Political Science and Political Philosophy: Ontological Not Normative
David R. Mayhew
PS: Political Science and Politics, Vol. 33, No. 2 (Jun., 2000), 192-193.
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Sat Aug 6 23:40:40 2005Political Science and Political Philosophy:
Ontological Not Normative
David R. Mayhew, Yale University
Wits. lio tassel
political theory and modeen
writing about it for current-day posi-
tive (that is, explanatory) political
science? By “classical,” I mean
works from Plato through at least
Weber
In modern American political sci-
ence, the conventional answer to
this question has been that classical
theory offers normative illumination,
Ie helps out with certain “should”
questions—that is, recommendations
about how political systems should
be constructed ar how individuals
acting 4s political beings should be-
have. Important as this line of think-
ing may be in its own tetms, [ be-
licve that it has worked to
marginalize or trivialize classical the-
ory for many writers and teachers in
the positive sectors, It has allowed
the kind of dismissal that Ayer
(1948), writing at the high tide of
logical positivism, gave to normative
concerns. Classical theory scholars
made a tactical mistake a few gener-
ations back, if they had any choice
in che matter, to let themselves be-
come labeled “normative.”
Tt is much better to see classical
theory as 2 source of ontological
illumination—that is, as a window to
the nature of political reality. What
is the nature of the political reality
that political scientists should be
studying?" If we members of the
profession possessed a clear, singu-
far answer to this question, we might
not feel the need 10 keep classical
theory alive. But we do not possess
a dear, singular answer, or at least
we do not agree on any. Hence, we
David R, is Sterting Profesor
Seid &, Mayhew i Seng Protein,
Gfesmey 11980), Compe: Te Bese
oration (1974), Placing. Pores in
Arenson Paltcs (1980), Divided. We
Govern 11991), and America's Congres:
Actions inthe Fu Sphere, Jemes Madi-
fon through Newt Granth flarhcomng
2200)
192
keep resorting to classical theory for
clues
In my view, the classical tradition
generated at least four distinct an-
swers (0 the question: What is the
nature of the political reality that we
should be studying? All four answers
have remained alive in political si
‘ence of recent generations under-
taken as a positive, as distinguished
from a normative, enterprise. Draw
ing on classical and modern writers
where appropriate, I give those four
answers below.
The police realy worth zeroing
on “conpewatin” Peat i,
tis is patietns of conflict or eal
tion makieg among stipulated
units. To demonstate sueh pat
ferns and theie consequences is
the task of the discipline. The
tit i question see typically in
‘duals, But they ay also be ine
ferest groups, asses, parties,
states, ar even, a8 in Huntin
(£996) cecent writing, ci
‘This @ dominantly Anglo
can approach to polities extending
fom Hobbes through Bentham,
Marx asa porttayer of class con
Tet, Beard the Amesiean pluralist,
ceadition af the mid-twentieth een-
tury—consider Lasse’ tlle Pot
ites Who Gets What, When, How?
(1936}—and, most recently, much
‘af rational chaiee, Both liberalism,
with ts jostling indivi, and
Manism, with fs confictig
classes, have been accommodated
Ing search for configurative pat
terns across unit, i e4a under
standably become second nature
fo impute stategies, (0 resort 0
mathematies, 10 meastre, and ca
ddeaw om microeconomics. Teese
fate all tendencies we have come
{6 uttnest in abuneance. For
Amecican political seectits,con-
figurative concerns offered an easy
road trom plutalism 0 rational
che
Political reali is “panicpation.”
No, a second answer goes, the
proper subject of political science
's participation and its eonse-
jguemiees—whieh are ordinarily
thought t@ be favorable. This is
‘ein extending feom Aristotle
thcough Mchisvelh, Tocqueville,
‘Atendt, ano, after World Wat Tl,
‘Almand and Verba's Cie Cuore
(1963). Teincludes the entire
anon of “republicanism.” [the
Ince twentiett century, which was &
creative time on the pactspetion
Front, we heard a gieat deal about
“socal eapial” courtesy ot Put
nam (1998), the "public sphere”
cauttesy of Habermas (1989), and
“civil society" fllowing te col-
lapse af the Sevier empire. These
eqneerns atose coneurterly with
‘ational choice, bu, it terms of
dnalytic content, de fo kinds of
development mgt as well have
been taking place on separate
planets. le the “paricipstion” tea
Sition, as T have characterized s—
consider Tacquevile's Demacracy
idrionca there has existed vit
tually 90 interest in eonfiguative
paterns, strategies, zero-sum a8
sumptions, oF microeconamnc the-
foxy, alhulgh thee Has been Mes
Polat reality is “steering.” This isa
tess prominent emphasis ia lhe cone
temparaty profession, but it remains
avatlable. By “seering” wie has
Scholarly roots iw Pato and Macha
well, Tmean the management of
states of govecament by leaders, That
i the politieal reality shat needs to be
ied —and without regard fr ts
rmiccofoundations in soclety. Such
amicrofoundations may oF nat exis,
but for analytic purposes they can be
lacgely ignored. Steering seems to
hate enjoyed 2 local peak ducing the
anid-twenteth century a, correspond
ingly it actual politics, the power of
the American hational state ctested,
Invluental works include Neustad's
Presidential Power (1960), Kisinget’s
‘A Word Restored (1987), and, radiat-
ing influence fom the €conarnies dis
ciple, Keyees's mictofourdation
feze blueprints for managing
governments and economies, Since
fen, despite occasional prominent
works by such diverse writers a8 Kras-
her (1975), Skoweonek (1982), Mans
field (1988), and Moore (1993, steer-
ing scems ( have fallen of relative
{a atier emphases in politcal science
proper. The ouegeoning of the
Kennedy Schoo! outside the profes
PS June 2000sion’s norms for project defiition
aay be partly 2 zeaction to this fak
loft.
Political ality is “unfoldinghserse
‘uyes.” There exists a strange—at
least to a canventionallyrained
American polilical seientist—yet
‘widely represented tradition that is
missing ftom the above categories.
eis a Continental, largely Ger-
san, tradition. This i the idea
that the type of political reality
worth attending to 4s an unfolding
process—an unfolding of history
{in general and of cettain “struce
tres" (ina large sense) that come
into existence during thar uafold-
ing. Accordingly, the role of politi-
‘eal sclence isto tell the story of
that unfolding, and to anatomize
its emergent structures. Pioneered
by Hegel, this tradition has de-
seended through Marx in his cole
as portrayer of historical stages
(lassical theorists can ishabit
more than one category here),
Note
1, Note that this question isnot in elt a
normative” one. Gren stable substitutes
for the ters "politial” and “poliieal scien
References
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Note that this friction has had vit=
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{ive versus nennermative thrusts
Tchas been about ontological and
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If Tam correct in arguing the
above, the American political sci
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F50nkine wonw.apsonetorg
it, exist in and are probably fated to
continue in a condition of ontologi-
cal pluralism, Attractive as various
particular emphases may be, some-
hhow it does not seem appropriate to
try to stamp out any of the kinds of
enterprises exemplified by Riker
(4962, 1982) and Dawns (1957), Put-
nam and Almond and Verba, New-
stadt, or Weber and Habermas. In
this circumstance of pluralism, the
profession's body of classical theory
has taken on roles not played by
compatable sets of classical texts in,
for example, psychology and eco-
nomics. Classical theory offers a re~
frestier course in what positive polit-
ical science complicatedly is, Te
keeps alive the question of ontology.
And it offers smart old intellectual
‘moves that can be dusted aff for use
when the profession's ontological
tastes shift, as they sometimes do,
laey helpful to eateporize the eeasons for
ter answers as “normative.”
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193