CommandantGeneral.48 The group strongly opposed the efforts of Smuts and his army to support the British. while the Broederbond was growing in strength and World War II was underway. As the national leader.”51 A cartoon from the Afrikaner nationalist newspaper.50 The Ossewa Brandwag opposed the growth of urban areas using the Dutch Reformed Church’s doctrine of “BritishJewish capitalism. its opposition posed a significant threat because the Ossewa Brandwag had more members than Smuts’ army. as its emblem. opposed the alleged control of the British market system by Jewish professionals. but the organization quickly grew into a popular military movement. the Ossewa Brandwag (literally Brigade of Ox-wagon Sentinels. Die Burger. founded the Ossewa Brandwag to promote Afrikaner heritage.THE CONCORD REVIEW 89 gauleiters. prompting his resignation in October 1940. Hitler would give Afrikaners independent rule of South Africa as a reward for their loyalty to and support of Nazism. Colonel J.”46 The Afrikaner Broederbond followed the ideological and organizational patterns of the Nazi Party and advocated support of the Nazi Germany under the assumption that in Hitler’s new world order.49 The group’s Nazi sympathy became clear when it printed its constitution in German Gothic type and when it chose an eagle. the Ossewa Brandwag became more militant in nature under the leadership of Dr. supported Nazi Germany.” The Ossewa Brandwag. In 1939.47 After Laas stepped down from the leadership. group and cell leaders. referring to the pioneering Voortrekkers). Laas.C. the emblem of the Nazi Reichstag. Laas led the Ossewa Brandwag from February 1939 until the rapid growth of the organization expanded beyond his managing capabilities. Afrikaner conservatives who wanted violently to pursue Afrikaner control of South Africa led a new military-minded organization.C. greedy Jew riding on the shoulders of a . a former military officer intensely loyal to the Afrikaner volk and the Voortrekker heritage. like the Broederbond. Hans van Rensburg. and local leaders became “generals.

The Ossewa Brandwag became increasingly Nazi-oriented. expressed the rapidly changing opinions of many who became increasingly right-wing. Vorster. and a future Nationalist prime minister.53 The violence of the Stormjaers demonstrated the grave danger the Ossewa Brandwag posed as it sought to create a fascist state. The Stormjaers considered themselves to be acting for the best interests of the Ossewa Brandwag but may not have always acted under the direct orders of the group. a Nationalist Party leader. J. Rev.C.90 Elizabeth Lee Jemison gaunt Smuts and Hertzog. it appeared that the British and the Jews oppressed the Afrikaners. To many. and democratic elections terminated. who were a secretive part of the Ossewa Brandwag composed mostly of police officers. In 1934. which promised to destroy both groups. Vorster denounced Fascism and Nazism in particular but after he became an Assistant-hoof Kommandant in the Ossewa Brandwag.54 His criticism was not without justification. and it suggested that wealthy Jews controlled the pro-British government. Hendrik Verwoerd. D. J. “the Afrikaner will no longer cooper- .55 Vorster hoped for a new South African government where. the Ossewa Brandwag was evidence of the growth of Nazi sympathy and dedication to Afrikaner supremacy in South Africa. They formed the Stormjaers (stormtroopers).52 Some Afrikaners expressed the opinion that Jews. Afrikaners could “free” themselves by supporting Nazi Germany. while hesitant to confront the Broederbond. including Nationalist Party leaders such as Dr. deviously worked to increase their wealth and power at the expense of hardworking Afrikaners who steadfastly did their best to survive in a harsh world. one “general” in the Ossewa Brandwag. The Stormjaers threatened and attacked anyone who was not as conservative as they. nonetheless opposed the Ossewa Brandwag with much fervor as the type of organization that brought Hitler to power in Germany and that might have the capability to bring a similar leader to power in South Africa. in league with the British. he expressed his admiration of Hitler and his desire for a South Africa in which only Afrikaners had wealth and political power—all Jews expelled from the country. Smuts.

He will make the conditions and the Englishman will be compelled to submit. the youth wing of the Ossewa Brandwag. The group assured its members that. the youth wing of the Ossewa Brandwag. Smuts jailed Vorster along with some other Ossewa Brandwag members during much of World War II. This government was viewed by Die Suiderstem as a Nazi state with only a few changes such as the title of the dictator being president instead of fuehrer. acted upon the group’s desire for a new government and issued a “Freedom Manifesto” as a promise on the part of the youth to fight to overthrow the parliamentary government and establish a Christian-Nationalist government under an elected dictator.”59 In 1940.”56 Vorster spoke to the Afrikaner Nationalist Studentebond. Hitler gave the Germans a..fanaticism which causes them to stand back for no one.”57 Because the violent nature of Vorster’s opinions threatened the government’s stability. Die Suiderstem.61 During the same month. This plan included a statecontrolled press. a state education system with Christian-Nationalist principles. “Hitler’s Mein Kampf shows the way to greatness—the path of South Africa.58 Vorster’s desire for a new South African government and for the expulsion of Jews from South Africa was a common desire throughout the Ossewa Brandwag. We must follow his example because only by such holy fanaticism can the Afrikaner nation achieve its calling. This report claimed that there were . published “Constitution from the Christian-Nationalist Republic” as the Ossewa Brandwag’s plan for a new government. the government described was very similar to the dictatorship in Nazi Germany. and Afrikaans as the official language of South Africa.60 In September 1940.THE CONCORD REVIEW 91 ate with the Englishman. saying.. the Afrikaner Nationalist Studentebond. and the basis of the government being Christian-Nationalist rather than National-Socialist. “the man with a crooked nose [is] the danger to the country. the newspaper. While this document never explicitly mentioned Nazism. the Cape Times published an article asserting that the Ossewa Brandwag was in the process of arranging a coup to establish a ChristianNationalist dictatorship.

During the growth of Afrikaner nationalism in the early 1930s. Malan during World War II and immediately after the war. but it experienced its greatest growth under Dr. the Nationalist Party under Hertzog did not actively pursue independence from Britain.65 When Hertzog united with Smuts to form the United Party in 1933. the police force. Some Ossewa Brandwag members formed another minor Fascist organization.B. and virtually every major private industry such as mining and railroads who were ready to act upon the command of the group to assist in a coup designed to exile all Jews and subject all British South Africans to Afrikaner control. Malan assumed leadership of the Nationalist Party which began to pursue a more radical path.64 The postwar era saw the rapid growth of the Nationalist Party until it won a majority in 1948 and began the system of apartheid. F. At the apogee of Nazi Germany’s . D. Hertzog grew steadily from its founding to World War II. the Ossewa Brandwag issued a similar plan for a new South Africa with its “Declaration on the Boer Republic. but its membership and influence were very small.92 Elizabeth Lee Jemison Ossewa Brandwag members in important positions in public service.M. This government called for a head of state with unlimited power who would support the concentration of power and wealth in the hands of Afrikaners and discrimination against all Englishspeakers.” This new government was to be a compilation of the governments of the initial Boer Republics with many elements of Nazi government and some aspects of other governments including that of Mussolini in Italy. this republic never had a chance to become more than an idea because with the Allies’ complete victory over the Nazis in 1945. the Ossewa Brandwag lost much of its support and its members dispersed. especially with the collapse of the Ossewa Brandwag and other fascist groups. The Nationalist Party thereby gave up the relative freedom and autonomy of South Africa within the British Empire for this radical step for complete independence. The Nationalist Party that began in 1914 under the leadership of J.63 However. which grew in power during this transition. Many joined the Nationalist Party.62 In the same year.

68 Otto du Plessis.67 During the course of World War II. free-market society with a free press in favor of a “new world order” of Christian-Nationalism and National Socialism. Even Hertzog expressed his distrust of a majority-ruled.he will be as little a tool of Hitler as of Chamberlain. “The Afrikaner will have as little to do with German National Socialism as with British imperialism. “The philosophy at the basis of the new order. In a pamphlet entitled The New South Africa—The Revolution of the Twentieth Century he heralded the new place South Africa would have in the Nazis’ new world order. No longer did it promote equal political participation between Afrikaans-speaking and Englishspeaking South Africans.. Rather. the Nationalist Party attempted to maintain an official position of neutrality between Britain and Nazi Germany because it was an official political party in the South Africa parliament and therefore did not want to allow the pro-Nazi.. “Afrikanerdom. which would bring with it true national freedom in all spheres of life.”66 Despite the official position of supporting the Afrikaner and not the Nazi. Du Plessis .. It consequently pines for the new system of a new order. wrote the first of these documents in 1940. under the imported British system.has.. Hendrik Verwoerd vowed. The Nationalist Party attempted to distinguish between its support of the Afrikaner republic based on the doctrine of Christian-Nationalism.THE CONCORD REVIEW 93 power. its new priority was that of establishing an independent Afrikaner republic. the Nationalist Party published four documents that demonstrated the extent of the Nationalist Party’s Nazi support and the influence of the Ossewa Brandwag and other militant groups. radical Afrikaners to sway its policy or to prevent it from being able to work with the proBritish government under Smuts. not known full political.. and its opposition to Nazism. democratic. the Nationalist Party’s Secretary of Information. many members of the Nationalist Party openly supported Nazi Germany.is undiluted and unequivocal nationalism. and social freedom. as the will of God..” 70 Du Plessis further argued. Although it did not go so far as to declare open support of Nazi Germany.69 This document supported an Afrikaner state affirming. the Nationalist Party did change its primary objective. economic.”71 In his plan. Dr.

all-embracing.” The Ossewa Brandwag supported the Nationalist Party’s position in this document by patterning several of its own documents after The New South Africa—The Revolution of the Twentieth Century. Malan.. and to censor the press. . claimed in an editorial published on January 24. a pro-British newspaper.78 . Hitler in respect of the arbitrary.74 This document showed fewer parallels to the government of Nazi Germany than Du Plessis’ The New South Africa. to control the economy. where “Every German must be small so that Germany can be great. “Each coloured group.75 Malan formed a strategic rather than ideological tie with Germany in his The Republican Order..[and] Mr...94 Elizabeth Lee Jemison cited Germany as a model for this new order and wanted Afrikaner nationalism to imitate that of Germany. This document did link itself to Nazi Germany by its mentioning the expectation that through its victory in World War II. “directly and only responsible to God. further revealed the pro-Nazi stance of the Nationalist Party when he wrote The Republican Order: Future Policy as Set Out by Dr. Malan. Germany would drive the British out of South Africa.will be segregated.. Critics accused Malan of supporting Hitler’s “pure race” concepts because he specified. not only as regards to place of dwelling. Rather.”76 The president had the power to control and dismiss Parliament and his Cabinet. but he strengthened this tie in 1942 with his ideological Draft for a Republic. 1942. Goebbles on the matter of press and radio control and propaganda generally.”77 The Eastern Province Herald.. that Malan’s document …Borrowed from Mussolini for his group system. The Republican Order described the political structure of the Boer republics as a uniquely Afrikaner model of government.but also with regard to spheres of work. over-riding powers of the Fuehrer-President. to prevent competition. the Nationalist Party leader.73 In 1941 Dr. Pirow’s new order study group for various odds and ends dictated by an earnest desire to steal their synthetic thunder. to declare war and control the military.”72 The Nationalist Party supported this extreme nationalism believing that it would elevate the country at the expense of the “ruthless foreign capitalist. The Christian-Nationalist republic that Malan described in this document had a president with unlimited powers.

THE CONCORD REVIEW 95 A fourth important publication by the Nationalist Party during World War II was its 1944 The Social and Economic Policy of the Nationalist Party.[This is] the sensible way of a controlled economic system within the framework of a national government.. After this point in the war.80 In general. this postwar period was a time of unification of the many Afrikaner factions that were splintered by World War II. aiding neither Britain nor Germany. World War II caused great division and fragmentation of the Afrikaners. “Our whole economic life will be controlled by the Central Economics Council.. Other more moderate groups supported South African neutrality in the war.”79 This publication was the last of the documents of the Nationalist Party that borrowed heavily from Nazi Germany. Nonetheless. All key industries will be controlled by the State. Because Afrikaner sentiment covered this wide spectrum. the elevation of the Afrikaner. The fascist documents that the Nationalist Party and other organizations such as the Ossewa Brandwag published during World War II represented the more conservative end of Afrikaner political opinion. The influence of the members of the Ossewa Brandwag. This is the way to the New Order in the Free Republic of South Africa. Germany’s imminent defeat weakened any bond that Afrikaners wanted to claim with her. In 1945. which became less militant in its quest for fascism and refocused on its original purpose. the Party knew that it no longer had support for the totalitarian government described in its The New South Africa—The Revolution of the Twentieth Century and Malan’s Draft for a Republic. This document maintained that all major aspects of South African economics should be controlled by the state through a Central Economics Council to ensure the stability of the economy and limit competition in all sectors. the Ossewa Brandwag and other militant pro-Nazi groups disbanded when the Allies had completely defeated Nazi Germany. This plan concluded with the proud assertion. many of these splintered groups joined the Nationalist Party. Still the . After the war. who joined the Nationalist Party after their organization collapsed in 1945. while the most conservative Afrikaners supported Britain with only minimal reservations. prevented the Nationalist Party from becoming overly passive or conciliatory.

Even when Nazism collapsed. they adapted their political positions only enough to win power in the post-World War II South Africa.000 black mine workers who worked in extremely dangerous conditions for less than a tenth of the pay of white workers. Charter of Human Rights.96 Elizabeth Lee Jemison influence of Nazism remained as it had provided a foundation upon which many of the Nationalist Party leaders built their political beliefs and policies. The men who would become the leaders of the apartheid regime did not repudiate the ideology of Nazism. and some had been members of the Ossewa Brandwag. rather. Smuts was reviled for leading South African troops to the aid of the Allies and for interning some of the most conservative Afrikaner nationalists (such as Rev.83 After 1945. The Communist influence on black laborers culminated in a widespread strike among mine workers in 1946 that further frightened Afrikaners who recognized Communism as a threat to their livelihood. The strike only lasted a week before the government violently forced workers back to the mines.81 The liberal post-war doctrines and the mineworkers’ strike encouraged Afrikaners to retreat to a position of isolation from the new intellectual currents abroad.N.000 and 100. J. The increasing numbers of black laborers who were moving into the cities to find work also seemed to threaten conservative Afrikaners when many of these laborers embraced the growing Communist Party as a way to oppose their harsh working conditions. which reminded Afrikaners of the British concentration camps in which many Boers died during the Second Boer War.82 Opposition to Smuts as prime minister grew during this period. yet it affected more than 30 mines.D. Vorster). the concepts of the Afrikaner volk and Christian-Nationalism became increasingly central to the Afrikaner . With the advent of the post-World War II world. All of the new leaders had been members of the Broederbond. the seed of its ideology remained buried in the ideology of the Nationalist Party. Afrikaners felt threatened by the new spirit of liberalism introduced by the Allies in the Atlantic declaration and the U. The African Mine Workers’ Union organized this strike of between 75.

Malan that the purity of the Afrikaner volk depended on the prevention of intermarrying with other races and that without a rigid system of separation of the races intermarrying would occur and the Afrikaner race would lose some of its potency in its unique work of fulfilling the will of God. the government should pay close attention to the Church’s guidelines in the establishment of such a system. who had been a minister prior to his entry into the political realm. both of which preceded the rise of Nazi Germany. and. Stellenbosch Professor G. the official standpoint of the Dutch Reformed Church. seemed to support a national plan of segregation. D..the glorification and maintenance of such variety. They did not lose validity by the end of World War II. whereas concepts of Nazism or totalitarian governments. the largest religious denomination among Afrikaners. volks. Cronje.84 Accordingly. This organization was responsible for the development of the theory of apartheid and for the implementation of it after the Nationalist victory in 1948. also divided the Afrikaners. Some Afrikaners derogatively referred to it as the English Institute. regarded from a Christian viewpoint. the Nationalist Party founded the South African Bureau for Racial Affairs in 1947 to oppose the South Africa Institute of Race Relations which many Nationalists considered too liberal and pro-British.87 ..THE CONCORD REVIEW 97 cause as Afrikaners became more unified in their work toward proAfrikaner rule. remarked that while establishing a system of segregation is not under the jurisdiction of the church. Malan. He meant that governmental policies regarding race must stress separation. is justified and moreover can be taken as obedience to the will of God. “The Christian standpoint boils down to the belief that it is God’s will that there should be a variety of races. The concepts of the volk and of Christian-Nationalism directly aided Afrikaner unity and efforts towards autonomy.85 One Broederbond member and former Ossewa Brandwag general. while embraced by many Afrikaners.F. The concepts of volk and Christian-Nationalism had origins in Hegel’s and Fichte’s German nationalism and in the Dutch Reformed Church’s brand of Calvinism. Increasing numbers of Afrikaners believed like Dr.”86 Thus. and cultures. wrote in his Voogdyskap en Apartheid.

The fact that du Plessis reentered the political sphere in the same election in which Smuts lost power demonstrated the change of the political climate in South Africa. not a majority. with its political ally.89 In the final count. “places where our children are soaked and nourished in the Christian-National spiritual cultural ‘stuff’ of our nation.C. the Nationalist Party. won 79 of the 150 seats in parliament. Under Malan’s leadership.92 In 1948. du Plessis who had served as a South African diplomat but resigned when Smuts ordered in 1944 that no public servants could be Broederbond members. but their victory did not represent the true will of the electorate that had cast 140. Malan led the Nationalist Party on a platform of apartheid in the elections of 1948. the much smaller Havenga’s Afrikaner Party. the Federation of Afrikaans Cultural Organizations published Christian-National Education Policies that outlined the principles the new government should maintain to ensure that schools were. The two parties had each received a plurality.000 more votes for the parties in opposition to the allied Nationalist Party and Havenga’s Afrikaner Party than for this apartheid platform.”93 The document included instruction on proposed teaching methods intended to provide an education steeped in Christian-Nationalism.90 The alliance of these two Afrikaner parties revealed the unification of all Afrikaners after World War II to fight for political power.88 The Broederbond was active in the elections of 1948 with at least 60 Nationalist Party candidates known to be members. One of the candidates was W. and it concluded .91 This election marked the beginning of apartheid in South Africa. the Nationalist Party legislated the complete separation of whites from non-whites (that had already been in practice) but also introduced the separation of one non-white group from another. of all the votes cast.98 Elizabeth Lee Jemison Aware of the growing desire among Afrikaners for an institutionalized system of segregation. including Malan who became prime minister. The Broederbond was influential in these first years of apartheid by establishing the Institute for Christian-National Education and the Federation of Afrikaans Cultural Organizations as well as by obtaining from the Dutch Reformed Church a doctrinal justification of apartheid.

Thus. Article 14—“Instruction and Education of Coloureds” affirmed. and particularly by the Afrikaner. the influence of Nazism remained within the Nationalist Party primarily through the continued control of the government by members of the Broederbond.THE CONCORD REVIEW 99 with the Afrikaner position on education of non-whites that represented the emphasis on white supremacy in the new Nationalist government.”95 Thus. the new South African government implementing apartheid relied heavily on the principles of Christian-Nationalism.and this vocation and task has found its immediate application and task in the principles of trusteeship.”94 The final section of this document.. and in segregation. Through its secret nature. Despite the reliance of the Nationalist government on the concepts of Christian-Nationalism and the Afrikaner volk. “We believe that the instruction of Coloured people should be regarded as a subdivision of the vocation and task of the Afrikaner to Christianize the non-European by the European.. . the Broederbond retained much of its right-wing ideology during the period between the defeat of Nazi Germany and the Nationalist Party victory in 1948. All prime ministers and most major political leaders during the apartheid era were members of the Broederbond. no[t] placing of the native on the level of the white. Article 15—“The Teaching and Education of Natives. The leaders of South Africa after 1948 no longer espoused Nazism as they had during World War II. but they had come to their political and intellectual maturity under the shadow of Nazi Germany and had devoted years of their lives to the furtherance of its ideology.” professed white supremacy even more emphatically: “We believe that the education and task of white South Africa with respect to the native is to Christianize him. a strain of the infamous regime that terrorized Europe in the first half of the twentieth century persisted to control South Africa for the second half of the century.

p. Jan Christian Smuts: the Conscience of a South African (New York: St.html) ch. xxi 19 Ibid.. ch. 5 of 12 29 Ibid. 1979) 5 Ibid. ch. 61 27 Bunting. 137 12 Ibid. 1918-1948 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press. 4. 1965) pp..anc. Christian-Nationalism and the Rise of the Afrikaner Broederbund in South Africa. ch. ch. p.. 4. 183 10 Vatcher. pp. Available as ebook at http:// www. xx 17 Bloomberg. 4 of 12 28 Ibid. ch. p.. 136 13 Bloomberg. p. 1986) p. p. ch. see also William Henry Vatcher.. 3 of 12 26 Vatcher. p. 4. 162 14 Vatcher. 3 of 12 24 Ibid. 3-4 2 David Nash. pp. p. 4.. found using InfoTrac Web: Student Edition.. p. p. 2 of 12 16 Ibid. 60 15 Brian Bunting. p. 4-5 of 12 30 Vatcher. “The Boer War and its Humanitarian Critics. p. pp. The Broederbond (New York: Paddington Press. 42. xix-xx. 63 11 Bloomberg. p. p.100 Endnotes Elizabeth Lee Jemison Charles Bloomberg. 4. 4.” History Today 49 (June 1999) p. 3 Ibid. 4. 37-38 6 Ibid. ch. 2 of 12 21 Vatcher. Praeger. p. p. p. White Laager: The Rise of Afrikaner Nationalism (New York: Frederick A.. 4. Publishers.org. p. 61 1 ..za/books/reich. 4. 64 22 Bunting. 3-4 of 12 25 Ibid.. Martin’s Press. 1969. p.. 100 20 Bunting. 183 8 Kenneth Ingham. Jr. p.. The Rise of the South African Reich (Penguin Africa Library.. 118 9 Bloomberg. 3-4 of 12 23 Ibid. 100-101 18 Ibid. p. pp. 36 7 Bloomberg. 1989) pp. 3 4 Ivor Wilkins and Hans Strydom. ch. p. pp.

pp.. 162 52 Vatcher. 2-3 of 8. 3. pp. 1-2 of 8 32 31 101 . 61 33 Ibid. ch. pp.. p. 3. p.. 165 67 Bunting. ch. 61. p. ch. 3. 167 64 Ibid.. pp. 77-78 59 Vatcher. p. ch. p. Vatcher. 165-166. see also Wilkins. 3. 166 54 Ibid. p. 1-2 of 8 47 Bloomberg.. pp.. p. 66 62 Ibid. p. 66 63 Bloomberg. pp. 66 51 Bloomberg. 182 66 Bloomberg. 77-78 56 Vatcher. p. 3 of 8 38 Ibid. 63 57 Ibid. ch. 63 58 Wilkins.. see also Wilkins.. pp. see also Wilkins. p. p.THE CONCORD REVIEW Ibid. pp. 83 43 Bunting. 77-78 45 Ibid. p. p. 3 of 8 36 Bloomberg. pp.. 77 46 Bunting. p. p. 256-257 61 Vatcher. pp. 61 53 There are no clear records of any orders the Ossewa Brandwag issued to the Stormjaers probably because the group did not wish any record of its responsibility for acts of violence. 3. see also Wilkins. ch. but that is not certain. 201-202 65 Ingham. p. pp. p. ch. 3 pp. pp. 1-2. 2 of 8 39 Ibid. 167. p. Bloomberg. 168 55 Ibid.. 2 of 8 40 Wilkins. p. p. p. p. pp. 163 48 Ibid. 3 p. 62 Ibid. ch.. 4. 82-84 42 Bunting. 77 50 There is also some evidence that the organization used a swastika as a symbol of its power and prestige. 65 60 Bloomberg. p.. pp. 76-77 44 Wilkins. p. 161-162 49 Wilkins. 78-79 41 Ibid. xxii 37 Bunting. 63 34 Wilkins. 44-46 35 Bunting. pp..

68 This evidence of a radical faction within the Nationalist Party causes a minority of scholars to consider the Ossewa Brandwag as nothing more than a radical branch of the Nationalist Party. p. Sept...” No. 205 92 Ibid. 3 90 Bloomberg. p. Malan. letter 88 Bloomberg. most members were pro-Nazi as demonstrated by Nationalist Party publications during the war. p. 12 February 1954 85 Vatcher. pp. 202-203 81 M.102 Elizabeth Lee Jemison My sources differed on the extent to which they considered the Nationalist Party to be sympathetic to the Nazis perhaps as the result of the desire of the authors to present the Nationalist Party in either a positive or negative light. 208 93 Vatcher. p.org.P. pp. Naicker. 73 78 Ibid. 203.. 69 71 Ibid. personal letter. 165 70 Vatcher. p. Kenneth Ingham suggested this in his favorable biography on Smuts perhaps to minimize the degree of opposition that Smuts faced. Whatever the official platform of the Party. 75 Vatcher. 70-72 77 Ibid. 70 76 Ibid. 68-69 74 Most branches of the Nationalist Party published this document without its subtitle. p.F. p. 213. p. 204 83 Wilkins. 73 79 Ibid. 21/76.. 205 91 Ibid. p. pp. p. 202. 69 73 Ibid. p.. pp..anc. p. 3.za/ancdocs/history/misc/miners.html (1 July 2003) 82 Ibid. p. p. 73 80 Bloomberg. Ingham. 80 84 D. ch. 289 .” from “Notes and Documents.. The Transvaal branch of the Party added the subtitle when it published the document. 203-204 89 Bunting. 205 87 Malan. 151 86 Bloomberg. p. “The African Miners’ Strike of 1945... p. pp. p. see also Vatcher. 68 69 Bloomberg. pp.. 1976 http:// www. 69 72 Ibid.

and Hans Strydom.za/ancdocs/history/misc/miners. Jr.” History Today 49 (June 1999): 42. The Rise of the South African Reich Penguin Africa Library.. found using InfoTrac Web: Student Edition Vatcher. 1979 .html (1 July 2003) Nash.za/books/reich. 1976 http:// www. Personal letter. 1918-1948 Bloomington: Indiana University Press. White Laager: The Rise of Afrikaner Nationalism New York: Frederick A. Martin’s Press. 1986 Malan. 1965 Wilkins. Kenneth. 12 February 1954 (no source given) Naicker. 300 Bibliography Bloomberg. p. Christian Nationalism and the Rise of the Afrikaner Broederbund in South Africa.THE CONCORD REVIEW 94 95 103 Ibid.. Brian. 21/76.. William Henry. M. available as an ebook at http:// www. Ivor. The Broederbond New York: Paddington Press. 1969.P.html Ingham. 300 Ibid.” No.anc. Charles.anc.. “The African Miners’ Strike of 1945. Praeger.. p. “The Boer War and its Humanitarian Critics. Publishers. Daniel F. Sept. Jan Christian Smuts: the Conscience of a South African New York: St.org.org. 1989 Bunting.” from “Notes and Documents. David.

Georgia.tcr. The Concord Review has published 649 history research papers. on a wide variety of historical topics by high school students in thirty-four countries. Connecticut. Massachusetts. [visit our website at http://www. The cost of a yearly subscription is $40 [foreign subscriptions $45.104 Elizabeth Lee Jemison VARSITY ACADEMICS® Since 1987.S. New York. Please send your pre-paid orders. Schools in California. foreign air mail $50]. the only one in the world for the academic work of secondary students. We have sent these essays to our subscribers in thirtytwo countries. and you can also place your order through them. and Virginia now have class sets. MA 02021 U.000 words. We are listed with the major subscription services. averaging 5. with your name and address. New Hampshire. . This quarterly. and relies on subscriptions to support itself. is tax-exempt and nonprofit. and we hope you will consider ordering one. Orders for 26 or more [class sets] will receive a 40% discount.A.org] We are a 501(c)(3) tax-exempt Massachusetts corporation. to: ✍ TCR SUBSCRIPTIONS POST OFFICE BOX 476 CANTON. Vermont.

You're Reading a Free Preview

/*********** DO NOT ALTER ANYTHING BELOW THIS LINE ! ************/ var s_code=s.t();if(s_code)document.write(s_code)//-->