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  • Allen, Joseph R - Chih Yu's Discussions On Different Types of Literature - A Translation and Brief Comment

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    Allen, Joseph R - Chih Yu's Discussions On Different Types of Literature - A Translation and Brief Comment

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    Carolyn Hardy

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    Chih Yii’s Discussions of Different Types of Literature A Translation and Brief Comment By Joseph Roe Allen III To Maggie Call and Lauren autio Chih Yii’s Discussions of Different Types of Literature chin vi 4% er. chung-chtia 74 7 1 Lived in the latter part of the Western Chin Dynasty (A.D. 265-317), and died of star- vation in Lo-yang during the fifth month of A.D. 311.' This is tl year the capital city was invaded by the Hsiung-nu who had estab- Lished the (cheng) Han (XQ) 5% dynasty in A.D. 304 in a challenge to the imperial rule. His official position at death was the Ttai-ch'ang ch'ing A ¥ sey (minister of sacrifices) Chih vii came from an official family of the capital city of chtang-an His father, Mo AR , had held the position of Tlai-ptu chting A ft sey (minister of the imperial stable) Pe ee eo, ee cious youth, and his official career was successful and varied. Though we do not know his age at death, it would seem that he was quite old, for his first official position was that of Tlai-tzu sne-jen AF GH A. (secretary to the heir-apparent) durine the reign of Emperor Wu ¥ (A.D. 265-89). During his life~ ‘cnin vii's biography is found in the chin shu-B ¥% , ch. SL: pp. Sb-11a (Sppy). All information in this biographical’ sketc is from his biography and all citations are to this edition. 4, -seph Roe Allen time he was most noted for his study and rigid interpretation of the classics; this strong classical influence in his life is much evident in his work translated below. His biography credits him with several literary works. The ii} HK thar is recorded in his biography (pp. 1da-18a). The other pieces men- Rik in four chiian, and the Liu-pich first of these is a fu entitled "ssu-yu fu" tioned are an annotation of the San-fu chiieh~lu 2 Fa] Ret in thirty chiian. the Wen-chang chih cnt TB) Ip sions) for the last piece that is translated below. In his col- te is the “tun” G9) (Discus: lected works, as found in the kuan-chung ts'ung-shu ff] & EX, there are sixty-four pieces ranging from fu RA and sung Kf to and shin 43 Wiis anthology, the Liu-pioh chi mentioned above, is also (in & most commonly) entitled Wen-chang liu-pieh chi < & | chiian. a + and it is mentioned as existing in various nunbers of Since neither the anthology nor its table of contents is extant, it is impossible to say exactly how or why these various divisions in the text were made. Following the citation in his biography, I have chosen to record this lost anthology as having ! existed in thirty chiian. is even greater. In Chih Yii's biography the "Lun" is mentioned As for the form of the "Lun," or “Discussions,” the problem 7 aE sui shu MF, ch. 35: p. 1081 (chung-hua shucchii ed). Chih Yii's Types of Litera not as a separate work, or even a single, integrated piece, but rather as pieces written for each chiian. Thus, for the thirty chiian of the [Wen-chang] Liu-pieh chi, there were thirty Jun. Therefore, 1 have translated lun as "Discussions." Whether these Aiscussions were collected together or separated as prefatory re-~ marks to each chilan in the original we do not know, but I would tend to think the latter. The Sui shu also lists a work existing in two chilan called the Wen-chang Liu-pieh chin, tun KB GR BR. a (with no listing for the Liang).? Most editors have now separated the "Chih" (Notes) from the “Lun,"" and the pieces exist as separat works. Thus, the piece translated below is conmonly called the LE RIS have translated as Discussions of Different Types of Literature. Wen-chang 1iu-pieh Jun This title ‘The anthology itself, Wen-chang Liu-pich chih, was perhars the earliest of its kind in Chinese Literary tradition. There exist anthologies that definitely predate this work, for example, the shin ching 44 48 ana ch'u tatu $ fp tue they axe Liniee in scope and cannot, unlike Chih vii's work, be considered truc anthologies of qenres. The only known work that could be of sim= ilar scope and still predate Chih Yii's anthology is the Han-lin Ay AR by 14 cntung APE, dates of these two works has yet to be settled.“ Li Ch'ung's ) but the question of the relative *tbid., p. 1082. “ror differing opinions on this question see Lo Hung-k'ai's 6 | Joseph Roe Allen anthology has not only been lost, as has Chih Yu's, but his "Dis- (un 34 ) exists in such a fragmentary condition that it cussion" defies any real analysis, there being only a dozen lines extant There is, however, a strong possibility that even earlier antholo~ gies of this nature existed and were completely lost, so that any search for the “father” of the Chinese literary anthology would be fraitless. Let us merely say that chih vii's Wen-chang liu-pich chi was very early in the tradition, that it definitely predates the fanous and extant anthology by Hsiao Trung sf] Af,» the Wen hsiian Ka work. We should like to compare Chih Yii's "Discussions" with the , and that it certainly had some influence on Hsiao T'ung's preface to the Wen hsiian, both being of similar nature and function, but before doing so we should note some critical problems that exist in talking about Chih vii's work alone. * The loss of Chih Yu's anthology itself presents a formidable problem, for there is no reason to assume that his "Discussions" reflect precisely what he collected. James R. Hightower in his article on the wen hsiian has pointed out that discrepancies exist A& ith $i, Wen hsiian hsiien Z| (taipei: Chung-bna shu-chii, 1968), pp. 2-3, and James R. Hightower's "The Wen-hsiian and Gente Theory” in Studies in Chinese Literature, ed. John L. Bishop (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1966) p. 145. Li ch'ung's (7. Hung-tu 3h 1 biography is found in chin shu, ch. 92. The remnants of his work, the Han-lin, can be found in Yen K'o-chiin's Ch'iian Chin wen, ch. 53 (see preface, p. 15). ‘Por a discussion and translation of the Wen hsiian preface, please see Hightower, “Wen-hsiian . . .,” pp. 142-63. Chih Yu's Types of Literature | 7 between its preface and the actual material anthologized,® and it is very possible, if we had Chih Yii's anthology or even its table of contents, that ‘this problem would also exist for us. Also, the "Discussions" are quite fragmentary in places, and there may be substantial portions missing completely. As suggested above, the work may have been divided into prefatory remarks to each section the anthology. or genre is ‘This would certainly expedite any frag- mentation of the text, as well as explain the variations that exist in the sequential order of the "Discussions."” Another problem unique to Chih Yii's work and again aggravated by the loss of the anthology, is that of the thirty-odd individual pieces (or genre pieces of a certain author) mentioned by him in his critical com ments more than half are lost. Thus, in many cases we do not know exactly what he is criticizing or praising and our task is all the more difficult. te do, howsver, have @ substantial “tip of the ice berg" to look at and we are able to note some of the major princi- ples of his criticism and pick out at least the shadows of what must have been a major work of a highly critical and creative mind. he extant text of Chin v's "Discussions of Different Types ch. to the Wen hsiian" As a discussion rather than a "tbid., pp. 147-58. ’see p. 15, preface. 8 | .-seph Roe Allen preface, it is also a mich different type of work in its format and scope. Though longer than Hsiao's work, it does not mention nearly the number of genres that Hsiao's does and treats those genres that it does mention in more detail so that they constitute more than a catalogued list as is found in the Hsiao “Preface. Chih Yu's “Discussions” originally may have covered the number of genres that Hsiao covers, but its fragmentation once again stands in our way, and we can only speculate on the extensiveness of his work. Also, Chih vii mentions individual pieces to a greater extent than Hsiao T'ung, again pointing to the difference between the forms of a discussion and a preface. The opening remarks of the "Preface to the Wen hsiian" and its closing statement (in which Hsiao discusses the inclusion and exclusion of certain types of material) develop a quite sophisticated and general theory of literature. Chih vi does not give us this, and we must search within the “Discussions” for his theory of literature. Basically, Chih Yii is an idealist, a man forever looking back to that time of the perfect forms of literature. As a man caught up in a time of turmoil and destruction, this is not surprising. Thus, he does not seem to regard literature as evolutionary, at least not as evolving towards a better form. The development of literature through time is something that Hsiao T'ung talks of in his preface, a process that for him literally begins in the caves °see Hightower, "Wen-hsiian . . . ," pp. 152-58. s Types of Literatur. , 9 of the illiterate and continues up to his own time. Chih Yu, on the other hand, seems to have no interest in that which preceded the formation of true literature, and perhaps does not even under- stand the question in that light. For Chih vii the best of litera— ture existed at an early time in his people's history, and there is no indication that he thought of this literature as a development from a lesser form. It is, of course, the Shih ching that he con— siders the height of all literature and its six principles (Jiu-i ) the standard for all literary criticism.® In Chih Vii's understanding these are ultimate forms toward which all literature must strive and to which all literature must be compared. They have a significance in the world of literature similar to that held by Plato's forms in the ideal political state: they are true, per- fect, and unvarying. However, while Plato's forms could never ex- ist in the “real" world, Chih Yi says that his ideals, though only attainable through disciplined effort, can and, in fact, during the Chou dynasty did exist. Having established these Shih ching pieces as ultimate, he then employs several concepts to judge the litera~ ture that follows. For example, important in his discussion of the fu BA is the idea of emotion (ch'ing {H ) and righteousness (i Chih Yii, following a didactic theory of literary critic- 17, and nn. 28, 29. See p. see pp. 21-23, and n. 42 10 | Joseph Roe Allen ism, says that literature must spring from emotion and yet it must have righteousness as its goal or theme. In his discussion of the sung, Chih Yu also reveals his con- cept of the purity of these forms mentioned in the Shih ching. lis relatively detailed remarks on the sung are the first in his review of the genres and follow immediately upon his introduction of the six principles of the Shih ching. When he discusses the sung of the later ages he astutely notes that the title of the piece is not necessarily an indication of its true genre.!? He mentions seven so-called sung pieces and explains that they are not sung at all, but belong to one of the other genres and are merely under the quise of the sung. He is of course saying that these pieces do not measure up to the sung of the Shih ching, and therefore should not be called sung. Chih Yu is obviously asking for a "rectification of names." Chih Yii's high regard for the sung genre is strikingly explicit: "Sung are the finest pieces of poetry."!? and yet we need not be too surprised at this if ve recall what the +t echoing the latter's statement: Mao~shih Preface" says regarding the sung. Chih Yi is simply ‘Sung . . . are the ultimate of a Poetry".!? As a critic in the conservative, classical tradition it ‘see pp. 19-21. sung shin chin mei che veh hI EL LAH _ 42=—2i=s “sung che . shih chih chin yen OH & Hao-shih Preface" (Mao shih, Sptk, ch. 1), pp. 1 2. Chin vi's Types of Literature | 11 is altogether fitting that chin vii would follow this idea and in fact there are several places in his "Discussions" where he quotes directly from the “Mao-shih Preface."!* The sung, as found in the Shih ching, are the most stately, laconic, and archaic of all the genres. By placing this genre at the fore, Chin vii is clarifying and refining his idealistic per~ ception of literature. He sums up the nature of the sung by saying that their function was to praise the virtue of the Sagacious King. And if we might borrow a little from Platonic thought we can say that these pieces, being the purest of forms, harbor power be- yond the ordinary and thus may not be merely laudations of this grand virtue but actual embodiments of it. With this understanding it is easy to see why Chih vi found no pieces of the latter ages to be deserving of the nane sung. It is interesting to note that Hsiao T'ung does not have quite the same regard for the sung genre: while he does have high praise for it in his preface, the praise is brief, and in his anthology there are only five such pieces col- lected.'° Since Hsiao's view of the sung genre as it existed after the Chou dynasty accords with its historical importance, his treat- ment gives us an opportunity to see clearly the high regard in which this genze was held by Chih Yu. Whereas Chih Yii cites the six principles of Poetry to intro- See p. 18, nn. 30, 32, "see wh, ch. 47. 12 | Joseph Roe Allen duce the sung, Hsiao Ttung cites them to introduce the fu form. Hsiao states that "From the forms of Ancient Poetry, we have only taken the name for the fu,"'® and he then proceeds to explain in some detail the general quality of the fu. His evaluation of what is commonly called the Han fu is generally favorable. I fear Chih Yu would be quite disturbed by Hsiao's evaluation, for though he too discusses the fu extensively (in fact, it is his longest discussion and much longer than Hsiao's) his regard for the Han fu ‘7 It is logical that Chih vii would devote a is extremely low. great deal of his attention to the fu, for it was perhaps the najor genre during, and just previous to, his own time. As a classicist, he nust also explain what the relationship is between the fu men~ tioned in the "Mao-shih Preface" and the Han fu.. It has always disturbed scholars who regard the Shih ching's laconic and lyrical style as supreme that a form as frivolous (to use Chih Yii's word) as the Han fu could possibly claim any ancestry in the Shih ching. Chih vii regards the Han fu as a development from the one mentioned in the six principles of the Shih ching, but he sees it basically as a corruption of that earlier form. It is here that he speaks extensively on the role of emotion and righteousness in poetry, and his conclusion is that the Han fu fails the test Of the few fu writers whom Chih Yi does find praiseworthy, 'ku-shih chih t'i chin tse ch'uan ch'ii fu ming & FY 2 SOME RRS "see pp. 21-24. For an exception, sce n. 45. i chin vii's Types of Literature } 13 chi viian KAR is, in his opinion, the best. ch'ii viian is no longer commoniy regarded as a fu writer, yet it is under this genre that Chin Yi discusses his work. Again, if we review the tradi~ tion, we see that the idea of ch'ii Yian as a fu writer is certainly not original with Chih Yu. In this understanding he is following 144 Hsiao Ttung does not, however, place Ch'ii Yuan among much in the vein of Ssu-ma Ch'ien we the fu writers. and Yang Hsiung He instead sets up a separate category called sao 19 N§ literature in which he includes ch'ii viian.'® This is the only major discrepancy we can identify between the categorizations of Chih Yi and Hsiao Tung. There is possibly one other minor dis- crepancy, in that Chih Yi seems to imply that pieces discussed sep- arately under the genre entitled the “Sevens'" (ch'i t ) are ac ° tually members of the fu form.*° Hsiao T'ung also has a separate Listing for them, but seems to consider them a unique genre.?? Chih Yu, however, is certainly correct in understanding them as fa, for formally thoy are no differents their only distinctive quality is the use of the word "seven" in their titles. In passing, we should note Hightower’s observation of chin 4 Yii's use of the term shih} Hightower suggests that Chih Yu ‘See pp. 21-22, and nn. 41, 44, 45. See wh, ch. 32, 33. 2°see p. 29, and n. 67. "See wh, ch. 34, 35. 14 | Joseph Roe Allen hearly used this as an inclusive term for "poetry," but that it “never stretched that far."*? It is my feeling, and this is re- vealed in the translation below, that the term did stretch that far. I believe Chih Yi used shih to mean two things, and one of these is a general name for poetry.*? There is nothing in his "Discussions" that would preclude this understanding, though, es~ pecially in his discussion of the lesser genres, we may wish he had used the term more extensively. We can be certain that Chih Yii's anthology included a wide range of material and that he anthologized many pieces of litera~ ture that he did not personally approve. He wrote his "Discue- sions" so that those who followed him would have the proper cri- teria to evaluate all the pieces he included, sacred and profane. ??Hightower, “Wen hsiian. . .," p. 146. see n. 25. Discussions of Different Types of Literature Chih Yii Introduction In this translation I have used two texts for reference, the Chih Yi wen-chang 1iu pieh-tun Hf BZ FR NY in iG ah BAL + ed. Hil Wen-yii H x (Shanghai, 1937; rpt. Taipei: Cheng-chung shu-chii, 1973), pp. 67- i HAE EE ch. 3, pp. la-Sb, found in Kuan-chung ts'ung-sbu, fourth chi JP. As my ba Wen=Iun chiang-shu 84, and the Wen-chang Jiu pieh chin-lun SF ik B) A of the Chih t'ai-ch'ang i-shu sic text I have used the Wen-chang liu pieh-lun X & iK $] YH ound in yen K'o-chiin's & 4) Ch'uan chin wen (ch. 77, pp. 7b-9b) of Ch'van Shang-ku San-tai Ch'in Han San-kuo Liv-ch'ao wen BS 2 RAIS BK HK (1930 cpt. of wang vii-tsao's BRR Yen K'o-chiin has reconstructed the text from three sources, 1894 edition). the towen tei-chii HX Bh His the rrai-pting yii-tan $F kESy - Much of the latter part of the text appears fragmented and the + and the Pei-t'ang shu-ch'ao kuan-chung ts'ung-shu text has a different order for these latter sections. All significant textual variants between these three texts are noted in the footnotes. 15 14 , Joseph Roe Allen nearly used this as an inclusive term for “poetry,” but that it “never stretched that far."*? It is my feeling, and this is re~ vealed in the translation below, that the term did stretch that far. I believe Chih Yii used shih to mean two things, and one of these is a general name for poetry.** There is nothing in his “Discussions” that would preclude this understanding, though, es- pecially in his discussion of the lesser genres, we may wish he had used the term more extensively. We can be certain that Chih Yii's anthology included a wide range of material and that he anthologized many pieces of litera- ture that he did not personally approve. He wrote his "Discus- sions" so that those who followed him would have the proper cri- teria to evaluate ali the pieces he included, sacred and profane. “Hightower, “Wen hsiian . . .," p. 146. 7 see n. 25. Discussions of Different Types of Literature Chih Yi Introduction In this translation I have used two texts for reference, the Chih vii wen-chang 1iu pieh-tun HG x & GR 4) Yh in KT TR Bh ed. Msi wenryli PZ (Shanghai, 1937; ept. Taipet: cheng-chung shu-chil, 1973), pp. 67= ae BRE EE oa la-Sb, found in Kian-chung tstung-sha, fourth chi Jf. Re my be- Wen-lun chiang-shu of the chih t'ai-ch'ang i-shu sic text 1 have used the Wen-chang liu pieh-lun < ¥ SK 3] Vo found in ven Kto-chiin's ff] yy Ch'uan Chin wen (ch. 77, pp. 7b-9b) of Ch'uan Shang-ku San-tai Ch'in Han San-kuo Liu-ch'ao wen BES 2 MAK HF $4] K (1930 cpt. of wang vii-tsao's BR 1994 eaition). the rewen tei-cnii BR XARA ene rtat-pring viietan A ty ck Eey Much of the latter part of the text appears fragmented and the , and the Pei-t'ang shu-ch'ao kuan-chung ts'ung-shu text has a different order for these latter sections. All significant textual variants between these three texts are noted in the footnotes. 4s 16 | Joseph Roe Allen Translation Literature is used to promulgate the phenomena of superior and inferior,** to clarify the proper order in human relationships, and to delve deeply into principle and express one's emotions. And in this way one investigates the proper relationship between the myriad things. When the royal benefices flow, Poetry*® is made: whan accomplishments are outstanding, Laudatios*® arise; when vir- tuous merit is established, Inscriptions are composed; when the good and magnificent men die, Elegies accumulate. As the Officer of the Sacrifice presents the litany, the official admonishes the shang hsia Lf (superior and inferior) is a general term for the various relationships found in the universe, and does not harbor any value judgment. An example of this idea would be the relationship between heaven and earth. ‘The following phrase, “clarify the proper order of human relationships," is an extension and example of this idea. *Sthe term shih $4 (Poetry [poetry]), as others in this text, has at least two meanings. One, as a name for a specific genre as used here; two, as a general term for poetry as used below in ch'i kung te che wei chih sung ch'i yi tse tsung wei, chih shih dish 1 @ 02 Oh HE a) HH TR 2 44 lana if these pieces! dealt with merit and virtue they were called sung. ‘The remainder of the works were collectively called shih (poetry]). In the first use (as a genre) I have translated it "Poetry," and in the second use (as a general term) I have used it without cap- italization. In this way I hope to maintain some of the ambiguity of the term and yet make the small, but necessary, distinction. Also, it should be noted that in some cases the term shih can refer to the Shih ching, the Classic of Poetry, thus amplifying the prob- lem of translation (see n. 50). In these cases the term, by nature of its use, has to be translated as "Poetry" (in sense of genre), thus we can also understand this as an abbreviation for Classic of Poctry. Note: all terms for genres have the first letter capital- ized. 2%sung @Q (Laudatio): please see n. 29 for explanation. Chih vii's Types of Literature | 17 king for his deficiencies.*” In the Rites of Chou the Grand Music Master is in charge of teaching the six models of poetry.*" These are called Aria (feng), Narratio (fu), Comparatio (pi), Elicio (hsing), Elegantia (ya), and Laudatio (sung).?? If it spoke about wing Yh (inscription), 101 4k (eiesy). The expression, ch'en tz'u RB af (present the litany) is far more inclusive tha: as rendered here. | Literally it means to "set forth words" and takes on connotations according to its usage. In the Ch'u tz'a ("Li sao and “Chiu chang") it means “to put (feelings) into verse Here, as it is the Officer of the Sacrifice who is "setting forth words," I believe the translation “presents the litany" is fitting Pte Liu shih % 44 _(six models of poetry), mentioned in the Rites of Chou (chou Ti jf] 4€ Spek, ch. 6: p. 13a), are calle the 1iu yi (six principles) in the "Mao-shih Preface." Chih Yii's understanding of the six terns is similar to that of the "Mao-shih Preface." Thus, in the introduction I have used the term Iiu yi for simplicity. My intent in translating Liu shih as "models" is to avoid the implication that fu fA, pi te, and hsing ML are Genres or poetic forms, which they ate not. In the translation as fnodel" there are both ‘the ideas of “pattern” and “exemplar,” and while the translation {s not literal perhaps it is most accurate. Hightower ("Wen-hsiian - ," p. 149) translates liu-i as “six moc The discussion of the Iiu-shih found in the Chou 1i is actually in the terms of music, not poetry. For a discussion of these terns see Hightower, p. 149, n. 27, and especially C. #. Wang's The Bell and the Drum (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974), pp. 34, where he gives a brief discussion of the musical associations of the 1iu shin. Please see n. 29 below. Peng, fu, pi, heing, yar sung RL KK ek, Ba, ‘*S§ . ‘The idea of translating these terms into Latin (and Italia: in the case of Aria) comes from Ezra Pound's translation of ya as “Elegantia." Though one might be critical of Pound's understandin: of the Chinese language, it seems that here his understanding was correct. and his translation appropriately creative. Following him in the unorthodox translation of these terms I hope to achieve cer tain effects and avoid others. 1 hope this translation retains sone of the ambiguity that these terms elicit in the Chinese and yet allows the reader a certain amount of familiarity with the terms. For it is my intent that the reader understand the terms through the definitions given below by Chih Yi. If one were to translate these terms into English (for example sung as "hynn") then not only would the “classical” quality of the term be lost, 18 | Joseph Roe Allen the affairs of a single state or was concerned with the situation of an individual then it was called an Aria. If it spoke about the af- fairs of the whole world or described the practices within the four quarters of the world, it was called an Elegantia.*° The Laudatio a was the manifestation of the countenance of grand virtue.’ The Narratio was the term for description and display, while the Com- but also the connotations of the English term, if not in agreement with the definition below, would taint the reader's understanding of the Chinese. One might want to merely transcribe these terms into their romanized forms and leave it at that, yet I prefer not to do this for two reasons. One, I do not believe this would make for a fluid translation as there are so many such terms in this essay the text would be littered with romanized and italicized words; second, if we can translate ming as "Inscription" (which seems to present no problem), I feel we should present all such terms in a similar fashion. Thus T have used Latin, not italicized and pluralized A la English. "these two Lines, Yen i kuo chih shih hsi i jen chih pen wei chin feng. Yen t'ien-hsia chih shih hsing ssu-fang chih feng wei chihya. 4% - Bt $##- A 2 A TH ze wl Fee oo 5k & AL appeaf inthe /wen-lun chiang-shu tekt, but do appear in the Yen K'o chin and kuan-chung ts'ung-shu texts, and they are found in the “wao-shih Preface." My understanding of pen 4. (situation) is that it refers to the peculiarity, the basic situation of a single person. ‘This word (pen) must be understood as correspondent to feng in the following phrase, ssu-fang chih feng @ 4% % HA which T understand as "practice." Tt is interesting to note that the same word for the term feng WM (Aria) defined in the first phrase is used in the definition of the second term, ya ffi (E1- egantia). This is not mere coincidence and gives more depth to the meaning than is conveyed by the translation as "Aria." What Chih Yu, or at least the author to the "Mao-shih Preface," seems to be saying is that these terms, feng and ya, refer to the same sort of literary form, but the scope of the first is limited while the sec- ond is much more expansive. “ohis line, sung che mei sheng te chih hsing jung &h A Sor 8 a ; is found in the "Mao-shih Preface." kR ib 24 8 Chin vi's Types of Literat. | 19 paratio was the language for making comparisons. And the Elicio was the language for evoking sentiments. In the subsequent ages there were many who composed poetry, and if these pieces dealt wit merit and virtue they were called Laudatio. The remainder of the works were collectively called poetry. Thus, Laudatios were the finest pieces of poetry.*? When the sagacious emperor or enlight- ened king of antiquity established his merit and stabilized his rule then there arose the music of the Laudatio. Thereupon the scribes would record these pieces and the musicians would put ther to music and present them in the Ancestral Temple, making pronounc ments to the departed spirits and the deities. Thus, what the Laudatio praised was the virtue of the Sagacious King. ‘Then, later, based on these ancient pieces, they constructed the pitch pipes, and in their compositions they would sometimes us the form of the Laudatio and sometimes its music. And although these compositions might be exacting in form and sound they did no harbor the same meaning of the Laudatio of old.*? Formerly Pan Ku another possible translation of this line, Sung shih chih mei che yeh, is "Laudatios are those pieces of poetry that praise. This would be a logical summation of the preceding lines, yet T prefer to understand it as a general statement of the quality of the sung and parallel to the line from the "Mao-shih Preface," “sung are the ultimate of Poetry." Please see also above, pp. 10-1 and nn. 12, 13. These few lines have several of my own interpolated phrases included to render more clearly what I feel is the meaning of the passage. It should be understood that the objects of the phrases huo i sung hsing uo i sung sheng fe we, wh a) A xe Hh H (they would aonetincs ves the form Mt the Taudkess ata sche ines its music) are the compositions made with the aid of pitch pipes 20 | Joseph Roe Allen composed the "Laudatio for Marquis Tai of An-feng"?" and Shih Ts'en composed the “Laudatio for the Start of the Offensive" along with the “Laudatio for Empress Teng the Harmonious Light," and though they be similar in form to the “Laudatios of Lu" the difference in s language reveals the changes between the old and present.** Yang Hsiung's “Laudatio for Chao Ch'ung-kuo" is called a Laudatio, yet 6 milar to an Elegantia.*® Fu I's "Laudatio for Hsien-tsung” itis s in language is similar to the "Laudatios of Chou" yet it has a mix- vv ture of the meanings of the Aria and Elegantia.*’ Ma Jung's com- and not the pitch pipes themselves. And the subject of the verb hsi #@ is also these compositions. si I understand to mean “merely mechanically exact," that is, without the true sentiment of a Laudatio. pan ku HEB] (T. Meng-chien $ HR , A.D. Pay _ biography in His, ch. 40. The "An-feng Tai-hou sung” ¢ Kt ‘4 refers to Marquis of An-feng who was Tou Jung ‘f $e [16 B.C.- A.D. 62], posthumously called Tai $Y . This piece is no longer extant. a 25shin Ts'en @ A(T. Hsiao-shan A or Tau 3 & () of the Later wan dynasty. The "Ch'u shih sung’ 9% 8 is found in Wh, ch. 47. The "Ho-hsi Teng-how sung” fo ESP Je PH refers to Empress Teng (wife of Emperor Ho 4a 40 taver Han) who came to the throne in A.D. 105 and rélea infermittently until A.D. 107. Ho-hsi (Harmonious Light) is fa posthumous title for this empress and helps distinguish her from the later Empress Teng, wife of Emperor Huan fg J - >syang tisiung 4H #b en. tauyiin $F, 53.B.C.-a.0. 181; biography in Hs, ch. 87. The "Chao Ch'ung-kuo sung" 24 7% @) 24 reat Shae Chiuagekug (137-52 BaC-) who was a Fanous general under Emperors Wu and Hsiian of the Former Han dynasty. Chao's bio- Srasty te in ass chy 69. This piece ie found in Wh, ch. 47. Meu 1 HK tr. wu-chung A if] was of the Later tan, biography in Hs, ch. 80B. The "Hsien-tsung sung” BR ip 7B etara to Emperor Ming, 3 of the Later Han dynasty (rule, A.D. 58-76). This text is no longer extant. Chih Yii's Types of Literature | 2 positions of "Kuang-ch'eng” and "Shang-lin" are completely in th form of the present-day Narratio and yet they are called Lauda- a8 tios.** This certainly is a great discrepancy. The Narratio, as description and display, is in the vein of ancient poetry.’? The poets of antiquity received their inspira tion from emotion and the theme of their work ended in propriety and righteousness. Their inspiration from emotion was described the use of language, and the theme of propriety and righteousnes clarified by employing facts. Thus, here we have the Narratio that, by creating images, taxes the language to the extreme to d scribe and display its intent. In former times, of those who co posed Narratios, Sun Ch'ing"® and ch'ii Yiian*! had to a certain 4 3% sung H ak tr. chi-ch'ang 4K , a.v. 79-1661; biography in His, ch. 60R. ‘The “Kuang ch'eng sung" fe XX 3H is found in his biography (p. 1954), while the "Shang-lin sung" & 4 #H is no longer extant. The term chin fu 4S pt (present-day Narratio) refers to the genre of the Han dynasty co monly translated as "Rhyme-prose" or "Rhapsody," but Chih Yi sti naintains the original meaning of the term by qualifying it with the adjective "present-day" (he is almost saying "pseudo-Narrati: Throughout the essay the author holds up these "six models of po etry" (liu-shih) as perfect examples, and all deviations from th. as a corruption of the form. *°the phrase fu che ku shih chih liu yen BA BH & FF z appears in Pan Ku's (see n. 34) preface to his “Liang tu fu" gy “Bp SAL 7 sce Wh, ch. 1. “sun ch'ing 4f Wf is an alternate name for Hsiin-tau #9 - or Hsiin K'uang 4 3% (£1. ca. 250 B.C.), a philosopher from t! state of Chao i] whose biography is found in the Sc, ch. 74. Tr his writings, the #siin-tzu 4 , one section is entitled "Fh ptien" gd @ , but whether this (i.e., fu) is a term original associated with the text or later added is not clear. What is ir portant is that Chin Yi understood that Hsiin-tzu wrote a type of “tonti viian & JR (343-290 B.c.) was from the state of cl 22 | Joseph Roe Allen jree the righteousness of ancient poetry."? Sung Yi,*? however, vas afflicted by a certain amount of excessiveness. Therefore, fang Hsiung has said, “In the genre of Narratio there is none so srofound as the 'Li-sao.'"** And the works of Chia I are companion nieces to those of Ch'ii Yiian.*S The Narratio of ancient poetry ; biography in Sc, ch. 84, The pieces of the work associated “Ath ch'ii Yan, the Ch'u tz2'u, have been given various genre desis-' nations and fu is one of these. For example Ssu-ma Ch'ien, in his Siography of Ch'ii viian, records the “Huai sha" poem and calls it fuai sha fu VW GK (Se, ch. 84: p, 2486). $27 Je (righteousness), though further below cones to mean “meaning” and "principle," here and in subsequent sentences 1 be- lieve it means "righteousness" because of the introductory remarks to the section, fa hu ch'ing chin nu 1i i te $ 1k FB (Geceived their inspiration from emotion and the thene of their dork ended in propriety and righteousness). It is clear here, and in following remarks, that Chih Yiu considers emotion and righteous~ necs as the essential qualities of the proper Narratio, thus I have translated ivas “righteousness” in its association with the Nar~ ratio. “%sung vii # E (3322-2847 B.C.) was from the state of Ch'u. Closely associated with Ch'i Yan (mentioned in Ch'ii Wian's bio- graphy, Sc, ch. 84: p. 2491), he is attributed two pieces from the Chita tz'u, the "Chiu pien” ju fif + and “chao hun” Ag 3% + ““this quote is found in Yang Hsiung's (see n. 36) biography (is, ch. 87: p. 3583). Here again one of Ch'u Yiian's works, in fact his most famous piece, the "Li-sao” Sp. dg- , is called a fu. “sonia 1 GX (200-168 B.C.) was an early fu writer (in the more common sense of the word); biography in Sc, ch. 84. 1 hve tranciated this Line quite literally because 1 beLieve Chih yii's idea is more than just to say the works of ch'd Yiian and Chia Tuto sinilars He is following mich inthe tradition of Ssu-ma Cniien, who places these two writers together in his biographies. Chih Yui is indirectly giving very high praise to Chia I's writing as he quotes Yang Hsiung's praise of Ch'li Yiian and then follows Glen tills statement, pueting chia Ion nearly the same level as Chin vii's Types of Literat--e gives primary importance to emotion and righteousness and seconda: importance to the catalog of facts. The Narratio of the present, however, takes fact and form as basic, and righteousness and cor- rectness as supplemental. When emotion and righteousness are of primary importance, then the language is simple and the Literatur: possesses a sense of regulation. But if fact and form are consid ered basic, then, though the language be appropriate, the rhetorir has no consiste cy. This is probably from whence come the simpli city and complexity, the cifficulty and facility of literature. the images one creates are excessive, then the comparisons becone too strained to be effective. If one's lofty diction is too vigo then it becomes divorced from reality. If in argument one is too logical, then the meaning of it is lost. If in elegance and char! one's writing is too beautiful, then it defies true emotion. vie ing to these four excesses is how one comes to turn his back on t! great principles and harms both government and culture. and it i: because of this that Ssu-na Ch'ien edited out Ssu-ma Hsiang: ch'ii viian. This is a much more favorable criticism than he gave sung vii. Thus, only here do we have Chih Yu praising a Han fu writer. He generally regards the Han fu as a decadent trend from the true form of the fu (i.e., Narratio), and it must be assumed that here he is much influenced by Ssu-ma Ch'ien. The idea of “companion pieces" is also brought out in the closing lines of Ch’ viian's biography, where Ssu-ma Ch'ien writes, “More than a 100 yer after Ch'i Yiian drowned himself in the Mi-lo River, Chia I of the Han dynasty was acting as Grand Tutor for the Prince of Ch'ang-she and passing by the Hsiang River, he cast a poem into it to mourn chiii wiian" (sc, ch. 84: p. 2491). 24 | Joseph Roe Allen frivolous language,"® and Yang Hsiung was distressed with the Nar- ratio of poetasters who were elegant so much as to be licentious.*” The Book of Documents says, “Poetry speaks of intention, and songs intone the words. When it speaks of intention it is called poetry. In antiquity there was the Poetry Collection Office, and it was by this that the king came to know the successes and fail- ures of his rule."? The Poetry of antiquity was composed in lines “Sssu-ma Hsiang-ju J) % 44 yo (7. Chang-ch'ing & ag 2-118 B.C.) was a major fu writer of the Han dynasty; biography in Sc, ch. 117. What Chih Vii is here referring to is the belief that Ssu-ma Ch'ien edited out the fanciful sections of the "Shang- Lin fu" £ ff BA. In Ssurma Hsiang-ju's biography, the his- torian mentions certain passages of the poem and says these "are extravagant and unrealistic, and are not in accord with correct principles and reason. Therefore I have made some deletions and retained the essential parts. Having directed it back on to the proper road I have recorded it" (p. 3043). Ssu-ma Ch'ien's final appraisal of Ssu-ma Hsiang-ju's work is not as unfavorable as Chih ¥ii would have us believe, for in the historian's closing evaluation he says, "Although Hsiang-ju often employed empty and superfluous language, his intent was to use this to make people more moderate and frugal, and is this much different from the indirect criticism of the Classic of Poetry?" (p. 3073). Note: the Kuan-chung ts'ung shu text has three fragmentary lines following this section that neither the Yen K'o-chiin nor Wen-lun chiang-shu texts have. “Tunis is referring to Yang Hsiung's (see n.37) famous dis-— tinction between shih-jen $f (poets) and tz'u-jen 4) A (poctaster). ‘The distinction in English between a poet and a poct= aster is not exactly the same as that made by Yang isiung, yet these two terms do convey the critical nature of the distinction, and I believe that at least Chih Yu would have accepted the translations. See Yang Hsiung's Fa-yen %h Z , "wurtau p'ien” EF ip “the line, Shih yen chih ko yung yen 44 3 2 HR KG, is from 2 7 "B : ‘om the Shang shu 3 & a0 tien” Bo ge “°vhe Ts'ai shin chih kuan 4 34 % Gf — refers to the Poetry Collection Office of the Chou dynasty, traditionally cred- ited with collecting folk songs from the people, songs that were then chin vii's Types of Literature | 2 of three, four, five, six, seven, and nine syllables.°* Ancient Poetry generally employeé the four-syllable line as its basic form, yet occasionally there was an odd line or two mixed in with the four-syllable lines. Later generations expanded these odd Lines to make complete compositions. Of the three-syllable lines of ancient Poetry, the lines ‘locking flocking egrets,/egrets in flight" are an example of this type-°! During the Han dynasty 82 hymns of sacrifice and temple often used this type of line.S? of polished and presented to the ruler. By listening to these songs the ruler could tell the temper of the times--a sort of "State of the Union Address" in reverse. For a brief discussion of the of- fice see Hs, ch. 24A: Pp. 1123. S°rhe phrase, ku chih shih % % 34 (Poetry of antiquit is one place where shih refers specifically to the Shih Ching as Chih Yii continues by citing various lines from that book. But it should be remembered that Chih Yii no doubt considered the Shih ching the embodiment of all Poetry (as the ultimate form) of an~ tiquity and thus it is not necessary to translate shih as more than "Poetry." See also above, n. 25. S'phis Line, chen chen tu, iu yi fei Tk ARS H tH is found in Shih ching, Nao: 298. She term, chiao-mioo ko # A] AK, tnymns, of sacrifice and vemple), appears in uo Hao-eh'ien's 3p AC TG work of the 12th century, Yieh-fu shih chi My 44 IP (dhanghai: Con- mercial Press, 1955), as one of the categories of yiieh-fu poetry (ch. 1-12). This, of course, postdates Chih Yii's work by eight centuries and yet I have not found an earlier use of the term oth than Chih vi's. ‘The Han shu music chapter has a section for the Yiieh-fu entitled "Chiao-ssu ko" # 42, $K and I suspect this is to what chin vii refers. There id a possibility the term was changed by scribal error under the influence of Kuo Mao-ch' ien's work, but again the term as it appears could simply be a generic term for hymns of worship and sacrifice. Hans Frankel in his "Yi fu Poetry" found in Studies in Chinese Literary Genres, ed. Cyril Birch (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974), p. 71, translates the term chiao-miao ko tz'y #p Hj Sf AF as "nym for suburban and ancestral temple rituals." 6 | Joseph Roe Allen he five-syllable lines, the lines "Who says the sparrow has no eak? /With what then does he pierce my roof?" are an example. °? omic verse and entertainment songs often use this type of line. *" £ the six-syllable lines, the line "For the moment I pour from hat bronze wine jar," is an example.° ‘The yiieh-fu ballads also se this type of line.°* Of the seven-syllable lines, the line To and fro flies the oriole,/It lights on the mulberry tree" is n example.*7 Comic verse and entertainment songs also use this ype of line. Of the nine-syllable lines of ancient Poetry an ex- mple is the line "Afar we draw water from the roadside pool,/Ladle we t up there and pour it out here. As it cannot be comfortably neorporated into songs, this type of line is rarely used anymore. “his Line, shei wei ch'iieh wu chiao, ho i ch'van wo wu BR BB GR Re 8s toad e's emi, 30: 1 ‘ptai-hsieh, ch'ang-yiieh ft FH 1S HE (comic verse and ntertainment. songs). ‘Sthis Line, wo ku cho pi chin lei AX 4h 3 found in Shih ching, Mao: 3. > yeh. “the genre, yiieh-Fu MB #4, is one of many and varying as- ects, into which are grouped various "types" of poems. For a dis~ ussion of its complexities see Frankel, "Yiieh~fu Poetry." “'this line, chiao chiao huang niao chih yii sang $ - 4 , is found in Shih ching, Mao: . SheatH shih ching, Mao: 131 S*this line, chiung cho pi hsing liao i pi chu tzu i @ th 4 AE Ab WR GET , 4s found in shih ching, ee here is some question whether this line should be understood as 1 single Line or not. The question of the existence of nine- vyllable lines in the Shih ching is beiefly discussed in the notes © the Wen-lun chiang-shu text, p. 76. Chih vii's Types of Literatuce | 27 Although Poetry makes emotion and intention its basis, it is regu lated by a set cadence. Thus the metrics of elegant music are co rect for the four-syllable line, and the other types of lines, a) though they offer an alternate form, are not musically correct.* The “Seven Stimuli" was written by Mei Sheng, and it has a guest from Wu and a lord from Ch'u as its principal characters.* First it speaks of the weakness of rheumatism®! and paralysis re sulting from riding a coach when outside the palace and a sedan chair when within, and the affliction of chills and sweats from frequenting the inner palace and chambers. And it speaks also 0 the poisoning effect of sexual indulgence and easy living, and t harm caused by excessive use of rich foods and warm clothes. It also notes that one should heed the essential words and marvelov doctrines of the wise men of the ages,** and in this way one wou ‘3yin & (sound) I have rendered here as "music," because what Chih Yi is talking of is the sound qualities of the line, a whether or not they are correct and fitting for Poetry. The bul of this section (without opening and concluding lines) is trans- lated by Iightower, "Wen-hsiian . . .," Pp. 146. Sei sheng 4X f& [kuo-yii tz'u-tien reads Mei Ch'eng (p. 3 I prefer to follow the more common reading) (T- Shu i } was in office during the rule of Emperor Ching & -} (rule 156-141 B.C biography in Ils, ch. 51. ‘The "Ch'i fa" ¢ | AE ("Seven Stimuli is found in Wh, ch. 34, and has been translated and explicated b David R. Knechtges and Jerry Swanson in “Seven Stimuli for the Prince: the Ch'i fa of Mei Ch'eng" (Monumenta Serica 29 (1970-71 99-116. Sigg'y AK should be understood as chiien ME, to stumble, as in the orisical "Ch'l fa" text. I follow Knechtges and Swanson in transisting 1 aa thouation, *?ya0-ven miao-tao & % Hy BH, (essential words and Joseph Roe Alien anne] his spirit and direct himself away from the trouble caused these pleasures. Having set forth these words that clearly out- he the road one should take toward recovery, the poem then argues r the pleasures of women, music, leisure, and travel; but the guments have no effect. Then the poem shows the delight to be found the explanations and discussion of sages and debaters. With is the illness is suddenly cured. Thus, this is understood as @ curative advice for that illness commonly suffered by those © live the life of ease. And although the piece uses exaggerated inguage, it has yet to lose the principle of instructing by indi~ ct criticism.®? The development of this type of writing was oad, thus its principles changed, yet the later pieces generally wre burdened with that frivolous eleyauce peculiar to poctasters. ‘ui Yin, after writing the "Seven Dependencies,” a piece of this bet, said in the words of a fictional character, "Alas? Yang arvelous doctrines). I follow the translation of Knechtges and "peng G@_ (indirect criticism). This is the only possible avelopment of the term feng jl (Aria) introduced above, yet it ee pot seom probable for two Feasons: one, the author chooses to cite’ the character here with the “word radical," and two, the def- . 90-172}; biography in His, ch. 44. "the pai-kuan chen % ‘E HK (admonishwent of the Various fetais) te mentioned in ta Ruang’s biography tims, ch. 4v p- «Aj and apparently is no longer extant. ning $4 (inscription). 7*t believe this line as found in Yen K'o-chiin's text is cor- st (also in the Wen-lun chiang-shu text that follows Yen K'o- in) as it is quite incomprehensible. I have chosen to translate Kuan-chung ts'ung-shu rendering of this line; although not en- ely clear, it offers a possible understanding. The two Lines + (Yen K'o-chiin) Chih wan shih i lun chi lun tse chih i wm ew A eK + and (Kuan-chung ts’ ung- i) chin’wen' shih i tse chi yi chiki OZ a BB) aE, z # (translated above). Also, in to Hungek'ai's wen hslian ieh (aithough he says he follows Yen K'o-chiin), this line is dered "Chih wen shih i ch'ien chi lun chih i" “"f Z 9% B ( chin vii's Types of Literature upon the tablets of the ancestral temple. When Ts'ai Yung made Inscription on the tablet for Duke Yang, his writing was classic and correct, and it was the best work in the declining years of s Han dynasty.’* Among the finest Inscriptions on utensils found the latter years are Wang Mang's "Cauldron Inscription,"7® Ts'ui yiian's “Stool Inscription,"’? Chu Kung-shu's "Cauldron Tascrip- “7° and Wang Ts'an's "Inkstone Inscription."7* All of thes tion, ai Gf 2 4 (translation nearly identical to that above) This is clearly a variation of the Kuang-chung ts‘ung-shu render ing and shows us the probable intent of Chih Yii's line. Exactly to which section of this essay Chih Yii is referring (or whether to this essay at all) is a problem. Very likely he is referring to his discussion of the Laudatio above (p. 20). But as this text is fragmented and the sections lack any definite order it could very well be that he is referring to a lost section or sec tion that follows. *metai vung He $ (v. Po-chioh 44 oF , A.D. 133-92], biography in Hus, ch. GOB. The text referred to is the "T'ai-we Yang Ssu pei* A #4 Ab BB aE (Tablet for High Commander Yang Ssu) (Yang Ssu's biography lis in Hs, ch. 54). ‘This piece found in Ch'iian Hou Han wen, ch. 78. 78wang Mang £ Af [r. chi-chiin @ & , 45 B.C,-a.D. 2 biography is in Hs, ch. 99. He was founder of the Hsin 44 dynas (A.D. 9-22). The "Ting-m'ing" fl 4% (Cauldron Inscription) piece is no longer extant. "7 7stui vian HH tr. Teun 4B n.d. 77-142); biography in His, ch. 52. The "Chi-ming" 4g (Stool Inscri tion) as reported here, is no longer extant, but in Ch'iian Hou wen, ch. 45 there is attributed to Ts'ui Yian a "Staff Inseripti (Chang-ming ff 3). ‘There is possibly a corruption of the text here as the writing of chi and chang are similar and could account for a scribal error, but the possibility of a piece by t title having existed and been lost is also quite strong. "enw nung-stu RAL refers vo cm ma RAF of ch, 43, His "Ting-ming" ft gz (Cauldron Inscription) is no "ang ts'an £4 tr. chung-hsiian 4Y SF, a.v. 177-2 Joseph Roe Allen ‘re made to describe meritorious virtue. The imperial Inscrip- ons of former ages were made on the Chia-liang standard,*° and tose of the lords and ministers were made on the T’ai-ch'ang stand- a,*! bells and cauldrons. And although what they say may be dif- srent, in principle, the excellent virtue of which they speak is te and the same, Li Yu's Inscriptions include those for mountains, ivers, capitals, and cities; he even made them for knives, brushes, 2 iper weights, and inscribing blades.*? And though his writing orm was often ugly and weak, the texts were polished and the words orth recording. °? The writings of Poetry, Laudatios, Admonitions, and Inscriptions iogeaphy in Ske, ch. 21. the "Yen-ming” £2 9% (Ink-stone In- cription) is found in Ch'uan Hou Han wen, ch. 91. Scnia-tiang $$» refers to the official standard of he Chou dynasty. ‘My €ranslation is redundant in as much as liang 5 the word for "standard." "\pai-ch'ang Af refers to the office in charge of the emple cerenonies in ancient times. rave A Ur. Po-jen 7442 1, of the Later Han, was ctive during the reigns of Emperors fio #a ¥ can ge, nd Shun 4A

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