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THE NAZI INFLUENCE IN THE FORMATION OF APARTHEID IN SOUTH AFRICA
Elizabeth Lee Jemison
tect the supremacy of Afrikaans-speaking whites and to repress non-white groups through a policy of almost complete separation. The Afrikaner people, the descendants of the first Dutch settlers in southern Africa, were the dominant white minority and, once unified behind the cause of apartheid, formed a majority of the allwhite electorate. Apartheid, the Afrikaans word for separateness, began as a governmental system after the elections of 1948 when the Afrikaner Nationalist Party, became the majority Party, and this system lasted until 1994. The Afrikaner white population developed the apartheid system in 1948 in part as an outgrowth of the ideology of Nazi Germany, an ideology the Afrikaners readily accepted because of the affinity they felt towards Germans, and because they feared being dominated by the English minority who had previously controlled the country. The desire of the Afrikaners for complete power in South Africa began when the British took over the Cape area in 1806, in an effort to prevent Napoleon from gaining control of the region. The introduction of another European group vying for power
Elizabeth Lee Jemison is at Princeton. She wrote this paper at St. Mary’s Episcopal School in Memphis, Tennessee, for Ms. Joan Traffas’ Honors World History II course in the 2003-2004 academic year.
South African apartheid was a system developed to pro-
Elizabeth Lee Jemison
served to awaken Afrikaner nationalism. The British who settled in the Cape area in the early 19th century brought with them concepts of the 18th century Enlightenment and the pro-business liberalism of the 19th century. These ideas conflicted sharply with the conservative Calvinist ideology of the Dutch who had settled South Africa beginning in the mid-17th century. As the result of the anti-slavery lobby in Britain and of the efforts of Christian missionaries to end racial prejudice, the British advocated a lessening of segregation to allow some non-whites to participate at least partially in the white-dominated society. Overall, the English possessed a more advanced culture and lifestyle than the Dutch living at the Cape, so the Dutch were likely to be absorbed into a colonial British society as second-class citizens. Indignant about the possibility of such a fate and without sufficient skill to fend off the British, many of the Dutch Boers moved further inland to areas to the northwest of the Cape area beginning in 1835. These Afrikaners or Voortrekkers conquered the land of native African tribes and established autonomous Boer republics. There, Afrikaners began to cultivate an Afrikaner culture.1 These Afrikaner or Boer republics began to prosper, especially after the discovery of gold and diamonds within their lands. This new-found wealth, however, worked to the detriment of the Boer republics because when the British learned of the gold and diamonds to be found further inland, they vied for control. The conflicts erupting from the attempt on the part of the British to incorporate the Boer republics into the British Empire eventually caused two Boer Wars. The first of these lasted from 1881-1882 and the second from 1899-1902. During these wars, the British suppressed and mistreated Afrikaners. The British created voluntary concentration camps during the second Boer War where many women and children came for protection, yet conditions in these camps were such that 26,000 Afrikaners died of disease and starvation. Towards the end of the second Boer War, the British began to burn Boer farms—destroying crops and razing homesteads. These wars illustrated the dangers of two self-proclaimed Christian nations going to war against each other when both nations believed in the same God and both were certain that God
THE CONCORD REVIEW
justified all their actions.2 The Freethinker, a liberal English journal, reported in October 1899, “The Boer has a Mauser rifle in one hand and a Dutch Bible in the other, while the Britisher has weapons in both hands and a Bible behind his back...Each informs the God of that book which side he ought to take in the quarrel.”3 Ultimately, the British gained control of the Boer Republics with the Treaty of Vereeniging of 1902. Though the Afrikaners were routed, many loyal Afrikaners chose to destroy their weapons rather than surrender them to the British, while still others accepted deportation rather than swear allegiance to Britain.4 Despite their defeat, many Boers felt pride that while Britain used 448,000 soldiers in the war where 7,000 of them died, the Boers never had more than 70,000 soldiers (rarely more than 40,000) and most of these were civilians. Only 4,000 Boers died in the war. This pride in their military record evolved into a new wave of Afrikaner nationalism. Their defeat after bloody wars made them more bitter towards the British than if Britain had seized control of the Boer republics without a struggle.5 This century of conflict (1806-1902) encouraged Afrikaner unity and a strong anti-British attitude that would serve as an initial impetus for German sympathy culminating in intense pro-Nazism in the mid-20th century. The extent of Afrikaner anti-British sentiment was most evident in Afrikaners’ opposition to the leadership of Jan Christian Smuts. Smuts, though an Afrikaner himself, was willing to negotiate with the British; he served in a variety of offices in Britishcontrolled South Africa including two terms as prime minister. Smuts had fought on the Boer side of the second Boer War but later became active in seeking compromise between the two sides by leading the Boer negotiations for surrender as the Transvaal State Attorney. Smuts explained the Boer position,
We are not here as an army but as a people...Everyone represents the Afrikaner people...They call upon us to avoid all measures which may lead to the decline and extermination of the Afrikaner people...We commenced this struggle and continued it to this moment because we wished to maintain our independence...But we may not sacrifice the Afrikaner people for that independence. As soon as we are
it was able to enact its policies of apartheid that it developed during this period of ascendancy.78 Elizabeth Lee Jemison convinced that.7 The Nationalist Party grew in strength from 1914 until 1948 when it gained a majority. humanly speaking. The first evidence of this conflict appeared in 1914 at the beginning of World War I when Smuts fought to end a proGerman rebellion led by Afrikaners. he experienced dissent from the Afrikaners who viewed him as a British agent for his belief that the Union of South Africa did not have the right to secede from the British empire. In 1919 Smuts had become prime minister when his proBritish Union Party was still the majority party. Smuts and Hertzog reconciled their differences to form the United Party in 1933 in which Smuts served as deputy prime minister until Hertzog resigned from the government in 1939. Upon entering office. Smuts’ belief that Britain had the right to rule South Africa earned him a pro-British label and alienated many fervent Afrikaner nationalists. From that political vantage. when South Africa entered World War II supporting the Allies. In the wake of his experience with the pro-German rebellion in 1914. Hertzog’s resignation made Smuts very aware of the division among South Africans in their opinions on World War II and of the possibility of a civil war . there is no reasonable chance to retain our independence as republics.M.8 After he lost power to Hertzog in 1924. it clearly becomes our duty to stop the struggle in order that we may not perhaps sacrifice our people and our future for a mere idea which cannot be realized. The Party became increasingly devoted to Afrikaner supremacy rather than Hertzog’s initial policy of equality between the two white groups. Hertzog who wanted to make British and Afrikaner cultures equal but separate entities. Smuts was very cautious in his opposition to the Afrikaners. Smuts became more politically astute and aware of the strength of his opposition. Smuts played crucial roles in convincing Britain to give Afrikaners general autonomy and in uniting the defeated Boer republics with British provinces to form the Union of South Africa in 1910.6 As the result of his efforts to lead the post-war negotiations.B. Smuts’ opposition to the rebellion primarily caused the formation of the Afrikaner Nationalist Party later that year by J.
THE CONCORD REVIEW 79 resulting between the South Africans of British descent who were pro-Allies and the Afrikaners who were pro-Nazi. In an attempt to distance themselves from Smuts. first expressed in 1808. In addition. Afrikaners adopted this concept of a volk for their own purposes. and he ironically became a symbol of oppressive British imperialism. Herder called the character distinctive to a culture its volkgeist. Fichte. Where anti-British sentiment was unable to produce lasting German sympathies. “Why should we fight for Britain. introduced the concept of German supremacy that became the first seeds of Nazism. Johann von Herder. captured when it posed the question. J. Anti-British sentiment was not a direct cause of the bulk of pro-German and later pro-Nazi sentiment in South Africa. Die Burger. an early romantic German nationalist coined the term volk in his Ideas of a Philosophy of Human History to describe the cultural heritage of the common people in any particular area. The volk stood for the identity of the common people. conquered native tribes. they were the paragons of Afrikaner idealism. the only country which has ever attacked us?”10 Although he was an Afrikaner. built on Herder’s concepts of volk and volkgeist by claiming in his Addresses to the German Nation that the German volkgeist was superior to that of other cultures. ideological identification with German nationalism especially through Afrikaners’ adoption of the concept of a volkgeist forged strong ties between Afrikaners and Germans. G. Fichte’s theories. but it contributed in laying the groundwork for stronger ideological identification with Germany. Smuts was the object of many Afrikaners’ frustrations at the failed attempts at Afrikaner independence. many Afrikaners aligned themselves with Germany against the old enemy. C. A later German philosopher.9 Smuts’ leading South African forces on the side of the British in World War II angered the more conservative Afrikaners whose position the newspaper. J. and established the Boer Republics. so Afrikaners used it to glorify the Voortrekkers who traveled deeper into Africa. Britain. many Afrikaners were of German as well as Dutch ancestry and shared a common bond with Germans through .
they claimed that God had established the volk as a tool for His purposes in South Africa. the religious ties of Afrikaners were a natural place to find additional support for the Afrikaner volk. Most Afrikaner students who traveled to Europe to pursue their post-graduate studies at a large university studied in Holland or Germany rather than England despite the fact that more of these students spoke English. Several future leaders of the apartheid era encountered Nazism while studying in Germany.11 Strong pro-German sentiment was evident as early as 1914 when German nationalism caused an Afrikaner rebellion against British rule. biological.14 Nazi influence in shaping the ideology of Afrikaners was not the primary cause of Afrikaner belief in the superiority of whites over blacks. and cultural superiority of the “elect” Afrikaner culture. Afrikaners further adapted Calvinism to include a national consciousness in the doctrines of election and vocation.12 As the Nazi Party gained power in Germany. Many Afrikaners opposed the Versailles Treaty ending World War I.80 Elizabeth Lee Jemison their identification with Protestantism. not German. Because Afrikaner culture derived support from the Calvinist tradition. Afrikaners felt an inclination to support Nazism as both Nazism and their own Voortrekker heritage relied heavily on the idea of volk to promote the concepts of racial supremacy.15 Afrikaners distorted their Calvinist beliefs to further this attitude of not only white supremacy but also of supremacy of the Afrikaner volk over all other groups. Nazis and Afrikaners construed the concept of volk to permit a form of xenophobia that would preserve their Western Christian tradition from the dangers Asian and Soviet powers posed. Accordingly. but Nazism was largely responsible for encouraging the idea that Afrikaners were superior to any other groups of whites. Afrikaners took Calvinism’s doctrine of election and claimed that it supported the spiritual. thus making the “salvation” of the Afrikaner nation from .13 Afrikaners adopted Hitler’s concept of a master race and Nazi German nationalism to their Afrikaner situation. They viewed it as a cruel domination of the already defeated Germans. Even Smuts attempted to persuade the British to negotiate a less debilitating treaty with Germany.
.M. reported.a plan formed in 1653 when [the first Dutch settlers] arrived at the Cape. ChristianNationalists stressed the State at the expense of more liberal ideas of individual freedom. Through this combination of deeply entrenched doctrines of Calvinism and the newer concept of nationalism expressed through support of the Afrikaner volk. “Our republic is the inevitable fulfillment of God’s plan for our people. Afrikaner journalists supported the concept of Christian-Nationalism by frequently referring to the growth of Afrikaner power in the British-controlled government as similar to the biblical story of the young Hebrew boy. David.17 The Christian-Nationalist movement grew in importance and became a central part of the campaign for Afrikaner independence and for apartheid. Die Transvaler.for which the defeat of our Republics in 1902 was a necessary step. .. This made the emerging ideas of totalitarianism and fascism seem reasonable and compatible with Christian-Nationalism.19 While Christian-Nationalism provided an ideological justification for fascism. Interestingly. revealed the degree to which they thought that independence from Britain was their divinely ordained destiny when the Afrikaner newspaper. the concept of Christian-Nationalism emerged. defeating the Philistine giant.. there was initially resistance to this trend from powerful Afrikaner leaders.THE CONCORD REVIEW 81 the evils of British domination appear comparable to the spiritual salvation of its inhabitants.. anti-Semitism in the 1930s further linked the ideologies of Christian-Nationalism and Nazism. Afrikaners. In 1929. the founder of the Nationalist Party. after having gained independence from Britain in 1961.”18 In addition to advocating independence from Britain. Afrikaners manipulated Calvin’s teachings to claim that Calvinism’s clear delineation between the elect and the damned supported the formation of apartheid’s rigid racial and ethnic distinctions. General J. Both formulated similar policies to control Jews within their respective countries.16 By equating Calvinism to Nationalism and by seeing the struggle for Afrikaner political power as obedience to divine will. expressed decent tolerance. Goliath.B. Hertzog.
1936.4% of the 6. Because of the persecution of Jews in Germany. Many Afrikaners noted this increase with alarm. who later became the head of the Nationalist Party and the first prime minister of South Africa under the apartheid regime. 23 In reaction to the SS Stuttgart incident. Before this new restriction went into effect. the Afrikaner Nationalist Party attempted to oppose the Grey Shirts’ anti-Semitism. anti-Semitism rose at an alarming rate in both Germany and South Africa during the 1930s. fearing that Jews would eventually overpower Afrikaners’ economic and political control. led by L. the SS Stuttgart. Weichardt. carried 600 German-Jewish refugees to South Africa.21 These immigrants formed 57. Daniel F. Despite such voices. with the Immigration Quota Act. A protest organized by the Grey Shirts met the ship near the docks in Cape Town as a show of the force various militant groups possessed. One such gang was The South African Grey Shirt Party. the government seemed to legitimize anti-Semitism. Thus. all these were anti-Semitic. In fact. a chartered ship.T. South African anti-Semitism was directly related to the anti-Semitism and persecution policies in Germany. In 1930 Dr. Malan. but at the same time.295 Germans immigrating to South Africa from 1933-1936. a South African of German descent. he initiated the Immigration Quota Act to allow immigration only from a select group of countries excluding those eastern European countries from which Jews most frequently immigrated. there was a dramatic increase in the number of Jews immigrating to South Africa from Germany. but the Grey Shirts were the most vehemently anti-Semitic of these groups.22 Initially. The Grey Shirts became very active in anti-Semitic protest against the rising numbers of German Jewish immigrants. Several militant Nazi-sympathizing organizations protested the immigration of Jews into South Africa. the .82 Elizabeth Lee Jemison saying that the Jews were the ethnic group whose concerns were most similar to those of the Afrikaner.20 and anti-Semitism became an official policy of the Afrikaner Nationalist Party. Other Nazi sympathizing organizations included the Boerenasie and the New Order. also outwardly supported Jewish equality. but the Party soon became involved in pressing for a new restriction on immigration of Jews that went into effect on November 1.
Here Dr. which provided a prominent voice on Party issues for several decades. Afrikaners often considered Jews “non-assimilables” and prevented them from immigrating. This bill suggested that Jews threatened to overpower Protestants in the business world and were innately cunning and manipulative. a Nationalist Party member.26 Afrikaners continued to pursue increasingly radical antiSemitic legislation throughout the late 1930s.24 Verwoerd further pursued anti-Semitic policies by suggesting to the government that it no longer give Jews any new trading licenses. The majority Union Party . and that Jews were a danger to society. This bill defined Jews as anyone with parents who were at least partly Jewish regardless of actual religious faith or practices. later Foreign Minister.25 Verwoerd became even more outspoken on the subject of anti-Semitism when. His first editorial was a caustic diatribe against Jews. To support his claim. the Aliens Act created an Immigrant Selection Board to ensure “assimilability” among all immigrants. and prohibition of Jews and other “non-assimilable” groups from joining certain professions. a center for Afrikaner volk identification. the removal of Yiddish as an approved European language for immigration purposes. the newspaper published by the Nationalist Party of the Transvaal region. in 1937. In 1937. Louw maintained that Jews were involved in the Bolshevik Revolution and therefore intended to spread Communism worldwide.THE CONCORD REVIEW 83 Nationalist Party met near Stellenbosch University. Eric Louw. His bill was a means of suppressing all Jews. and five other Stellenbosch professors pledged themselves to pursue an end to all Jewish immigration. Although this act did not explicitly prohibit Jewish immigration. Hendrik Venvoerd. he became editor of Die Transvaler. These demands included the explicit prohibition of all future Jewish immigration.28 Following these demands of the Nationalist Party.27 The ambiguities in the Aliens Act caused the Nationalist Party to fight for a number of new demands to prevent all Jewish immigration and thus minimize the role of Jews in South Africa. keeping pace with that of Nazi Germany. introduced another anti-Semitic bill that strongly resembled Nazi legislation—the Aliens Amendment and Immigration Bill of 1939.
. then Minister of the Interior. D. considered the bill even worse in parts than Nazi rhetoric. Afrikaners blamed the Jews for their own lack of wealth by branding them enemies of society and of the Afrikaner in particular. the enemy of the whole world!”31 Dr. 1939: “Behind the organized South African Jewry stands organized world Jewry.They have robbed the population of its heritage so that the Afrikaner lives in the land of his father but no longer possesses it.. A 1937 poster for the South African Nationalist Peoples’ Movement read. Stuttaford. voiced this slander in a speech made on July 10. the fact that politicians introduced such bills showed the extremes of South African antiSemitism in the 1930s. most Jews seemed noticeably wealthier than Afrikaners.. Afrikaners found a scapegoat for their own difficulty in adjusting to an urban.F. and J. H..84 Elizabeth Lee Jemison however vehemently opposed and rejected this bill.Christian Afrikaners. by blaming Jews for Afrikaner economic hardships and by seeking to prevent Jewish immigration. In addition to anti-Semitism from the political arena... industrial society. “We say: Down with the Jewish Communism! Down with the exploiters of Democracy! Down with the exploiters of the Trade Unions! Down with the Bolshevik agitators who want.to satisfy their hatred of. remarked that the bill reminded him of the Inquisition during the Middle Ages.. Malan.. the incoming leader of the Afrikaner Nationalist Party.”32 Malan also voiced his opinion that Jews should never comprise more than five percent of the population of any region. subsequently. Hofmeyer. a Union Party member of Parliament. Although the Aliens Amendment and Immigration Bill failed. While the whole synod voted against accepting this committee declaration. a committee within a synod of the Dutch Reformed Church concluded after much examination that the Jews were not God’s chosen people as described in the Old Testament. This anti-Semitism grew in its irrationality and contradiction until Afrikaners accused Jews of being both ruthless capitalists and subversive Communists.30 Thus. the introduction of such a claim revealed .29 Many of the Jews who immigrated to South Africa adapted more readily to urban life than the largely agrarian Afrikaners and were generally better educated.Down with Judaism.
J.C. The Afrikaner Broederbond (Brotherhood) was the earliest conservative Afrikaner group which closely aligned itself with Nazi Germany.33 This strong attitude of anti-Semitism fed the ideological bond between Afrikaners and Nazi Germany. membership was about 2. provided a firm foundation for the formation of strong. and considered itself a quasireligious organization for the purpose of promoting Afrikaner unity and of allowing young nationalist-minded Afrikaners to meet one another. 1918. and Daniel H. and which was influential in the founding of apartheid in 1948. held a meeting in du Plessis’ home.F. . these three under the guidance of Rev. and the Broederbond strongly encouraged its 37 members to wear Broederbond buttons to distinguish themselves. the organization took the name Afrikaner Broederbond. D. J. In 1918. This meeting marked the beginning of the Broederbond. Nazi-sympathizing organizations. along with the concepts of the Afrikaner volk and Christian-Nationalism.34 However. Membership was very limited.35 The mission of the Broederbond was to promote Afrikaner interests in every area. was speaking.THE CONCORD REVIEW 85 the extent of Afrikaner anti-Semitism at this time. This. On June 5.W. In 1944. then the Party leader in Cape Town. van der Merwe. du Plessis—who met the following day to pledge themselves to restore the Afrikaner to his rightful place in South Africa.F. the Broederbond did not remain as open and harmless an organization as it began. Malan. its nature changed and it became increasingly exclusive by the late 1930s.6% of these being public servants and 33. This disturbance left a deep impression especially on three Afrikaner teenagers at this meeting—H. a mob interrupted a Nationalist Party gathering in Johannesburg where Dr. H. Membership was open. Naude of the Dutch Reformed Church.674 with 8. The name of the organization that they began with only eighteen members was Jong Suid-Afrika (Young South Africa). As the Broederbond grew.3% educators. The Broederbond began as a fraternity of men devoted to the Afrikaner cause in 1918 and became a secret organization in 1924. Klopper. The mob vandalized the Nationalist Club building and injured some of the Party members attending the meeting. but by 1920.
cult-like nature prevented the South African people from realizing the full extent of the power of the Broederbond until it had gained a firm grip on South African politics. the Broederbond’s membership was not as open as the Dutch Reformed Church’s report alleged. Many of the Broederbond’s critics argued that precisely the Broederbond’s influence within the church had secured a favorable. Senator Andrew Conroy.36 In 1946.B. for their willingness to negotiate with Britain and for their refusal to deny the right of English-speaking South Africans to participate in government.40 Eventually Smuts . report. both Afrikaans-speaking Protestants. The Broederbond countered by accusing Hertzog of trying to increase his own political power by provoking English-speaking South Africans to fear Afrikaners. Because of this and other allegations of Broederbond involvement in the Dutch Reformed Church. though fraudulent. Smuts refused to oppose the pro-Nazi attitudes of university students and professors except in the case of those who committed civil crimes. They reported that the Broederbond was a benign social organization open to all Afrikaans-speaking Protestants who were loyal to South Africa.M.39 Smuts considered the Broederbond a dangerous organization but failed to oppose it publicly for some time despite having the power granted by the special War Measures Act of 1941 to do so.86 Elizabeth Lee Jemison Its secretive.38 Hertzog also denounced the Broederbond for their refusal to negotiate with English-speaking South Africans and for hindering his diplomatic efforts.C. According to his Director of Military Intelligence. Smuts chose not to expose the Broederbond because so many Broederbond members were Dutch Reformed Church ministers and teachers. E. the Minister of Lands and an outspoken anti-Broederbond member of the United Party. Hertzog and J. G.37 Just as its critics feared. the Church launched an investigation of the Broederbond in 1949. professions for which Smuts had great respect. The Broederbond was the means by which the ideological ideas of Afrikaner volk and Christian-Nationalism attempted to unify all Afrikaners into a single force. Malherbe. The Broederbond denied membership to J. Smuts. estimated that the Broederbond had strong influence over nine out of ten Dutch Reformed Church congregations.
cunning. Montmartin met secretly with top Broederbond leaders to discuss how the Broederbond might be of service to this end. 1. a representative of Nazi Germany.”42 Broederbond members responded by repeatedly denying Smuts’ allegations. 807 rejoined after Smuts’ administration lost power to the Nationalist Party in the 1948 elections. it was not the fascist organization that Smuts denounced in 1944. whereas Hitler . One exception in this new organization was the Broederbond’s use of the Dutch Reformed Church to inspire nationalism and support of all Afrikaners. and claiming that the Broederbond was a benign cultural organization. Hitler sent Montmartin with the purpose of determining what support South Africa might provide to Germany in the new world order that Hitler envisioned. In 1944. the Broederbond reorganized itself to resemble the Nazi Party. Montmartin came to South Africa with the official intention of attending a conference on education. Smuts demanded that all Broederbond members who were public servants (including teachers) resign either from the Broederbond or from their public service positions.094 Broederbond members resigned from the organization. Broederbond members gained much public sympathy during this period for their loyalty to the Afrikaner cause. When the Broederbond began in 1918. but with the rise of Nazi Germany. The Broederbond became aware of Smuts’ plans for action in 1943 but allowed members to deal with Smuts’ coming ultimatum as each saw fit. political Fascist organisation.41 while Smuts publicly denounced the Broederbond as “A dangerous. the link between the ideology of the Broederbond and that of Nazi Germany grew. Of those who resigned from the Broederbond. but according to documents confiscated during World War II at the German diplomacy headquarters for the Union of South Africa. This link became critical to the Broederbond with the 1934 visit of Graf von Durckheim Montmartin. After this order.THE CONCORD REVIEW 87 yielded to the repeated counsel of his military intelligence who believed that the threat posed by the Broederbond was great. but many more resigned from their civil service position. After this meeting with Montmartin.
45 Janie Malherbe.43 Montmartin’s appeal emphasized the value of anti-British propaganda as a means of securing South African support for Nazi Germany and included another sphere of possible influence. Holm later received an appointment to the Department of Education. realized the danger of Broederbond’s close alliance with the Nazi Party after Montmartin’s visit. complete with fuehrer. Erik Holm. the new government released Holm from prison after only serving one year of his 10-year sentence. Ironically. newspapers openly began to reflect Nazi sympathy before and during the war. Germany that broadcast very clearly to South Africa. This radio station was very popular for its music programs.44 Influenced by Holm’s proNazism. published by Dr. Such Broederbond propaganda prompted much concern among government officials about the growing power of the organization as the tie between the Broederbond and the Nazi Party became evident to those outside of the organization. Dr.88 Elizabeth Lee Jemison had reverted to the symbols of Nordic mythology to provide a competitive “religious” awe for the Nazi Party. a South African teacher studying in Germany. a South African court found Holm guilty of treason and imprisoned him. Verwoerd expressed delight at Allied defeats and much dismay in his reports on Nazi losses. more clearly than the British Broadcasting Company or any South African radio stations. . In addition to his antiSemitic editorials. After the popular music programs. One example was Die Transvaler. broadcast vehement anti-British and anti-Semitic messages in Afrikaans to the listeners in South Africa. but when the Nationalist Party came into power after the elections of 1948. a Broederbond member. After the war. Verwoerd. a South African captain of Military Intelligence. young South African scholars whom the Broederbond encouraged to study at German universities. She reported: “This terrifying octopus-like grip on the South African way of life was made possible by reorganising the Broederbond on the pattern of Hitler’s highly successful Nazi state. One implementation of Montmartin and the Broederbond’s strategy of anti-British propaganda during World War II involved a radio station in Zeesen.
the emblem of the Nazi Reichstag. Afrikaner conservatives who wanted violently to pursue Afrikaner control of South Africa led a new military-minded organization. greedy Jew riding on the shoulders of a .C. but the organization quickly grew into a popular military movement. The cartoon pictured an exaggeratedly rotund. As the national leader. referring to the pioneering Voortrekkers). he had the title CommandantGeneral. Hans van Rensburg.”51 A cartoon from the Afrikaner nationalist newspaper. Hitler would give Afrikaners independent rule of South Africa as a reward for their loyalty to and support of Nazism. prompting his resignation in October 1940. the Ossewa Brandwag (literally Brigade of Ox-wagon Sentinels. supported Nazi Germany. Laas.” The Ossewa Brandwag. Colonel J. group and cell leaders. its opposition posed a significant threat because the Ossewa Brandwag had more members than Smuts’ army. the Ossewa Brandwag became more militant in nature under the leadership of Dr. while the Broederbond was growing in strength and World War II was underway. like the Broederbond. as its emblem. founded the Ossewa Brandwag to promote Afrikaner heritage.C. Die Burger. opposed the alleged control of the British market system by Jewish professionals.THE CONCORD REVIEW 89 gauleiters. In 1939. a former military officer intensely loyal to the Afrikaner volk and the Voortrekker heritage.50 The Ossewa Brandwag opposed the growth of urban areas using the Dutch Reformed Church’s doctrine of “BritishJewish capitalism.47 After Laas stepped down from the leadership.49 The group’s Nazi sympathy became clear when it printed its constitution in German Gothic type and when it chose an eagle. and local leaders became “generals.”46 The Afrikaner Broederbond followed the ideological and organizational patterns of the Nazi Party and advocated support of the Nazi Germany under the assumption that in Hitler’s new world order. spread in a sinister network over the whole of South Africa. Laas led the Ossewa Brandwag from February 1939 until the rapid growth of the organization expanded beyond his managing capabilities.48 The group strongly opposed the efforts of Smuts and his army to support the British.
and a future Nationalist prime minister. including Nationalist Party leaders such as Dr. J. and it suggested that wealthy Jews controlled the pro-British government. expressed the rapidly changing opinions of many who became increasingly right-wing. Afrikaners could “free” themselves by supporting Nazi Germany. while hesitant to confront the Broederbond.52 Some Afrikaners expressed the opinion that Jews. “the Afrikaner will no longer cooper- .55 Vorster hoped for a new South African government where. They formed the Stormjaers (stormtroopers). a Nationalist Party leader. and democratic elections terminated. The Stormjaers threatened and attacked anyone who was not as conservative as they. deviously worked to increase their wealth and power at the expense of hardworking Afrikaners who steadfastly did their best to survive in a harsh world. one “general” in the Ossewa Brandwag. he expressed his admiration of Hitler and his desire for a South Africa in which only Afrikaners had wealth and political power—all Jews expelled from the country. To many. Smuts. the Ossewa Brandwag was evidence of the growth of Nazi sympathy and dedication to Afrikaner supremacy in South Africa. In 1934.53 The violence of the Stormjaers demonstrated the grave danger the Ossewa Brandwag posed as it sought to create a fascist state. J. Hendrik Verwoerd. The Stormjaers considered themselves to be acting for the best interests of the Ossewa Brandwag but may not have always acted under the direct orders of the group. nonetheless opposed the Ossewa Brandwag with much fervor as the type of organization that brought Hitler to power in Germany and that might have the capability to bring a similar leader to power in South Africa.90 Elizabeth Lee Jemison gaunt Smuts and Hertzog.54 His criticism was not without justification.C. Rev. in league with the British. The Ossewa Brandwag became increasingly Nazi-oriented. who were a secretive part of the Ossewa Brandwag composed mostly of police officers. which promised to destroy both groups. Vorster. D. Vorster denounced Fascism and Nazism in particular but after he became an Assistant-hoof Kommandant in the Ossewa Brandwag. it appeared that the British and the Jews oppressed the Afrikaners.
While this document never explicitly mentioned Nazism. We must follow his example because only by such holy fanaticism can the Afrikaner nation achieve its calling. Smuts jailed Vorster along with some other Ossewa Brandwag members during much of World War II.61 During the same month.60 In September 1940. This report claimed that there were . “the man with a crooked nose [is] the danger to the country.. a state education system with Christian-Nationalist principles. saying.”59 In 1940. the government described was very similar to the dictatorship in Nazi Germany.”57 Because the violent nature of Vorster’s opinions threatened the government’s stability. and Afrikaans as the official language of South Africa.58 Vorster’s desire for a new South African government and for the expulsion of Jews from South Africa was a common desire throughout the Ossewa Brandwag. “Hitler’s Mein Kampf shows the way to greatness—the path of South Africa.fanaticism which causes them to stand back for no one. This government was viewed by Die Suiderstem as a Nazi state with only a few changes such as the title of the dictator being president instead of fuehrer. He will make the conditions and the Englishman will be compelled to submit. This plan included a statecontrolled press. Hitler gave the Germans a. the Afrikaner Nationalist Studentebond. the youth wing of the Ossewa Brandwag. Die Suiderstem. published “Constitution from the Christian-Nationalist Republic” as the Ossewa Brandwag’s plan for a new government.”56 Vorster spoke to the Afrikaner Nationalist Studentebond.THE CONCORD REVIEW 91 ate with the Englishman. the Cape Times published an article asserting that the Ossewa Brandwag was in the process of arranging a coup to establish a ChristianNationalist dictatorship. the youth wing of the Ossewa Brandwag. The group assured its members that. and the basis of the government being Christian-Nationalist rather than National-Socialist. acted upon the group’s desire for a new government and issued a “Freedom Manifesto” as a promise on the part of the youth to fight to overthrow the parliamentary government and establish a Christian-Nationalist government under an elected dictator. the newspaper..
During the growth of Afrikaner nationalism in the early 1930s.65 When Hertzog united with Smuts to form the United Party in 1933. F. Malan during World War II and immediately after the war. but it experienced its greatest growth under Dr. and virtually every major private industry such as mining and railroads who were ready to act upon the command of the group to assist in a coup designed to exile all Jews and subject all British South Africans to Afrikaner control. Some Ossewa Brandwag members formed another minor Fascist organization. D. especially with the collapse of the Ossewa Brandwag and other fascist groups.M.92 Elizabeth Lee Jemison Ossewa Brandwag members in important positions in public service.” This new government was to be a compilation of the governments of the initial Boer Republics with many elements of Nazi government and some aspects of other governments including that of Mussolini in Italy.62 In the same year.64 The postwar era saw the rapid growth of the Nationalist Party until it won a majority in 1948 and began the system of apartheid. At the apogee of Nazi Germany’s . the Ossewa Brandwag issued a similar plan for a new South Africa with its “Declaration on the Boer Republic.B. Hertzog grew steadily from its founding to World War II. the police force. the Ossewa Brandwag lost much of its support and its members dispersed. The Nationalist Party that began in 1914 under the leadership of J.63 However. but its membership and influence were very small. Many joined the Nationalist Party. the Nationalist Party under Hertzog did not actively pursue independence from Britain. this republic never had a chance to become more than an idea because with the Allies’ complete victory over the Nazis in 1945. This government called for a head of state with unlimited power who would support the concentration of power and wealth in the hands of Afrikaners and discrimination against all Englishspeakers. which grew in power during this transition. The Nationalist Party thereby gave up the relative freedom and autonomy of South Africa within the British Empire for this radical step for complete independence. Malan assumed leadership of the Nationalist Party which began to pursue a more radical path.
. radical Afrikaners to sway its policy or to prevent it from being able to work with the proBritish government under Smuts.. wrote the first of these documents in 1940. the Nationalist Party attempted to maintain an official position of neutrality between Britain and Nazi Germany because it was an official political party in the South Africa parliament and therefore did not want to allow the pro-Nazi. the Nationalist Party did change its primary objective. The Nationalist Party attempted to distinguish between its support of the Afrikaner republic based on the doctrine of Christian-Nationalism. “The Afrikaner will have as little to do with German National Socialism as with British imperialism.”66 Despite the official position of supporting the Afrikaner and not the Nazi.. the Nationalist Party’s Secretary of Information. free-market society with a free press in favor of a “new world order” of Christian-Nationalism and National Socialism.is undiluted and unequivocal nationalism. Hendrik Verwoerd vowed. its new priority was that of establishing an independent Afrikaner republic. many members of the Nationalist Party openly supported Nazi Germany. Du Plessis .has.he will be as little a tool of Hitler as of Chamberlain.THE CONCORD REVIEW 93 power. as the will of God. Even Hertzog expressed his distrust of a majority-ruled. Rather..69 This document supported an Afrikaner state affirming. and social freedom. the Nationalist Party published four documents that demonstrated the extent of the Nationalist Party’s Nazi support and the influence of the Ossewa Brandwag and other militant groups.”71 In his plan.68 Otto du Plessis.. “The philosophy at the basis of the new order. No longer did it promote equal political participation between Afrikaans-speaking and Englishspeaking South Africans. “Afrikanerdom. and its opposition to Nazism. It consequently pines for the new system of a new order.” 70 Du Plessis further argued. which would bring with it true national freedom in all spheres of life. Although it did not go so far as to declare open support of Nazi Germany. democratic. economic. Dr. not known full political. under the imported British system.67 During the course of World War II.. In a pamphlet entitled The New South Africa—The Revolution of the Twentieth Century he heralded the new place South Africa would have in the Nazis’ new world order.
The Republican Order described the political structure of the Boer republics as a uniquely Afrikaner model of government. “directly and only responsible to God. This document did link itself to Nazi Germany by its mentioning the expectation that through its victory in World War II.73 In 1941 Dr.. but he strengthened this tie in 1942 with his ideological Draft for a Republic. all-embracing. a pro-British newspaper.”72 The Nationalist Party supported this extreme nationalism believing that it would elevate the country at the expense of the “ruthless foreign capitalist. The Christian-Nationalist republic that Malan described in this document had a president with unlimited powers. over-riding powers of the Fuehrer-President. and to censor the press. to declare war and control the military. that Malan’s document …Borrowed from Mussolini for his group system. “Each coloured group. not only as regards to place of dwelling. Malan.74 This document showed fewer parallels to the government of Nazi Germany than Du Plessis’ The New South Africa. Pirow’s new order study group for various odds and ends dictated by an earnest desire to steal their synthetic thunder. to prevent competition.” The Ossewa Brandwag supported the Nationalist Party’s position in this document by patterning several of its own documents after The New South Africa—The Revolution of the Twentieth Century.. where “Every German must be small so that Germany can be great.will be segregated. Malan. 1942. the Nationalist Party leader.”76 The president had the power to control and dismiss Parliament and his Cabinet.. further revealed the pro-Nazi stance of the Nationalist Party when he wrote The Republican Order: Future Policy as Set Out by Dr. Germany would drive the British out of South Africa.75 Malan formed a strategic rather than ideological tie with Germany in his The Republican Order. Rather. Goebbles on the matter of press and radio control and propaganda generally.94 Elizabeth Lee Jemison cited Germany as a model for this new order and wanted Afrikaner nationalism to imitate that of Germany...”77 The Eastern Province Herald. claimed in an editorial published on January 24. . to control the economy. Critics accused Malan of supporting Hitler’s “pure race” concepts because he specified. Hitler in respect of the arbitrary.78 .[and] Mr.but also with regard to spheres of work..
who joined the Nationalist Party after their organization collapsed in 1945.[This is] the sensible way of a controlled economic system within the framework of a national government. Other more moderate groups supported South African neutrality in the war. Nonetheless. Still the . the Ossewa Brandwag and other militant pro-Nazi groups disbanded when the Allies had completely defeated Nazi Germany. Because Afrikaner sentiment covered this wide spectrum. “Our whole economic life will be controlled by the Central Economics Council. All key industries will be controlled by the State. The fascist documents that the Nationalist Party and other organizations such as the Ossewa Brandwag published during World War II represented the more conservative end of Afrikaner political opinion. aiding neither Britain nor Germany.80 In general. prevented the Nationalist Party from becoming overly passive or conciliatory. This document maintained that all major aspects of South African economics should be controlled by the state through a Central Economics Council to ensure the stability of the economy and limit competition in all sectors. which became less militant in its quest for fascism and refocused on its original purpose. In 1945. many of these splintered groups joined the Nationalist Party. World War II caused great division and fragmentation of the Afrikaners...THE CONCORD REVIEW 95 A fourth important publication by the Nationalist Party during World War II was its 1944 The Social and Economic Policy of the Nationalist Party. This is the way to the New Order in the Free Republic of South Africa. this postwar period was a time of unification of the many Afrikaner factions that were splintered by World War II. After the war. After this point in the war. the Party knew that it no longer had support for the totalitarian government described in its The New South Africa—The Revolution of the Twentieth Century and Malan’s Draft for a Republic. This plan concluded with the proud assertion. The influence of the members of the Ossewa Brandwag. while the most conservative Afrikaners supported Britain with only minimal reservations. the elevation of the Afrikaner. Germany’s imminent defeat weakened any bond that Afrikaners wanted to claim with her.”79 This publication was the last of the documents of the Nationalist Party that borrowed heavily from Nazi Germany.
Even when Nazism collapsed. The men who would become the leaders of the apartheid regime did not repudiate the ideology of Nazism. The African Mine Workers’ Union organized this strike of between 75. yet it affected more than 30 mines. The strike only lasted a week before the government violently forced workers back to the mines. the concepts of the Afrikaner volk and Christian-Nationalism became increasingly central to the Afrikaner . they adapted their political positions only enough to win power in the post-World War II South Africa.83 After 1945.000 and 100.81 The liberal post-war doctrines and the mineworkers’ strike encouraged Afrikaners to retreat to a position of isolation from the new intellectual currents abroad. The Communist influence on black laborers culminated in a widespread strike among mine workers in 1946 that further frightened Afrikaners who recognized Communism as a threat to their livelihood.96 Elizabeth Lee Jemison influence of Nazism remained as it had provided a foundation upon which many of the Nationalist Party leaders built their political beliefs and policies. Afrikaners felt threatened by the new spirit of liberalism introduced by the Allies in the Atlantic declaration and the U. Smuts was reviled for leading South African troops to the aid of the Allies and for interning some of the most conservative Afrikaner nationalists (such as Rev. Vorster). With the advent of the post-World War II world. Charter of Human Rights. and some had been members of the Ossewa Brandwag. All of the new leaders had been members of the Broederbond. J.82 Opposition to Smuts as prime minister grew during this period.000 black mine workers who worked in extremely dangerous conditions for less than a tenth of the pay of white workers. the seed of its ideology remained buried in the ideology of the Nationalist Party.N. The increasing numbers of black laborers who were moving into the cities to find work also seemed to threaten conservative Afrikaners when many of these laborers embraced the growing Communist Party as a way to oppose their harsh working conditions. which reminded Afrikaners of the British concentration camps in which many Boers died during the Second Boer War. rather.D.
the Nationalist Party founded the South African Bureau for Racial Affairs in 1947 to oppose the South Africa Institute of Race Relations which many Nationalists considered too liberal and pro-British. regarded from a Christian viewpoint.85 One Broederbond member and former Ossewa Brandwag general.”86 Thus.F.84 Accordingly. and. “The Christian standpoint boils down to the belief that it is God’s will that there should be a variety of races. volks.THE CONCORD REVIEW 97 cause as Afrikaners became more unified in their work toward proAfrikaner rule. the largest religious denomination among Afrikaners. The concepts of the volk and of Christian-Nationalism directly aided Afrikaner unity and efforts towards autonomy. while embraced by many Afrikaners..87 . Cronje. Stellenbosch Professor G. Some Afrikaners derogatively referred to it as the English Institute. and cultures.the glorification and maintenance of such variety. Increasing numbers of Afrikaners believed like Dr. They did not lose validity by the end of World War II. He meant that governmental policies regarding race must stress separation. This organization was responsible for the development of the theory of apartheid and for the implementation of it after the Nationalist victory in 1948. is justified and moreover can be taken as obedience to the will of God. the government should pay close attention to the Church’s guidelines in the establishment of such a system. both of which preceded the rise of Nazi Germany. also divided the Afrikaners. remarked that while establishing a system of segregation is not under the jurisdiction of the church. D. Malan. wrote in his Voogdyskap en Apartheid. the official standpoint of the Dutch Reformed Church. whereas concepts of Nazism or totalitarian governments. seemed to support a national plan of segregation. Malan that the purity of the Afrikaner volk depended on the prevention of intermarrying with other races and that without a rigid system of separation of the races intermarrying would occur and the Afrikaner race would lose some of its potency in its unique work of fulfilling the will of God.. The concepts of volk and Christian-Nationalism had origins in Hegel’s and Fichte’s German nationalism and in the Dutch Reformed Church’s brand of Calvinism. who had been a minister prior to his entry into the political realm.
88 The Broederbond was active in the elections of 1948 with at least 60 Nationalist Party candidates known to be members. but their victory did not represent the true will of the electorate that had cast 140. with its political ally. including Malan who became prime minister. The fact that du Plessis reentered the political sphere in the same election in which Smuts lost power demonstrated the change of the political climate in South Africa. “places where our children are soaked and nourished in the Christian-National spiritual cultural ‘stuff’ of our nation. won 79 of the 150 seats in parliament. of all the votes cast.C. Under Malan’s leadership.98 Elizabeth Lee Jemison Aware of the growing desire among Afrikaners for an institutionalized system of segregation.92 In 1948. the Nationalist Party.000 more votes for the parties in opposition to the allied Nationalist Party and Havenga’s Afrikaner Party than for this apartheid platform. du Plessis who had served as a South African diplomat but resigned when Smuts ordered in 1944 that no public servants could be Broederbond members. The Broederbond was influential in these first years of apartheid by establishing the Institute for Christian-National Education and the Federation of Afrikaans Cultural Organizations as well as by obtaining from the Dutch Reformed Church a doctrinal justification of apartheid. the much smaller Havenga’s Afrikaner Party. the Federation of Afrikaans Cultural Organizations published Christian-National Education Policies that outlined the principles the new government should maintain to ensure that schools were. The two parties had each received a plurality.”93 The document included instruction on proposed teaching methods intended to provide an education steeped in Christian-Nationalism. the Nationalist Party legislated the complete separation of whites from non-whites (that had already been in practice) but also introduced the separation of one non-white group from another. not a majority.91 This election marked the beginning of apartheid in South Africa.90 The alliance of these two Afrikaner parties revealed the unification of all Afrikaners after World War II to fight for political power. Malan led the Nationalist Party on a platform of apartheid in the elections of 1948. One of the candidates was W. and it concluded .89 In the final count.
All prime ministers and most major political leaders during the apartheid era were members of the Broederbond.. Through its secret nature. the Broederbond retained much of its right-wing ideology during the period between the defeat of Nazi Germany and the Nationalist Party victory in 1948.THE CONCORD REVIEW 99 with the Afrikaner position on education of non-whites that represented the emphasis on white supremacy in the new Nationalist government. Thus.”95 Thus. .and this vocation and task has found its immediate application and task in the principles of trusteeship. The leaders of South Africa after 1948 no longer espoused Nazism as they had during World War II. but they had come to their political and intellectual maturity under the shadow of Nazi Germany and had devoted years of their lives to the furtherance of its ideology.”94 The final section of this document.” professed white supremacy even more emphatically: “We believe that the education and task of white South Africa with respect to the native is to Christianize him. and in segregation. the influence of Nazism remained within the Nationalist Party primarily through the continued control of the government by members of the Broederbond. Article 14—“Instruction and Education of Coloureds” affirmed. Despite the reliance of the Nationalist government on the concepts of Christian-Nationalism and the Afrikaner volk. the new South African government implementing apartheid relied heavily on the principles of Christian-Nationalism. Article 15—“The Teaching and Education of Natives. a strain of the infamous regime that terrorized Europe in the first half of the twentieth century persisted to control South Africa for the second half of the century. “We believe that the instruction of Coloured people should be regarded as a subdivision of the vocation and task of the Afrikaner to Christianize the non-European by the European. no[t] placing of the native on the level of the white. and particularly by the Afrikaner..
37-38 6 Ibid. 183 10 Vatcher. ch. p. p. “The Boer War and its Humanitarian Critics. ch.” History Today 49 (June 1999) p. p. 4-5 of 12 30 Vatcher. 4. ch. p. ch. ch... 4. 136 13 Bloomberg. Publishers. Christian-Nationalism and the Rise of the Afrikaner Broederbund in South Africa. p. xxi 19 Ibid.. 5 of 12 29 Ibid. ch. found using InfoTrac Web: Student Edition. pp. 4. 36 7 Bloomberg. pp. p.. Martin’s Press. 183 8 Kenneth Ingham. 2 of 12 16 Ibid. 3 4 Ivor Wilkins and Hans Strydom. xx 17 Bloomberg. 3 of 12 24 Ibid. p. p. 1979) 5 Ibid.. 3 Ibid. p.. 63 11 Bloomberg. 4. 3 of 12 26 Vatcher. p.org. p. p. 4. p. 4. ch. Praeger..za/books/reich. The Rise of the South African Reich (Penguin Africa Library. xix-xx. 162 14 Vatcher. p. 1965) pp. Jr.. 4.. pp. 100-101 18 Ibid. 1986) p. 4 of 12 28 Ibid. 42. p. 61 27 Bunting. pp. 4. 3-4 2 David Nash. ch. p. 2 of 12 21 Vatcher. Jan Christian Smuts: the Conscience of a South African (New York: St... 118 9 Bloomberg. see also William Henry Vatcher. 1989) pp. p. 137 12 Ibid. p. p.100 Endnotes Elizabeth Lee Jemison Charles Bloomberg.. 1918-1948 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press. 3-4 of 12 23 Ibid. 61 1 . 4.. Available as ebook at http:// www. 1969. 3-4 of 12 25 Ibid. 60 15 Brian Bunting. pp. p. p. White Laager: The Rise of Afrikaner Nationalism (New York: Frederick A. 64 22 Bunting. 100 20 Bunting. The Broederbond (New York: Paddington Press.html) ch.anc.
65 60 Bloomberg. pp. ch.. pp.. 1-2 of 8 32 31 101 . pp. 3. pp. 63 34 Wilkins. p. 66 62 Ibid. 3. 78-79 41 Ibid. 2 of 8 40 Wilkins.. 3 p. 66 63 Bloomberg. 2-3 of 8. p.. 1-2 of 8 47 Bloomberg. p. p. but that is not certain. see also Wilkins. pp. ch. pp. ch. ch. 62 Ibid.. p. 77-78 56 Vatcher. pp. 4. 61. 168 55 Ibid.. 256-257 61 Vatcher. p. pp. p. p. 2 of 8 39 Ibid. xxii 37 Bunting. see also Wilkins. p. 3 of 8 38 Ibid. 3. 44-46 35 Bunting. p. p.THE CONCORD REVIEW Ibid. ch. 1-2. 165-166. 167. ch. 77-78 45 Ibid. 3 of 8 36 Bloomberg. ch. 82-84 42 Bunting. p. p. see also Wilkins. p. 3 pp. p. pp. 3. 77 50 There is also some evidence that the organization used a swastika as a symbol of its power and prestige.. 66 51 Bloomberg. 161-162 49 Wilkins. 63 58 Wilkins. 162 52 Vatcher. p.... p. pp. p. see also Wilkins. pp. p. 163 48 Ibid. 77 46 Bunting. Vatcher. ch. pp.. pp. 76-77 44 Wilkins. p. pp. 61 33 Ibid. 165 67 Bunting.. 201-202 65 Ingham. 166 54 Ibid.. p. 3. Bloomberg. 167 64 Ibid. p. pp. p. 61 53 There are no clear records of any orders the Ossewa Brandwag issued to the Stormjaers probably because the group did not wish any record of its responsibility for acts of violence. 77-78 59 Vatcher. 83 43 Bunting. 63 57 Ibid. 182 66 Bloomberg. p.
pp. 204 83 Wilkins..anc. 75 Vatcher. 69 71 Ibid. p. 70 76 Ibid.org. Malan. 289 .. pp. p. Kenneth Ingham suggested this in his favorable biography on Smuts perhaps to minimize the degree of opposition that Smuts faced. Naicker. see also Vatcher. ch. 202. 73 79 Ibid. 165 70 Vatcher. 205 92 Ibid.” from “Notes and Documents. 68 This evidence of a radical faction within the Nationalist Party causes a minority of scholars to consider the Ossewa Brandwag as nothing more than a radical branch of the Nationalist Party.P. most members were pro-Nazi as demonstrated by Nationalist Party publications during the war. p. 73 80 Bloomberg. 68 69 Bloomberg.za/ancdocs/history/misc/miners. p. p. 12 February 1954 85 Vatcher. pp.F. 151 86 Bloomberg. 69 73 Ibid. 73 78 Ibid... 3 90 Bloomberg. 68-69 74 Most branches of the Nationalist Party published this document without its subtitle. letter 88 Bloomberg. 21/76. Whatever the official platform of the Party. 69 72 Ibid. p. 203-204 89 Bunting... pp. 203. p. p. pp. The Transvaal branch of the Party added the subtitle when it published the document. 205 91 Ibid.” No. p. 70-72 77 Ibid. p.102 Elizabeth Lee Jemison My sources differed on the extent to which they considered the Nationalist Party to be sympathetic to the Nazis perhaps as the result of the desire of the authors to present the Nationalist Party in either a positive or negative light..html (1 July 2003) 82 Ibid.. 1976 http:// www. p. pp. p. 213.. 208 93 Vatcher. 3. Ingham. p. p. 80 84 D. p. Sept. p. p. 202-203 81 M. personal letter. “The African Miners’ Strike of 1945. 205 87 Malan..
“The Boer War and its Humanitarian Critics. 1979 . 12 February 1954 (no source given) Naicker. Daniel F. “The African Miners’ Strike of 1945.” from “Notes and Documents. Jan Christian Smuts: the Conscience of a South African New York: St. The Rise of the South African Reich Penguin Africa Library. 21/76. Praeger. 1918-1948 Bloomington: Indiana University Press. 1986 Malan. Publishers.” No. Kenneth.anc. Sept. The Broederbond New York: Paddington Press. Jr. Martin’s Press. 1965 Wilkins...THE CONCORD REVIEW 94 95 103 Ibid..org. 1969... Christian Nationalism and the Rise of the Afrikaner Broederbund in South Africa.za/books/reich. Charles.html (1 July 2003) Nash. 300 Bibliography Bloomberg. Brian. White Laager: The Rise of Afrikaner Nationalism New York: Frederick A. and Hans Strydom.P. Ivor.” History Today 49 (June 1999): 42.org.anc. 1976 http:// www.za/ancdocs/history/misc/miners. David. available as an ebook at http:// www. p. p. 300 Ibid. William Henry. 1989 Bunting. found using InfoTrac Web: Student Edition Vatcher. Personal letter.html Ingham. M.
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