Chapter One Introduction: The Postnational Turn in Music Scholarship and Music Marketing Ignacio Corona and Alejandro L. Madrid+ ‘The Idea of the Postnational (Current scholarship in the humanities and social sciences recognizes the limita tions of attempting to understand the history and practice of cultural manifesta- tions within the boundaries of the nation-States. These relatively new ap- proaches understand the nation-Siate as an “imagined community” whose existence is based upon the discursive homogenization of the diverse groups it seeks to represent. Such a view emphasizes the fact that culture and the people ‘who produce it, consume it, and identify with it continuously move through the borders ofthe nation-State via a wide range of technologies. These people group together in a variety of “imagined communities” that might be greater or smaller than the nation-State, but transcend it as a unit of identification. Thus, transna- tional historians, recognizing the historical validity of this argument, push for the treatment of “the nation as one among a range of social phenomena to be studied, rather than the frame of study itsel”" Likewise, cultural theorists who articulate these ideas as part of their interest in the increasingly rapid flow of information, capital, people, and culture under globalization propose an ap- proach that recognizes citizenship as performed “across as well as within na- tional boundaries."” Both historians concemed with fuid pattems of cultural formation predating current globalization, and cultural theorists interested in the ‘impact of globalization on contemporary culture recognize the need to approach their objects of study from a postnational perspective, a point of view beyond the nation-State asthe frame of reference. Such an angle would allow us to re=~ ognize cultural formations 2s glocal phenomena where global and local motiva~ tions coexist and avoid “reinstituting fictitious cultural units [and] 34 Ignacio Corona and Alejandro L. Madrid ignoring racial, ethnic, and sexual difference because it disrupts the national fantasy.” ‘Just as the idea of the postnational refers to the aforementioned postnational- ism as an epistemological turn, it also implies a postnational condition inform- ing, reflected in, and reflected upon by such postnationalist perspective. More ‘han falling about a disputed disappearance of the nation-State as a viable entel- ‘echy, a postnational condition refers to its crisis and shortcomings as reflected in a wide variety of social and cultural events. Signs of the crisis of the nation- State in the United States are the growing influence of corporate power and spe~ cial interests on governmental decisions and democratic practices, the State's neglect of its social obligstions in favor of privatization, and the decentralization Of capital that pressed Hardt and Negri to optimistically hypothesize the devel- ‘opment of a new type of “postnational,” decentered Empire that “rules over the ‘entire ‘civilized’ world‘ In developing countries, the incredibly unequal and ‘unjust distribution of wealth, out-of-control unemployment and the importation ‘of “second class" jobs (such as maguiladoras at the U.S.-Mexico border), the near collspre of the legal system and the state's networks of social protection, ‘economic dependency, and political subordination arc all signs of the crisis of the nation-State, Common to both experiences of this crisis is th inability (or unwillingness) of the nation-State to fulfill its raison d' tect, serve, and offer secunty to its citizens, particularly the most underprivi- leged. Moreover, the dual phenomenon of migration represents a further chal- lenge to the idea of the nation-State both in “developing” countries and in the “developed” world. For the former, emigration is 2 direct result of the nation- State's inability to close the gap between the rich and the poor and its lack of capacity to provide tools for social mobility. For the latter, the presence of in- creasingly large ethnic communities due to immigration represents a challenge to the ideal of a homogenized national identity. The presence of these communi- tics in the United States and other “developed” nations, and the reality of their everyday life of exploitation and human-rights abuse, not only raise important questions about citizenship but also challenge some of the most basic premises, ‘of national ideologies. In both czses, migration contributes to the further frag~ ‘mentation, overlapping, and amalgamation of collective experiences within and beyond the nation-State. However, such erisis should not be homologized with a necessity to discard the nation-State as a viable form of strategic political and social organization. Events unforeseen by Hardt and Negri after the publication of their 2000 took have reminded us that although cepital might not have a nationality, the interests of 2 majority of multinational comporations are strongly associated to a specific nation-State, the United States of America, The confirmation of the United States as the center of Empire shows the pressing need for forms of political and social organization that would counterbalance such power and maintain the na- tion-State’s raison d'2tre. Under these circumstances, a postnational condition does not refer to the impossibility of the nation-State but rather to the urgency of its reariculation in relation to the current needs of those citizens it once at- tempted to discursively homogenize. Such rearticulation implies the recognitionThe Posinctional Turns 5 Of the injustices, the omissions, the dismissals, and the repudiations that univo- cal nationalist discourses have inilicted upon their citizens. Acknowledging the ceihmic, racial, sexual, and class diversity of the liminal citizens “forgotten” by hegemonic nationalist discourses is not only an act of justice but also a necessity ‘to undersiand the future of the ration-State as a feasible form of political organi- zation ‘Music Scholarship in Times of Postnationality Why is music important in the discussion of postnational identities? How does the social and cultural study of music illuminate our understanding of the issues at stake in the debate about posinationality and postnationalism? It is interesting ‘that in her denunciation of the shortcomings of traditional world history narra- tives in the U.S., Mieol Seigel chooses jazz as an example of the thematic 2 proach that would shed light on the rue tmnscultural and wansnational character of history.’ For a transnational historian like Seigel, interested in the constant flow of cultural units beyond the boundaries of the nation-Statc and the dialogic (or “multitogic”) construction of meaning that results from those erossings, ma sic in general and jazz. in particular axe the perfect embodiment of these issue ‘Music 1s always in constant flux, music is the perennial undocumented immi- ‘rant; it has elways moved beyond borders without the required paperwork. As cultural theorist Josh Kun suggess, “music is always from somewhere else and is always en route to somewhere else."” It may be produced under very specific ‘circumstances that grant it particular local significance, but consumed under completely different conditions that in turn kelp redefine its meaning. Frances Aparicio and Candida Féquez state thatthe prominence of music as a transnational cultural production makes it a perfect element in challenging “scholars to engage in interdizejplinaity and multdisciplinrity to beter capture its multifaceted complexities."* Indeed, a postnational study of music can only ‘be possible from an inter or multidsciplinary angle, given that the incorporation Of aesthetic values, performatic and performative aspects, and social reception ‘and meaning are integral parts of the musical experience—and they change in ‘every context the music is experienced. Furthermore, in a postnationalist work, ‘where composer, artist, and listener are no longer part of the same cultural con- text, social meaning, performative aspects, and acsthetic values arc no longer to be implicitly understood ot presumed. An inter or multidisciplinary approach ‘would only allow scholars to better understand the transnational fluxes and the postnational dissemination and reception of music. For that reason, throughout this book we speak of *musie scholarship” as opposed to simply “musicalogy” or “ethnomusicology.” We believe that the aforementioned muliidisciplinarity cannot be articulated solely from one discipline; musicologisis borrowing from sociology, anthropology or cultural studies in order to have a multidisciplinary ‘understanding of music texts is not what « postnational approach would encour- age, Rather, a postnational music scholarship should stem from aay potential discipline and aspire to understand and illuminate cultural and social practices6 Ignceio Corona and Alejandro L. Madrid ‘beyond the consideration of music texts or music practices. A postnational ap- ‘proach to the study of music should encourage music scholars to enter into a real ‘dialogue with the rest of the humanities and social sciences instead of remaining ghettoized by a language incomprehensible for the rest of the intellectual com- munity? In fact, in an ideal postnational or transnational music scholarship those very languages, their inception, and the aesthetic criteria that inform them should also be subjected to critical inquiry. ‘One may argue that such a claim is not new. Joseph Kerman’s thirty year-old diatribe ageinst positivist musicology was informed by a similar dissatisfaction ‘with this discipline’s lack of interdisciplinary conversations." However, much of the scholarship produced under the aegis of the New Musicology (af which Kerman was a key instigator), although decidedly aware of social, critical, and cultural thinking beyond the discipline, failed to fully address the questions and ideas pondered by scholars in the humanities and social sciences, since it re~ mained interested in what had interested old-school musicologists—the under- standing of individual, “atention-deserving” music texts. ‘The role of musicology in supporting positivist, colonialist, and nationalist projects is explored at length in Arved Ashby’s chapter in this volume. IF nation- building was the historical contingency that shaped and gave meaning to the nascent discipline of musicology at the end of the nineteenth contury, how wold the crisis of that nationalist project affect the contemporary goals, meth- ‘ods, analytical and theoretical perspectives, and overall definition of that disci- pline at the beginning of the twenty-first century? If as we have suggested above, a postrationalist approach in dialogue with » postcolonial approach ‘would acknowledge the injustices, the omissions, the dismissals, and the repu- diations that univocal nationalist discourses have inflicted upon their citizens, which would be the role of music schelarship in recognizing these hidden sto- ries? What power relations are articulated in the revision of the nation-State’s cessentislist rhetoric? A few years ago, at an informal meeting of musicologists in Mexico City, a discussion of the relationship between art and popular music in Latin America took place. At one point someone mentioned Juan Gabricl, onc of Mexico’s ‘most successful singers and song writers in the last thirty years. Surprisingly most of the scholars in the room dismissed him and his music on the grounds that the ‘music itself” was of bad quality and lacked the harmonic, rhythmic, and improvisatory complexity of other types of Mexican traditional musical ‘genres. Several problems that permeate Mexican musicology, an activity still largely under the influence of the Mexiean post-revolutionary nationalist project, are evident in this anecdote. First, a common mistake is to try to isolate music structures and texts from their social and cultural context in an attempt to under- stand an ideal, “incorruptible” aesthetic meaning, As if the very analytical tools cchosen to describe the musical phenomenon would not determine the aesthetic value to be found in the musical structures, as if the aesthetic values themselves vere not politically and culturally informed, or as if the sounds had a fixed meaning independent from their social, historical, and cultural context, not to ‘mention its reception and consumption. Second, judging one type of music with‘The Postnctional Turn 7 the aesthetic criteria of another is also problematic. In this case, judging the quality of a popular song in terms of a harmonic, rhythmic, and improvisational complexity that is absent in that song's genre or meaningless to its audience is 10 impose the scholar’s criteria upon it—an obvious exercise of intellectual coloni- alism. Third, emphasizing the process of production as the locas of musical ‘meaning reduces music to composition and neglects its value as personal and collective experience. We believe that musical mening is found at the intersection of production, distribution, performance, and consumption. Opening up music scholarship to the study of distribution, performance, and consumption, without neglecting a critical approach to production (or composition), allows us to understand music as a medium for the representation and negotiation of identities within specific social contexts. Furthermore, opening music scholarship to these areas of in- ‘quiry allows us to identify power relations that are transnationally negotiated and that rearticulate the relationship between citizenship, people, and nation under contemporary globalization. ‘Adopting such an epistemological framework also gives us the opportunity to question music history as a univocal and teleological process. Such a process implies the revision of music history on several grounds, including an analysis, of performative aspects, as well as gender and ethnic issues, and the question of the “evolution” of music as an abstract language articulated by “great men.”"* A system that takes into consideration the distribution, performance, and consump- tion of music as fundamental aspects in the production of musical meaning ‘opens the door to a multiplicity of interpretations of the musical experience, and how the history of that experience is written. This multiplicity of imtepretations rejects history as a teleological process since it recognizes the large mumber of [power relations that coincide in the writing of history. It isin the recognition of these contingencies that the “great men’ stop being history's ‘chosen ones” to become individuals that, like history itself, arc constructed in telation 0 the power relations they articulate, However, this type of historical music scholar- ship should not simply question the position of these “great men” or some musi- cal practices within the inherited musical canons. Instead, itis necessary to rec- ‘ognize that the very arguments about nationalist meaning are unstable and contingent, and should be plaved under scrutiny. For this reason, we do not sug- ‘gest a simple restitution of marginal composers, musical practices, or musical ‘tends to their “proper” place in a nationalist canon; this type of scholarship ‘would only reproduce an essentialist notion of what 2 given rational music and its canon should be. On the other hand, we suggest that onc of the goals of a ppostnational music scholarship would be to question the very vaiues that support these nationalist canons. [F identities are unstable, continuously-changing proc- esses, we must understand the fixed character of nationalist music historiogra~ phy as well 2s their music canons as essentialist discourses that support larger nationalist and often colonialist projects. Recognizing the contingency of the essentialist discourses about nationalist meaning would allow us to better under- sand the continuous processes of identity negotiation that permil citizens of a given nation-State to establish effective transregional and transnational relations.a Ignacio Corona and Alejandro L. Madrid Studying the construction of identities within discourses of representation — individual, collective, self-reflexive, and hegemonic—helps us understand that ‘identities are intimately related to the invention of narratives of tradition, heri- ‘age, and myth, As Stuart Hall elegantly puts it, identity obliges us to read tradi tion “not [zs] the so-called return to the roots but (as] a coming-to-terms-with ‘our ‘routes.””” It is as part of continuous processes of negotiation and re negotiation of power relations that identitics are constructed. To question the “roots” of any music in an attempt to understand the routes we had to walk and ‘that have led us to accept them as national fixed essences should be one of the projects of a postnational music scholarship. The crisis of the nation-State and the need to rearticulate it according to tae transnational power relations that de fine its citizens and institutions appear as important challenges to contemporary ‘music scholarship. This challenge forces us to question many of the principles ‘we took for granted in relation to music and nationality. Recognizing that our routes determine how we define our roots will clarify the role of a pestnstional music scholarship. ‘The Postnational Marketing of Music A crucial component of that challenge necessarily deals with the arborescent ‘concept of globalization at the root of aa emergent critical paradigm. In theoriz~ ing the emergence of postnational configurations, itis equally important to focus (on the now tensions that have sprouted in the political, socio-economic, and cul- turel arenas as a result of the accelerated expansion of global corporate capital- ‘gm as well as focusing on the pre-modern conflicts—mainly based on religious, ethnic and gender issues—unresolved or ignored by national modernization pro- Jjects and reactivated in a context of further weakening of the State. In this sec- tion of the introduction, we focus on the frst part of this task by discussing the relationship between globalization, the world music market, and the idea of the postmational. Numerous globalization scholars have called attention to how transnational economic interests make inquiries regarding the viability or obso- Jescence of national entities relevant." In effect, national boundaries are increas- ingly insufficient to locate national or local cultures, “as commodities of all sorts—including music—are being produced and consumed in multiple interna- tional contexts rather than one culturally-specific location.” Mexican ranchera, for instance, used to be thought of as a masical genre performed by people with strong roots in the Mexican countryside, recorded by local producers in local studios, accompanied by local musicians, and using traditional instrumentation in order to remain close to the ideal of “authentic” ranchera music. Not any- ‘more, Not only are many ranchera recordings being produced in the U.S., in ‘many cases by urban-based musicians, but also the genre has been hybridized and given way to very different musical expressions. The same occurs with other forms of Mexican regional music (see Helena Simonett’s chapter in this volume).The Postmotional Turn 9 ‘As with culture in general, current cultural predicaments in the study of music include the stretching, blurring, fragmentation, doubling, and multipication of previously “fixed” and “stable” national (or regional and local) identities. Thus, it i not surprising that some scholars have even proposed the end of national musics in a sort of “late modem collage”: “where global and local do not form ‘an antithesis [ ... where] a global, transnational culture leads to an increasing sensitivity to the local particularities of social life" Just like Westem musi- cians have employed and been influenced by global musics, so musicians and producers everywhere have been adapting, mixing, and using modem popular Western music in a complex scenario of hybridization to the point that some music sociologists, such as Simon Frith, call it “a universal pop aesthetic.”"” Frith explains that “even the most nationalistic sounds—carefully cultivated ‘folk’ songs, angry local dialect punk, preserved (for the tourist) traditional dance—are determined by a critique of international entertainment” and adds “no country in the world is unaffected by ... the twentieth-century mass media (he electronic means of musical production, reproduction and transmission).""* What the parameters and elements that comprise such a “universal pop aes- thetic” may be is open to contention and debate, but surely Frith refers to the influence of pop-rock music as one of the enabling elements of such musical homogenization. ‘Mentions of a transnational and universal culture always raise & number of important issues regarding the politics of culture. In effect, «truly global culture ‘would imply a certain leveling of all cultures and yet, in all identified transna- tional configurations—of which the music market could be considered a prime cexample—ihe ubiquitous issue of power asymmetties remains, In analyzing the status of language—as one of the defining elements of any culture—in the “new ‘world-system,” cultural critic Fredric Jameson has posed the question, “Are they all equal, and can every language group freely produce its own culture aecording to its own needs?"” Such an inguiry could be extrapolated to music production, its marketing and consumption as well as to a whole host of related issues. Jameson’s own response identifies some of the underlying cultural conflict “The speakers of the smaller languages have always protested against that view [of supposed global equality]; and their anxieties can only be heightened by the emergence of a kind of global er je-set transnational culture in which a few in- ternational hits (literary or cultural) are canonized by the media and given a heightened circulation inconceivable for the local products they tend in any case to squeeze out." In effect, such transnational culture evidences the overpower- ing logic of the global market, which in tum reminds us about the resurgent phenomenon of empire.”' From the point of view of music production, this phe- ‘nomenon may be well illustrated by a series of centripetal fluxes amid the global music market Multi-tmc techniques and sampling . . . allow Westem musicians today to use Third World musicians, bringing pre-recorded material to technically more sophist- cated Wester studios for further elaboratio, tha is everéubbing, r-mixing, et + iis almost oo easy to compare these procedures with ealir imperialistic eco- omic systems, where raw maerals were acquired from the colonies, manufsctured10 Ignacio Corona and Alejandro L. Madeid the West and commercialized in both the West and the colonies, profits staying mainly in the West” ‘As Pedro van der Lee suggests above, there is an unavoidable relationship be- ‘tween economics and cthics in the process of music contact and hybridization that needs to be taken into account. At the other end of music production, aralo- ‘gous centripetal flows occur in the circuits of marketing and consumption. The U.S.A. accounts for almost forty percent of the world’s record sales and contin- ‘usa to be the main market for the commercialization of music.” Further, while corporate representatives might downplay the issue of language,” the fact is that world music has more chances to succeed if sung in English. Concerning the ‘commercialization aspect of the circuit, even though only one of the major re- cord labels (SONY-CBS, EMI, Universal, BMG-RCA, and Time-Wamer- WEA), iscompletely American, most of the music commercialized in the world continues to be Anglo-American. From that perspective, the marketing side of ‘music production offers further ground to the thesis of “cultural imperialism,” as articulated by Jameson, Hardt and Negri, and other authors. This monopoliza- tion of the music market is not contradicted by the coexistence of a multiplicity of small independent labels as long as they are not very successful, artistically or commercially speaking —because, once an independent label establishes a niche or significantly impacts a regional market it tends to be absorbed by one of those corporations, as occurred with Windham Hill during the heyday of New Age music. However, such absorption does not represent the obliteration ipso facto Of the specific “cultural identity” that a local label might represent. Windham Bill continues to play out an identtarian clement in the construction of a sophis- ticated yuppie “subculture” (to borrow D. Hebdige’s term)."* In her study of ‘world music Ana Maria Ochoa also refers to another conspicuous aspect of mu- sic distribution and consumption in many regions, such as piracy and its role in the informal sector of the economy, which constitutes a radical bypassing of the established circuits of the music market.” Postnational marketing surpasses national boundaries in order to better re- spond to the needs of an increasingly multicultural domestic market in the US. and Westem Europe (much less so in Japan) as well as a global “transnational- ized” market.” In the US., the conflation of musical styles, genres and regional manifestations under the rubric of “ethnic” music, mostly replaced by that of music since the late eighties, represents a strategy that responds to both needs. Nowadays, the term “ethnic” in the USS. is mostly used to represent eth nic communities within the country. For instance, Cajun music is an accepted term for record stores, while Nuyorican or Chicano music is not, and the issue of the specificity of a style or sub-genre only partially explains what is behind such marketing decision (sce Vanessa Knights" and Steven Loza’s respective chapters in this volume). In a way, such a term is the music marketing equivalent to “multiculturalism,” but one that seems to reinforce rather than dispel the implicit “Burocentrism.” Outside the U.S., the commercial strategy that links musical production and categorization of styles and genres at the root of such a confla- tion and amalgamation of cultures is to a certain extent complementary to the rules that control and define the American music market. In Spanish-speaking‘The Posmnetional Turn un countries, for instance, the traditional category of "musica internacional” is akin to the category of “world music” with two important differences: it takes into, ‘account national borders and does not imply the postmodm celebration of dif- ference and differentiation that Jameson talks about” As in other regions, An- ‘glo-American pop-rock music (mainly aimed at the teen and the under-thirty ‘demographics) continues to dominate the Latino/Hispanic market. Therefore, “contemporary,” “modern,” “pop,” or simply genre-based classifications (i.c., “rock,” “jaz2"} mostly designete Anglo-American musical production, which serves as the main referent. When the category of “rock,” “azz,” or “pop” is Applied to the domestic or regional production, specification for the local con- sumer seems to be required, such as “tock en espafiol” (see Greg Schelonka’s Chapter in this volume). But even if Latino musicians produce their records in the US, with U.S.-bssed stadio musicians, and opt for singing in English orto a mix of English and Spanish (sometimes in a deliberate attempt at crossing over), with very few exceptions such as Carlos Santana, they are left wondering why if what they are doing is, say, simply rock or jazz, their music is still classified as ‘world music or Mexican or Argentine or Brazilian music instead of simply rock ox jaz, ‘The Collapse of the “Grand Narratives” in Popular Music ‘The current postnational marketing of music arguably operates within a different paradigm than the one predicated upon the “grand narratives” of musical histo Tiography and its central corpus—that of Western art music. In effect, the musi cal developments gathered under the heterogeneous concept known as modern- ism—or the avant-garde—hed seemingly surpassed those identitary issues so prominently articulated and performed throughout the nineteenth century in the rise of masical European nationalisms—and carly twentieth century elsewhere, Via an increased “abstraction” end “self-referentialty” of the musical language. Nevertheless, the current popularity of identitzrian labels in the marketing of popular music does not necessarily destabilize such a paradigm when applied to the field of contemporary classical music, even if it has progressively incorpo- rated some non-Westera European composers into the musical canon (see Barry Shank’s chapter in this volume). Such a historiographic paradigm also presup- posed the idea of the distinctiveness of “true” art, which in the musical field, as {in artim general, relied on basic dichotomies, such as that of the classical (seri- ‘ous) and the popular (or non-serious). The cross-fertlization between both fields ‘was a fact recognized in the proliferation of new musical expressiors and styles (on both sides of the divide, further enriched by the inclusion of non-Westem instrumentation and musics along the twentieth century. In the field of popular ‘music, such a paradigm was still operating inthe late sixties and early seventies, hich helps fo explains how musicians at work on the popular side ofthe divide tried to link the “serious” and the “non-serious,” the incividual composer and the group, attempting to find common ground for the possibilty of meaningful collaborations between, say, Spooky Tooth and Pierre Henry, Frank Zappa andn Ignacio Corona and Alejandro L. Madrid Pierre Boulez, and Can and Karlheinz Stockhausen. The modernist vision that ‘underlies such an endeavor finds few historical precedents in the field of popular culture. Since “world music” would be implicitly considered “popular” or “non~ serious” music in relation to the aforementioned divide, reference to this devel- ‘opment in Westem popular music will be helpful to understand other aspects of the current marketing practices in which “world music” is commercialized. ‘The powerful vision of a comunon musical development embedded in s the “music of the future,” and hence unifying the classical and the popular, was 4 stated goal of many participants of the “progressive music” movement of the late 1960s and 1970s. Originally based in England, it offered a more ambitious ‘musical response to the psychedelic, hippie, and counterculture movements in ‘the U.S. atvacting numerous followers in Western Europe as elsewhere. Having emerged in a period of great cultural and social fermentation, the progressive ‘movement sought out 10 stetch the limits of popular music—mainly through rock, jazz, and electronic idioms—in its exploration of cultural scenarios, aes- thetics, and ideologies. Such an agenda could not be less avant-garde, to the Point that in its brief existence it mimicked some of the directions taken by clas- sical music throughout the twentieth century—something which ultimately tested the limits of audience receptivity as much as the commitment ofthe labels to the pursuit of musical experimentation. If male-dominated and Europe- ‘centered “progressive music” actually operated within @ modernist paradigm as ‘we propose, we should briefly focus on its cultural context to inquire about the conditions in which a supposedly de-cemtered “world music” might operate within a postmodem paradigm. Such an examination will sllow us to trace the ‘underlying idzological implications as well as the similarities and contrasts be- tween both marketing strategies end musical categories.” Interestingly enough, “progressive music” (along similar hybrid musical interests by rock, jazz, and some classical musicians) became a significant trend in the mid-1960s when popular (Anglo-American) music began to explore “world” sources of inspira- tion, from the mere use of non-Western sounds and instruments to composition techniques and musical structures. Some critics go as far as to identify the Beatles’ use of Indian instrumentation, in the interest of adding spiritual depth and exoticism to pop ballads such as “Norwegian Wood,” as a breakthrough ‘moment in that process." As van der Lec has pointed out, however, world music, influences (Latin rmusic for instance), had long been incorporated into Western popular music.” The Beatles themselves made occasional use of boleros, Latin {instrumentation (¢.g., claves and maracas) and rhythms from their earliest re- ccordings, following the precedent of many U.S, musicians who had assimilated Latin rhythms, sounds, musical structures since before World War IL. Such ‘undercurrent reveals that the link between hoth categories might not be entirely an accidental event of musical contact beiween metropolis and periphery at dif- ferent moments within the same stage of late capitalism. ‘As popular music scholar Tony Mitchell has observed, progressive rock “ex- tended rock music further away from its roots.’** This genre became an impor- tant explorer of musical cultures and a mediator of social sensibilities, creating a field that intersected diverse intellectual and artistic pursues, precisely at theThe Posmational Turn 3B ‘same time that rock “was emerging as a kind of universal and global musical language.” It mostly signified an open-ended, all embracing musical practice. As Bill Martin claims, “by the 1970s, rock music had become open to the whole ‘world of music, and it had become an international musical Language, with something of a ‘tradition’ of its own. Arguably, a great deal of rock music since ‘the 1970s, whether experimental or not, continues to come out of the dynamics ‘or conflicts of thet period,”™* An important step in that direction occurred when itcross-fertilized with jazz. music, employing improvisation techniques and jazz- fusion experiments developed by Soft Machine, Miles Davis, The Mahavishnu Orchestra, Passport, among many others. It might be argued as well that espe- cially inthe U.S., “progressive” jazz or jazz-fusion groups (ie., Weather Report, Retum to Forever, ar Oregon), following the involvement of Sian Getz and other rusicians in the dissemination of Bossa nova, were even more instrumental in introducing American audiences to African, Brazilian, Asian, and Caribbean instruments and musical elements than their European based progressive rock ‘counterparts.” “Progressive music” was also bolstered by new recording tech- nologies and concept albums that allowed the development of unified themes through extended play, which made the use of classical structures, such as the suite-form, a natural choice; high-tech electronic instruments that often ended up displacing the guitar as the main expressive vehicle of rock music; an active international counterculture receptive to both the proliferation of musical styles and explorations of non-traditional philosophical and metaphysical conce and a new popular aesthetic that was visually captured by alburn covers and in- ‘concert visuals. The single charactcrstic that we highlight in connection to our subject is that the progressive movement became, to this day, the major catalyst ‘of musical and cultural exploration in popular music. For Western audiences, it channeled the attempts 10 safely explore the “real world” (ihe peripheries) through the incorporation of non-Westem instrumentation and musical elements as much as the past and the future in masical dialogues with folk music, the to- zal harmonic traditions of classical music, and the contemporary manifestations of atonal and clectronic music. In part, such an exploration was connected to the counterculture movement ‘and ils critique of late capitalism and industrial societies. Hence, when not ‘openly providing social commentary and literal or allegorical interpretations of contemporary reality, progressive musicians were looking for alternative “worlds.” Some found them in the ancient, medieval, or romantic pasts (.e., Ange, Gentle Giant, Jethro Tull, David Bedford, Anthony Phillips); in utopian places (ic., Yes, Bo Hansson, Sally Oldfield, Pink Floyd); in heterotopic Euro- pean scenarios (i., Genesis, Le Orme, Focus, Premiata Fomieni Marconi, Rea- aissance); in sci-fi spaces (ie, ELP, Kraftwerk, Magma, Tangerine Dream, Gong); outside Europe through musical experimentation (i.e., Popol Vuh, Can, Mike Oifield, David Parsons). In the aforementioned cultural and economic con text, such an exploration might not be unrelated to the creation of ethnomusicol- ogy recording series in England, France, and the U.S. precisely around the same petiod. Aspiring to capture “authentic” traditional music from around the globe, the link with ethnomusicologists or anthropologists was key in the new direc-“ Ignacio Corona and Alejandro L. Madrid tions taken by some labels, such as Nonesuch: “In 1965, a musicologist named David Lewision showed up in the company’s offices with tapes he'd made of Indonesian gamelan music while in Bali. The jangly, dreamy percussion was a totally new sound on the American musical landscape and from those tapes, [Teresa] Sterne made an album, ‘Music from the Moming of th World,’ which ‘became one of the touchstones of the world-music movement. Soon the label's Explorers scrics—records covering traditional music fiom around the globe— was under way.”” The combined dosage of pristine “cultural othemess” and authenticity provided by series such as Nonesuch’s Explorers represented at the ‘time not only an expansion of the musical and cultural horizons for the metro- ppolitan listener, but also a significant maneuvering toward the creation of small and specialized niches. anticipating the “postmodem” fragmentation ofthe mu- sic market. The fact that many rock musicians were willing to take new musical direc- tions announced also the commercial risks they were able to undertake, but were ill-prepared to deal with. Undoubtedly, their ambitious scope requized from the andience a certain cultural and educational level and a musical background not too distant from the practitioners” own class extraction. It was clearly not the typical blue collar music; a fact often alluded to by those critics who confronted the supposed elitism of progressive music with punk and new wave inthe rise of the neoconservative movement in England and the US. In a way, such hostility from the critical establishment mirrored hostility toward pop culture from the part of the progressive movement, self-identified as the avant-garde of popular ‘music and culture in general. By the early 1980s, the progressive movement had declined, returning to the underground where it has remained supported by a small number of independent labels, mail-order services, specialized publica tions, and Web sites, Lack of aisplay in a new FM radio—more interested in briefer and perhaps less complicated compositions—and market pressures—the ‘music establishment was demanding a return to the origins, which for the record ‘companies and many critics could only be attained at that time by the pank and new wave movements —impeded the further development of such 2 “modemist phase” of popular music."' For no few enthusiasts of “progressive music,” this turn of events ended up mirroring the decisive schism between serious music and audiences throughout the twentieth century, confirming perhaps Theodor ‘Adomo’s pessimism regarding a liberating high-art for the masses. t was im. possible to sustain the avant-garde cthos this musical movement had held under the label “progressive,” “as the whole idea of avant-garde—the historical sensi- bility of “progress,” the exploration of new sounds end musical possiilities— had} lost all relevance." Nevertheless, the musical contributions of the movement were absorbed and assimilated by newer trends in the 1980s and 1990s, Progressive music's more mellow forms were channeled towards new age music; its experimentation with thythis, timbre, and electronics wes important to the development of the house and rave scete: likewise, some recognizable “progressive” elements have been absorbed by new forms of alternative rock, post-rock, ambient and spac music. ‘The subsequent proliferation of styles and sub-genres, each with its own label,The Posimctional Turn 1s has implied a strategy of commercial viability and increased market penetration for a recording industry now fully aware of the difficulty of holding the “grand rarrative” of a unified development in popular music.'* As for progressive rock's role of explorer of the musics of the world—as part of its critique of the present, it became obsolete when confronted with the intensified arrival of “the peripheries” to the European metropolitan centers. Increased transnational mi- gration since the late 1970s had an enormous effect on popular music in the U.S and Wester Europe. It reflected profound political, social end cultural changes in the sending countries, from economic crises and political turmoil to liberation ‘wars, “World music” performers entered into contact with recent and established rigrants as well as with the dominant local cultures, causing a rearticulation of identity discourses, atacking incessantly the byproduets of racism and colonial- ism both in the Westem world and in their home countries. The role of self- appointed cultural mediator or musical translator for European progressive rock had effectively ended. Perhaps what best symbolized such a tum of events was Peter Gabriel's founding of WOMAD in 1982. The attention paid by Gabriel—one of the most emblematic figures of progressive rock—and other musicians to world rmusic was key in the markcting of the world music move- ment, The waning of one label (“progressive music”) implicitly operating within ‘a modern paradigm and the emergence of the other (“world music”) more re- lated to the concept of the postmodern also relate to the end of an era in pop music and a shift toward a more intensified recycling of musical trends and blending of spatial boundaries. ---and the World Goes to Town ‘The creation of “world music” as a commercial category also responds to the creative problems of the music industry: “[world music] is providing new sounds for a bored culture [... ] White middle-class culture has run out of in- spiration. The normal sources to plunder are exhausted and white middle-class culture is incapable of inventing anything.” A similar view was expressed by David Byrne, who rationalized his involvement with world music as “a way out ‘of the dead end, the one-sided philosophical binder that Western culture has ‘gotten itself into.”* Undoubtedly, Pau! Simon's Graceland album released in 1986 was the most prominent exemple of a former pop star's involvement with world music, reinvigorating his career and generating al sorts of contradictory comments and reviews for his top-selling album.” By the late 1980's, the “world” had then “entered” the center of music production and consumption and the issue of fixed identities and rational allegiances suddealy became more complicated as new forms for blending musical idioms were sought and pro- rmoted. The resulting product was a diversity of hybrid musical forms with ele- rments of Westem genres, which made them palatable both to Westem audiences and—sung in local languages—in the scenarios back home, where the musi- cians’ success abrocd validated their work locally:16 Ignacio Corona and Alejandro L. Madtid {in etfet,] most “world” musicians were using the sophisticated electronic and dig- tal means of sound production developed in Western rock and pop musi, many of them using rk instruments ender Wesicr gues! musicians and produses. These homogenizing fectos ensured 2 sense of familiarity to the Wester listener, and ‘made notions of musical purity in relation to local or esc ruses impessible to enterain but, despite the blurring of boundaries involved, produced a wide range of stimulating én excitingly hybrié sounds * For this reason, while the term “world music” should technically encompass all non-Western music (both traditional and modern manifestations), the fact is that ‘thas actually come to mean the hybrid forms in which modern forms and gen- res of popular music have impacted musically, technologically, and even ideo- logically the production of local music throughout the world, as it has been stud- ied by ethnomusicologist Ana Maria Ochoa concerning Latin America or Kazadi ‘wa Mukuna regarding African music. Mukuna goes as far as predicting that “World music* will be a genre of musical expression for which the characteris- tics are being defined through collaborative efforts of mnsicians from around the world.” What seemingly unites ¢ diversity of musics under the rubric of “world music” is, for others, a “sense of commodified otherness, blurred boundaries between exotic and familiar, the local and global in transnational popular cul- ture,” in the words of ethnomusicologist Steven Feld.” ‘And yet, against the common charges that the label “world music” is just an- other commercial strategy to develop new markets and find new material sounds and ideas in an area once referred to as “ethnic music,” ethnomusicolo- ‘gists and popular music scholars like Jocelyne Guilbault and Pedro van der Lee also recognize the positive potential for the musicians themselves, who may act as cultural brokers,*! and reap the rewards of an international exposure.”” {n many cases, the original references to third-world scenarios by first-world musi- ‘cians ate playfully inverted or alluded to as an implicit ideological contestation of certain identitarian constructions, as it is the case of recent covers of The Cash's “Rock El Casbah” by Algerian musician Rechid Tahe or the Talking Heeds’ “Nothing But Flowers” by Brazilian Caetano Veloso.” In Latin Amet- ica, the adoption and deconstruction of musical genres and styles imported from the modem meiropolises often amounts to “cannibalization” of cultural hierar- cchies, as these serve as the medium for the expression of political resistance and cultural difference, from the tropicalist_ movement ‘o contemporary South American hip hop (see Christopher Dennis’s chapter in this volume). However, in spite of all the critical attention it has gathered, “world music” represents a very small niche in the global music market (although in the U.S. market, the Latin segmeat of world music continues to show a robust sales ‘growth}, which is something it has in common with progressive music. There is also another point in common. For both progressive music and world music, the USS. and Western Europe remain at the center of the production, consumption and marketing of music in today’s globalized scenario. On the one hand, the ‘exploration of epochs, places, sounds and cultures that is characteristic of pro- agressive music ended up being self-referential, as all representations appear sub- ‘ordinated to the cultural needs of European musicians and audiences. On theThe Postnational Tun v7 ther hand, world music may represent locality, but is mostly predicated upon. the marketing and appeal required to making itself palatable to frst-World audi- ences. The diffusion of traditional African mhythms (although more often, mod- em muical hybrids commonly grouped under the label of Afro-Pop) coasttutes an example of such a phenomenon, as Simon Frith explains: “African music reaches us almost exclusively via France, via French studios, French engineers, and French producers, via, most importantly, French audiences whom the musi- cians have learnt to please. The appeal of Aftican music in Britain is as much a ‘triumph of French as African pop values.” Likewise, while progressive music ‘was often accused of intellectualism and characterized as “music mostly to listen to.and command the attention of the audience,” the consurnption of world mi sic is boosted if itis infused with shythm or is danceable (see Ignacio Corona and Alejandro L. Madrid's chapter in this volume). Such a difference of purpote is not arbitrary or based on purely musical reasons. In fact, it tends to perpetuate ld ideological dichotomies that characterize the telationship between metropo- lis and periphery, such as those of mind and body or thought and emotion, which find a direct transation in the terms and conditions in which the global economy is organized. ‘The Urban and the Global Lounge ‘Current incorporation of “world music” into a myriad of musical idioms has t0 do with another manifestation of postmodemity and the centripetal flows of the globalized scenario. The growth of cities stresses the importance of the urban with respect to a national and terrtorialized culture. In such a scenario, the ur- ‘ban actually disrupts the meaning of the national, destabilizing its direct link 10 the notions of ancestry and the motherland (see Cristina Magaldi’s chapter in this volume). The national boundaries are flexible enough to be stretched, ‘enlarged, reinforced and effaced in the consumption of world music, The impor- tance of the city is Key in the development of the postnational, in particular the large metropolitan centers of the Westem world, which now function 2s the new hubs of world music production. London serves in that capacity for that segment of world music connected to the former British colonies; Paris becomes the e3- sential place of transculturation and transnationalism for African and Caribbean ‘musicians; and, finslly, Miami increasingly develops into the center of encoun- ter for the Spanish-speaking world (see Daniel Party's chapter in this volume). ‘These postnational cities will remain active as the world music level serves as an interpretive, marketing, and musical strategy. In the new cosmopolis, the encounters of world music with lounge, jazz and rock often constitute th new soundtrack for envisaging what the world has 10 offer to the senses of avid first-World consumers. A mental trip at the lounge does not cancel the possibilities of relaxing while making a foray into foreign landscapes and exotic worlds (see Denilson Lopes’ chapter in this volume). Mu- sically speaking, the postnational is becoming a sort of “urban world music" — precisely the title used by (multiethnic) jazz group Hiroshima for its 1996 albumB Ignacio Corona and Alejandro L. Madrid Urban World Musie.® Some labels, like Purumayo, have already crafted a niche for this type of musical idiom in its compilations “Putumayo presents.” In its Brazilian Lounge’s linear notes, the label echoes Guilbault’s conviction on the ‘two-way interaction between the musicians from the center and the periphery. It cexplains that the process of exploration by the metropolitan musicians is echocd by the own Brazilian counterparis: “Not so long ago, if you were looking for classic Brazilian music with an electronic twist you would have had to turn to the Japanese and European DJs and artists who pioneered the trend. While the nightclubs and trendy lounges of Londoa, Paris and Tokyo were throbbing to fusions of modern programmed beats with retro bossa nova and samba, Brazil- ians had left behind the music of the 1960s and 19703 and moved on in different irections. Brazilians have now reclaimed their cultural patrimony, and the elec tronica-meets-samba-and-bossa nova wave isin full swing in Rio, Sio Paulo and ‘other urban centers.”*” This emphasis on the urban is not casual, as the metropo- lises are the main centers of distribution, consumption and, often, production of world music. The blending of the “traditional” and the “modem” is the mantra: (On the Putumayo collection Brazilian Groove, we explored the upbeat side of this ‘tend [modern meets traditional]. Brazilian Lounge continues the journey, this time ‘uniting tracks with a more down-tempo, chll-out vibe. We hope every track on Bra silian Lounge encourages you to turn up the heat and imagine yourself with 2 topi= ‘al drink in your hand as you relax ata beachside bar in Rio de Janeiro.** ‘The reference to the trip and the escape from the metropolis is ironic. In some regions, including many in the Third World, the metropolises grew to devour the ‘countryside—and the nations so to speak—and now, they retum the workd sce narios packaged as prepared fantasy escapes. Such 2 thetoric that strongly re- sembles that of the tourism industry docs not cancel the dominant view that the ‘Western (and often Japanese) listener is in the privileged position of enjoying, like a tourist, the ride to global places. These latest developments not only high- light the relevance of the postnational, but also provide evidence about the fet- ishization of geography” that seems to be effectively present in the production, ‘marketing, and consumption of contemporary popular music. Notes ‘igracio Corona and Alejandro L. Madrid wish to thank Colin MacQueen and Arved Ashby for their comments ard helpful criticism ofthis caper. 1. Mical Seige, “Beyond Compare: Comparative Method after the Trarscational “Tura,” Radical History Review 91, no. | (2005): 62-99, 63 2 May Joseph, Nomadic Hentiies: The Performance of Citizenship (Minneapolis: University of Minnesote Press, 1999), 17, 3. Jos Kun, uditopia: Must, Race, and America (Berkeley and Los Angeles: Uni versity of California Press, 2005), 20The Posmational Turn 19 4, Michaet Hard: and Antonio Negri, Empire (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2000), xiv. ‘5. See Micol Seigel, “World History’s Narralive Problem,” Hispanic American His- {orical Review 84, no.3 (2004) 443-445. 6 This is not to say that in order to practice transnational history one needs 10 choose” the “right” culture for one's demonstration. History is transnational, Seigel’s choice of jazz a a transnationally-informed practice only secks to put in evidence such character. Kun, Audiotopia, 20 8 Frances R. Aparicio and Céndida F. S6quez, “Introduction,” in Musical Migrations: Transnationalism and Cultural Hybridity in Latino America, ed. Frances R. Aparicio and (Céndida F.Jaquez (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), 2 9. For example, in its opacity, music theory makes the discussion of technical aspects (of music a forbidden realm for rast ofthe intellectual community, including many rusi- cologists. We do net disregard the valuable contributions of music theory; we ask them to bbe puta the service of ideas beyond the world of music ag text. 10. See Joseph Kerman, Contemplating Music. Challenges to Musicology (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1986) UL, The programs of the latest American Musicological Society annual meetings still ‘confirm the proliferation of papers where cultural and social theories are used to ill ‘nate musical works or musi practices, nstead of studying music in order to better under- stand the sacial and cultural conditions ofthe world that surrounds us. This might be the reason that prevents musicologists (other than Theodor Adore, if we tant to consider ‘him a musicologist) from having an impact and contributing meaningfully (0 other areas of knowledge. 12 For studies that question music history from performative angles coe Arved Ashby, “Reading Berg,” Music Analysts 21, no, 3 (2002), and Alejandro L. Madcid, “Transcul- turacion, performativided e identidad en la Sinfonia No. | de Julian Carrillo.” Resonan- cias 12 (2003), 1B, Stuart Hall, “Introduction: Who Needs ‘Iéentity’?” in Questions of Culeurat en- tiyy, Stuart Hal and Paul du Gay (London: Sage, 1996), 4 14. Jocelyne Guilbault, “Interpreting World Music: A Challenge in Theory end Prac tice” Popular Music 16, no. (1997) 31-44, 34 15, Deborah Pacini-Hemtndez, “A View from the South: Spanish Caribbean Perspec- tives on World Beal,” The World of Music 35 (1995): 48-69, 48. 16, Vest Kurkela, “Music Culture as Collage: The End of National Musics? in Cen- ‘ral European Popular Music: Proceedings from the International Conference Prague 15-17 July 1992, ed. A. Opekar (Prague: IASPM, 1994), 112. 17, Simon Frith, “Intraduction,” World Music, Poliies and Social Change: Papers rom the International Association for the Study of Popular Music, el. Simon Frith (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1989), 2. 18. Frith, Introduction,” 2 19, Fredric Jameson, “Notes on Globalization as a Philosophical Issue,” in The Cul- tures of Globaltzauon, ed. Fredric Jameson and Masio Miyoshi (Ourkam, NC: Duke University Press, 1998), 54-80, 59 20, Fredric Jameson, “Notes on Gleblization,” $9. 21. Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Empire, 138-139, 22. Pedro van der Lee, “Sitars and Bossas: World Music Influences.” Popular Music 17, no. 1 (1998): 45-69, 6, 23. Tony Mitchell, Popular Musie and Local Identity: Rock, Pop, and Rap in Burope ‘aad Oceania (London: Leicester University Press, 1996), 20,20 Ignecio Corona and Alejandro L. Madrid 24, Roger Armstrong, co-director of Virgin Globestyl, has commented “A lot ofthe stuff wedo on Giobestye is essentially the pop masc of the country, but as son as you. ‘manspose it into the West, it sounds exotic. People don't understand the language, o the social or musical coment. But atthe same time, because is pop musi, thas tat acces- sible quiliy to it. Pop musi: is pop music, wiatever language it's in” (ql. in Mitchell, Popular Music and Local identity, 1). 25. The suecess of the Windbara Hill label, based on prometing an seoustie and im pressionstic sound, consolidate the emergence ofa new niche nthe music market: New “Age Music, precisely at a moment of low sales-growth forthe record industry in gereral. See John Schacfer, New Sounds. A Listener's Gude to New Music (New York: Herper Row, 1987), 194-196. 26. Dick Hebdige, Subculure. The Meaning ofSivle (Landon: Methuen, 1979). 27. Ana Marie Ochoa, Misicas loceles on tempos de globalizacién (Buenos Aire Editorial Nora, 2003), 21 28. Van det Lee's suspicions thatthe dismissal ofthe “Third World” concept, sit has beon suggested in relation to the “collapse of the East-West structure,” i aot entirely ‘opportune in the current context are well founded because: “Even if some Exstern coun- ines are acquiring Third World characteristics (povety, criminality), even if “the ad vancel" Norh Atlantic area has tumed out 10 as confused s the “develop and even if there isa sonzant super/aieulteral and mainsteame/borders interaction, this Goes not mean that the West i not sill a (ie?) most dominant power inthe World, not Teast culturally, precisely through the global role played by the media and the music in- dustry” (“Sitars and Bossas,” 8) 29. Suideny all the cultures around the workd are placed intolerant conract with each ‘other in a kind of immense cultural pluralism which it would be very difficult not to wel- come” lamesen, “Notes on Gisbalzaton.” 56). 30. While at odds with a modes view of borderless and “abstract” musi, the cate- sory ofthe “nation” served an imporant role in the marketing strategy of progressive ‘music For iastance, under the broaler designation of “progressive.” such aeategery was, physically displayed in record stores and promincily present in related publications, as a ‘way 10 make the listener avaze of the geographic expansion of the progressive move~ rmert, precisely represented by the specific geocuitural contributions of musicians from counties others than the main producers—Englané end Germany—in a tralyinterna- tional effort 0 develop the “new” (popula) musk 31. John Schaefer, New Souads, 114 32. Van der Les, “Site and Boss,” 50. 33. Like the Beatles, many other groups experimented with musical hybridizations and combinations. In Califomia, Carlos Santana and his multicultural ensemble of musicians, for example, spearheaded a form of Latin-rock or talea-rock equally influential aa it 2g, ‘ested the possibilty of fusion for rock with different Latin genre and styles of musi. 34. Tony Mitchel, Ppalar Music and Local dent, 12 35. Bill Martin, Avant Rock Fxperimental Music from the Beales to Birk, (Cricago ‘Open Cour, 2002), 181 36. Bill Martin, ava Rock, 220, 37. In effet, musicians sich a5 Airto Morera, Flora Purim, Millon Nascimento, and Dom Um Romao actively collaborated with U.S. jaze masiians. Likewise, Afican ru sicians began to gain a cult following inthe US, such es Hamza Al Din (oud player from [Nubia, who released a Nonesuch album in 1971), Feta Anikulgpo Kuti and King Sunny ‘Ade were also among the firs afio-pop musicians with a major profile inthe country ‘They seemingly rode in on the reggae cull wave and the popularity achieved by Bob ‘Marley in particular.The Posmational Turn a 38. See Bradley Smith's The Billbvard Guide to Progressive Mustc (New York: Bill- board Books, 1997) 39. Russell Shorto, *The Industry Standard,” Now York Times Megazine 10, no. 3 (2004): 50-59, 53, 40. The nation of authenticity, as van der Lee reminds us, “is not unrelated to romantic. ideas withthe ‘Noble Savage,” concept very much alive and related to-an interest inthe “exotic.” Van der Lee, *Sitars ard Bossas,” 62 41. According to Bradley Smith, “without radio airplay or critical favor, record com- ‘panies had little choice bu! to begin de-errphasizing progressive music. Promotion, bude- ‘ets, and signings declined sharply, so that by 1981 progressive music was effectively no longer a significant playerin the popular markets” Bradley Smita Billboard Guide, 6. 42. Bill Martin, Avent Rock, 193, 211 43. As Smith explains such market-driven decisions “segrogated music according to ‘mood: if € was on the mellow side, it was known as new age; if it was more band- ‘oriented, more rhythmic, it was jazz; if it included vocals, it was pop/rock. This meant ‘that progressive music was scattered throughout the three very different industry catego- ries, and this system lacked a framework which would emphasize similarities, preventing the emergence of any overall or unifying theme which could link all progressive styles ©. ‘44. Gabriel launched WOMAD (The World of Music, Arts and Dance), an interna- tional organization whose main aim was fo promote the music of Third World and non= [Anglo-American countries, and establiched the record label Real World by 1994 with a similar purpose, 445. Quoted in Mitchell, Popular Music and Local Identity, 74 46. Quoted in Mitchel, Populer Music and Local Identity, 78. 47. One of such studios can be found in Sioven Feld, “A Sweet Lullaby for World Mu- sic,” Public Culture 12, no. | (2000). On his par, Mitchell discusses the limits to the caltural imperialism thesis and the politics of appropriation that surround highly contro- versial records such at Paul Simon's Graceland and David Byme's Rei Momo in Popular ‘Music and Local Fdenuty by explaining that while he applies it vo Graceland's Wester op homogenization of South African mbaqanga, kwela and mbube siyles: “albeit with ‘some minor reservations, it seems to me excessive to apply it equally to Rei Momo's use of cumbia, ori, meringue, mapeye, bomba, cha cha cha, samba, rumba and other Latin “American styles, many of which were already embeded in American jazz and dance music” Tony Mitchell, Popular Music and Local Identity, 84, 48. Tony Mitchell, Popular Music and Local Identity, 54, 49. Kazi we Mokuna, “The Globalization of the Urban Music of the Democratic Republic of Congo,” Africa: Revista do Centro de Estudas 4fricanos. USP, S. Paulo 22- 28 (1999/2060/2001): 111-1119, 117. ‘50. Steven Feld, “Voices of the Reinforest," Public Culture 4, no, 1 (1991): 131-140, 134. ‘51. *“The examination of the processes of creolisation in wor'd music has shown how ‘musicians often act as cultural brokers ...” (Guilbaul, “Interpreting World Music,” 35- 36). ‘52. “Through the use of the new label World Music, larger audiences were reached. ‘And through World Music festivals, magarines, phonograms, ec., Third Werld artists are nnow reaching Western audiences as seldom before, which may help in increasing tolera- tion and interest in the artists’ countries of origin and social conditions. Several artists hhave learned how to cope with the industry and are nowadays often competing under the same conditions as Western musicians, gaining more in exposure end recognition than earlier, and hopefully also ezrning a more reasonable share ofthe profits than would have been the case some twenty years ago. Furthermore, Third World artists are no longer2 Ignacio Corona and Alejandro L. Madrid automatically synonymous with ‘primitive’ folklore shows and grass skins, and this is ‘ot unimportant in present-day Europe, with racism peeping into the streets in several “countries” (Van der Lee, “Sitars and Bossa,” 64). 53, Rachid Taha, Tékifi. Universal Music. 9819901. 2004; Caetano Veloso. 4 Foreign Sound. Nonesuch, 79423-2. 2004 ‘54. Quoted in Tony Mitchell, Popular Music and Local Mentiy, 74 5. Bradley Smith, Billboard Guide, 9. 536. Hiroshima, 1996, Urban World Music, Qwest/ WEA, B000002N7B. 57. Putumayo Presents: Brazilian Lounge. Putumayo World Music. BO00CQO IDE. 2006. 58. bid. 59. According to Arjun Appadurui: “The locality (both in the sense of the local factory ‘or site of production and in the extended sense of the nation-state) becomes a fetish ‘which disguises the globally dispersed forces that actually drive the production process.” Asjun Appadurai, “Disjuncture and Difference in the Global Cultural Economy,” Public Cuture 2,0. | (1990): 1-24, 16.