Annals of Tourism Research, Vol. 28, No. 4, pp.

926946, 2001
2001 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved
Printed in Great Britain
0160-7383/01/$20.00
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PII: S0160-7383(00)00082-7
AN INTEGRATIVE FRAMEWORK
FOR URBAN TOURISM RESEARCH
Douglas G. Pearce
Victoria University of Wellington, New Zealand
Abstract: This paper outlines an integrative framework for urban tourism and illustrates
applications with reference to selected aspects of the literature. The framework emphasizes
the identication of subject cells within a matrix dened in terms of scale (site, district, city-
wide, regional, national, and international) and themes (demand, supply, development, and
impacts). It stresses the need to examine the relationships between these, both vertically and
horizontally. This is offered as a means of providing a more systematic and coherent perspec-
tive on urban tourism, as a way of integrating a steadily growing but as yet largely fragmented
body of research and providing structure for future efforts in this eld, both conceptually
and empirically. Keywords: urban tourism, frameworks, linkages, cities, tourism districts, glo-
balization. 2001 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.
Resume: Un schema dintegration pour les recherches sur le tourisme urbain. Cet article
expose les grandes lignes dun schema dintegration pour les recherches sur le tourisme
urbain et en illustre des applications en se reportant a` certains aspects de la litterature. Ce
schema souligne lidentication de cellules de sujet dans une matrice qui est denie en
fonction dechelle (site, quartier, ville, region, nation, monde) et de the`mes (demande, offre,
developpement, impacts). On accentue le besoin dexaminer verticalement et horizontale-
ment les rapports entre les elements de la matrice. Ce schema pourrait offrir une perspective
plus systematique et coherente sur le tourisme urbain, integrer une importante bibliographie
qui continue a` saccro tre tout en restant en grande partie fragmentaire et fournir une struc-
ture pour des recherches futures dans ce domaine a` partir des points de vue conceptuel
et empirique. Mots-cles: tourisme urbain, schemas, rapports, villes, quartiers touristiques,
mondialisation. 2001 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.
INTRODUCTION
Urban tourism has emerged as a signicant and distinctive eld of
study during the 90s. Earlier work, dating back to the 60s, was sporadic
and limited in scope, much of it being carried out by geographers
(Gutierrez-Ronco 1977; Jansen-Verbeke 1986; Liu 1983; Pearce 1981;
Stanseld 1964; Vetter 1974). The past decade has seen increased
attention throughout the world from both tourism researchers and
urban studies specialists alike, from Europe (Cazes and Potier 1996,
1998; van den Berg, van der Borg and van der Meer 1995) to North
Douglas Pearce is Professor of Tourism Management (School of Business and Public Man-
agement at Victoria University of Wellington, PO Box 600, Wellington, New Zealand. Email
<douglas.pearce @vuw.ac.nz>). He has published widely on many aspects of tourism. This
includes three books on Tourist Development; Tourism Today: A Geographical Analysis; and Tourist
Organizations, as well as three co-edited volumes on Tourism Research: Critiques and Challenges;
Change in Tourism: People, Places, Processes; and Contemporary Issues in Tourism Development.
926
927 DOUGLAS PEARCE
America (Judd and Fainstein 1999; ONeill 1998), and from Africa
(Marks 1996) to Asia (Teo and Huang 1995; Chang and Yeoh 1999).
This increase in attention in part reects the growth of tourism in
cities and its resulting associated policy issues. These tend to be of
two main types. On the one hand, the growing demand from tourists,
particularly in historic cities, has brought a reactive response arising
from the problems of coping with increased visitation, a situation per-
haps most commonly experienced in Europe (van der Borg 1998). On
the other, many urban policies have recently incorporated an increas-
ingly proactive stance towards tourism which is seen more and more
as a strategic sector for urban revitalization in post industrial cities
(Jansen-Verbeke and Lievois 1999; Judd and Fainstein 1999). This
economic emphasis has often brought with it the belated recognition
that cities are indeed major destinations or, if not now, they may have
the potential to become so. Cazes, however, argues that instead of see-
ing urban tourism as a recent phenomenon, it is, on the contrary,
the remarkable permanence of the attractiveness of cities that should
be underlined (1994:27).
While the sheer volume of studies now appearing contributes to the
identication of urban tourism as a distinctive eld and the term is
often used without question or justication, others have sought to clar-
ify this concept (Ashworth 1992; Marchena Gomez 1995). In determin-
ing whether there is an urban tourism, Ashworth (1992) emphasizes
two interrelated sets of factors: the setting and the associated activities
that occur there. The latter and Blank (1994), Marchena Gomez
(1995), Pearce (1995), and others stress that urban areas are distinctive
and complex places. Four commonly accepted qualities of cities are
high physical densities of structures, people, and functions; social and
cultural hetereogeneity; an economic multifunctionalism; and a physi-
cal centrality within regional and interurban networks. When cities are
considered as settings in which tourism develops, this complexity is
inextricably melded into the structure and nature of urban tourism,
giving it characteristics which set it apart from other, particularly
resort-based, forms in coastal or alpine environments. In cities, tourism
is but one function among many, with tourists sharing and/or compet-
ing with residents and other users for many services, spaces, and ameni-
ties. Moreover, a city may have multiple and overlapping tourism roles:
as a gateway, staging post, destination, and tourist source (Pearce
1981).
As for activities, the attractiveness of urban destinations according to
Karski lies in the rich variety of things to see and do in a reasonably
compact, interesting, and attractive environment, rather than in any
one component. It is usually the totality and the quality of the overall
tourism and town center product that is important (1990:16).
Erhlich and Dreier make the same point specically visitors are
drawn to Boston for the completeness of its urban ambience: the
vitality of its newer developments blend with the richness of its histori-
cal and cultural attractions, architectural delights, interesting shopping
venues, restaurants, theatres and night clubs (1999:161). The demand
928 URBAN TOURISM RESEARCH
for urban tourism is thus multidimensional and frequently multipur-
pose in nature.
The complexity of urban tourism has no doubt helped delay
research in this eld, because the need to disentangle it from other
urban functions makes it more difcult to study than in many other
settings. The complexity of the setting and associated activities also
results in a continuing problem with urban tourism studies, namely
that of incompleteness and limited coverage. According to Blank,
most urban tourism studies investigate only parts of the traveler
pattern. Partial studies lead to widespread misunderstanding of urban
tourism. As a serious consequence, many urban leaders give the tour-
ism industry less support than if its full role and scope were more
clearly dened. Further, market studies, which must often be limited
in scope, are best undertaken in full knowledge of the total market
(1994:184185).
However, it is not only for practical and policy matters that a more
systematic and comprehensive approach to urban tourism is needed:
A specically urban tourism requires the development of a coherent
body of theories, concepts, techniques and methods of analysis which
allow comparable studies to contribute towards some common goal
of understanding of either the particular role of cities within tourism
or the place of tourism within the form and function of cities
(Ashworth 1992:5).
While special issues of journals and books on urban tourism have pro-
vided some structure to this emerging eld, there is still a considerable
way to go in terms of developing a coherent corpus of work, pursuing
common goals and carrying out comparable studies. The tourism and
urban studies literatures scarcely overlap; considerable scope exists for
improving the linkages among the work being done in Europe, North
America, Asia, and elsewhere, and much effort continues to be
expended on fragmented, ideographic research.
This complexity, fragmentation, and lack of coherence calls for a
clear, analytical framework which provides a more systematic perspec-
tive on urban tourism issues. It should offer both a general overview
of the eld and a means of putting specic studies and problems in
context, so as to understand better the existing interrelationships, to
develop a sense of direction and common purpose, and to provide
more integrated solutions to problems which may arise. The purpose
of this paper is to outline such a framework and to illustrate its appli-
cation with reference to selected aspects of urban tourism research.
AN INTEGRATIVE FRAMEWORK
An analytical framework might be thought of as a set of relation-
ships that do not lead to specic conclusions about the world of events
but can serve in organizing in a preliminary way the object of the
inquiry (Pacquet 1993:274). Frameworks can take a variety of forms.
A good framework provides structure but does not act as a straitjacket.
929 DOUGLAS PEARCE
The framework outlined in Figure 1 consists of a matrix in which the
two axes are the themes to be considered and the scale at which this
consideration takes place. Although they may vary in detail and charac-
ter, the key themes to be addressed in cities are common to tourism
elsewhere and will not be examined further at this stage. They include
demand, supply, development, marketing, planning, organization,
operations, and impact assessment. Likewise, spatial scale may be used
to order tourism themes in a variety of contexts, with the range of
scales to be included depending on the problem in question.
In this regard it should be recalled that scales are constructs, ways
of conceptualizing space, rather than existing, xed realities. Here,
spatial scale is a particularly appropriate ordering device as the nature
of the theme may vary from one scale to another along with changes
in responsibility for policymaking, management, operations, and other
practical applications. Moreover, as Ashworth and Voogd assert, scale
becomes crucial if destinations are considered as places:
A place is inevitably one component of a hierarchy of spatial scales.
This is more than the inevitable parochial viewpoint of a geographer
accustomed to hierarchical spatial modeling: it is central to the nature
of the tourism product and how it is marketed (1990:8).
The examination and eshing out of individual cells within the matrix
needs to be complemented by more integrative approaches which sys-
tematically examine linkages both horizontally (that is, which integrate
different themes at the same spatial scale) and vertically (that is, which
examine a theme across two or more spatial scales). From one perspec-
tive, questions of thematic or scale linkages might be seen in terms of
approaches to research or management. Whatever the scale of analysis,
the most common approach to date has been to adopt a supply-side
focus based on inventories of tourism product, usually accommo-
dation, sometimes attractions and transport and, more rarely, a combi-
nation of various elements (Pearce 1998a). Greater understanding will
result when supply-side data are complemented by information on
demand and consumption. Similarly, comprehensive tourism planning
Figure 1. An Integrative Framework for Urban Tourism Research
930 URBAN TOURISM RESEARCH
will need to incorporate marketing and development as well as con-
sideration of other themes such as organizations and impacts.
At the same time, considerable scope exists for multiscale examin-
ation of a range of themes. Studies of the demand for urban tourism,
for example, have been limited, by the ready availability of appropriate
data, usually to city-level statistics. However, data sources may also exist
at larger and smaller scales. Systematic compilation of a diverse range
of secondary sources, from surveys which set the city in a broader
national and regional context, through city-wide bednight gures to
the results of tourist monitoring at individual sites, has enabled a much
more comprehensive picture of the demand for urban tourism in Paris
to be established (Pearce 1996a). Here diverse data already existed,
but in the absence of an integrative approach little holistic analysis had
been undertaken. Similarly, tourism plans at a variety of scales from
the metropolitan area, through districts such as Montmartre to sites
on the Ile de la Cite have been prepared, but these have essentially
been isolated efforts with little overall coordination between actions at
different scales and in different parts of the city (Pearce 1998a, 1998b,
1999). Impact assessment is another theme that would benet greatly
from an integrated multiscale approach. Surveys may indicate overall
patterns of expenditure but rarely is there any breakdown on where
that spending occurs within the city and who the beneciaries are
(Parlett, Fletcher and Cooper 1995). Likewise, congestion may be a
problem at different scales, from pressure on landing slots at regional
airports to queuing within historical buildings.
From a second but related perspective, relationships might be
explored in terms of who or what constitute the links between scales
or themes. That is, having decided to examine a problem across several
scales or to bring together different themes, how is this to be done?
How are the linkages to be conceptualized and measured? Concep-
tually, relatively little work of this sort has been undertaken with regard
to urban tourism, but use of broader theories and approaches such as
interorganizational analysis (Pearce 1992), globalization and localiz-
ation (Chang 1999), and more general concepts such as gateways
(Burghardt 1971) and hubs (Fleming and Hayuth 1994) provide useful
examples of what might be done and signal fruitful paths to follow.
In terms of measurement, Smith and Timberlake (1995) distinguish
between two dominant methodological strategies in their analysis of
the world city system: the attributional strategy based on the attributes
of cities and the linkage-based strategy which employs data that directly
link cities to one another or to a larger entity such as the world system.
They indicate that the former has been the most common, but argue
that attributional data are only circumstantial when the theories
employed stress relationships among places. The distinction between
the attributional and linkage-based strategies is a potentially very useful
one for operationalizing the connections in Figure 1. Smith and Tim-
berlakes experience suggests, however, that difculty is likely to be
encountered in collecting relevant relational data.
Several potentially useful but as yet largely unexplored lines of
enquiry exist here. First, detailed examination of tourist behavior as
931 DOUGLAS PEARCE
they arrive in a city, travel around within it, and visit particular sites
will provide insights into the ways in which particular places are linked
together, of how tourism districts function (or not), and what interac-
tion occurs. The density and complexity of the urban environment
pose many challenges to researchers in attempting to record
movements and monitor behavior, but use of innovative method-
ologies provides some ways forward as Hartmann (1988), Murphy
(1992a), and Dietvorst (1994) have shown. For example, Hartmanns
use of multiple techniques (interviewing, participant and non-partici-
pant observation), provides some interesting insights into tourist
behavior in Munich while also highlighting the practical and ethical
difculties which can arise with such eldwork. Second, questions of
external and internal accessibility and the provision of transport infra-
structure and services to and within the city are major issues yet ones
which have largely been neglected from a tourism perspective (Page
1995). Third, the commercial linkages and operational arrangements
among providers of services and amenities at different scales and in
different parts of the city must be examined. Jansen-Verbeke and Ash-
worth (1990) provide some useful concepts in this regard, but these
need operationalizing and empirical testing. Fourth, administrative
and organizational roles and responsibilities at different scales need to
be clearly established and attention directed at how effectively various
agencies and organizations come together to develop, promote, or
otherwise facilitate urban tourism (Pearce 1992).
As an analytical framework, Figure 1 enables researchers to establish
systematically what is already known about urban tourism, either for a
particular place or (more generally) to identify gaps in present knowl-
edge and determine more readily what the issues are. Given the
recency of research on this subject, it is likely that in most places the
gaps will exceed what is already known. Use of this chart might
enhance the value of existing work by enabling it to be put into a
broader context and by acting as a framework to develop cumulative
knowledge about urban tourism in general or with regard to problems
associated with other types in a specic town or city. For instance, at
a very basic level, Figure 1 may enable a systematic cataloguing of exist-
ing studies and inventorying of current data sources. At the same time,
it should assist in identifying more clearly where future effort might
be directed and how the different parties involved might come
together more effectively. Likewise, a more integrated approach to
planning and managing urban tourism is called for. In this respect,
the application of the chart may assist in showing the range of issues
and parties involved while the emphasis on linkages highlights the
need for coordination and cooperation between scales and different
themes. What connections are there, for example, among those agenc-
ies, organizations, and individuals responsible for promoting the city,
planning transport infrastructure, managing various attractions, and
operating tourism businesses?
Therefore, as an analytical framework, Figure 1 is offered very much
as a point of departure, as a way of facilitating further work on urban
tourism, rather than as an end-point to be achieved. The ways in which
932 URBAN TOURISM RESEARCH
it might be applied thematically have been outlined briey above by
reference to such themes as demand, planning, and impact assessment.
The application of the framework as an integrative device and as a tool
for identifying research questions would become more illustrative by
systematically reviewing aspects of the literature on urban tourism in
terms of spatial scale.
A Spatial Application
So far most work on urban tourism has been conned to analyses
at a single spatial scale, commonly tourism in the city as a whole, but
analysis at a range of scales that includes the relationships among them
is essential if a comprehensive picture of urban tourism is to be
developed. The following sections consider in varying detail issues
which arise at the four scales depicted in Figure 1, beginning with
those within the city before considering linkages at a larger scale.
City-Level. Much of the initial research on urban tourism has con-
sisted of general studies and overviews of individual cities or groups
of cities. Here the city is the focus or unit of analysis, and aggregate
data are often used to establish the basic characteristics and general
features of tourism. Two main types of city-level research can be ident-
ied: single city and multiple city studies.
Single city studies tend either to deal with tourism in general (Law
1996; Obiol Menero 1997) or to examine some particular aspect of it,
such as the distribution of accommodation (Oppermann, Din and
Amri 1996; Timothy and Wall 1995) and policy matters (Lopez Palo-
meque 1995). Most city-specic studies adopt a largely empirical
approach, with the emphasis commonly being on describing tourism
in the focal locality rather than using the situation there to address
questions of a more general nature. In their generality they provide
one form of integration by bringing together different aspects of tour-
ism in an urban setting, but the failure to make links with other cities
or broader questions limits their ability to advance the understanding
of urban tourism as a whole. Interesting exceptions to this pattern
include the studies by Cohen (1997) and Atkinson (1997) who use the
examples of Liverpool and New Orleans to examine the relationships
between tourism and popular music. Another is the volume edited by
van den Berg et al (1995) which concludes by synthesizing eight case
studies of European cities with regard to policy and successful urban
tourism products.
In contrast, multiple city studies tend to be more narrowly focused
and examine a specic aspect of a broader problem in a systematic,
comparative fashion. Thus, ONeill (1998) sought to identify the fac-
tors that characterized three United States municipalities recognized
as having effective and innovative tourism and convention bureaus,
while Gilbert and Clark (1997) compared the impact of tourism in two
urban centers that differed in their levels of arrivals. Other compara-
tive studies have adopted a more quantitative approach, examining
specic attributes of tourism among larger groups of cities, for instance
933 DOUGLAS PEARCE
markets and competition (Mazanec 1995) or social structure
(Gladstone 1998).
Tourist Districts. Studies of more specic areas within the city are
needed for two reasons. First, tourism does not occur evenly or uni-
formly, but is concentrated in particular areas that warrant research
in their own right. Second, more detailed analyses requiring a nar-
rowing of the lens and a concentration on problems at a smaller spatial
scale are needed to develop a fuller understanding of patterns, pro-
cesses, and interrelationships, as well as to adopt a greater multidimen-
sional approach to urban tourism.
The clustering of tourism facilities has been observed for some time
and descriptive accounts of districts, especially in historic cities, are
not uncommon at the city level (Obiol Menero 1997; Priestley 1996),
but to date district level studies have scarcely been recognized as a
distinctive research problem (Pearce 1998a). The existence of differ-
ent types of district reects two of the dening attributes of cities noted
by Ashworth (1992): social and cultural hetereogeneity and economic
multifunctionalism. It is also a function of the specic characteristics
of individual cities and a range of promotional and development stra-
tegies. An initial classication might include six types of districts, not
necessarily mutually exclusive.
One: Historic Districts. The old city and historic nuclei have for
some time been recognized as important districts in many cities, parti-
cularly in Europe, attracting tourists through a compact clustering of
interesting buildings, monuments, and museums, often readily access-
ible on foot. Much of the initial research in this area is associated with
the work of Ashworth (1990) and Ashworth and Tunbridge (1990),
whose touristic-historic city model has been used as the basis for other
studies of this type. In an account of the Dutch city of Groningen,
the former underlines the notion of districts as constructs, identifying
several forms of historic city (or district) depending on the perspective
adopted: the architect/historians, the legislative, the urban planners
and managers and the touristic historic city. Drawing on discourse
analysis and Urrys notion of the tourist gaze, Dahles shows how two
different images of the historic inner city of Amsterdam have been
constructed: one for the international tourist based on the tokens
of the remembered empire, a second more local discourse that
reects a middle-class preoccupation with folklore, oral tradition, local
history, but also with welfare and resettlement programmes (Dahles
1996:230). In a completely different context, Teo and Huang trace the
creation of the Civic and Cultural District in Singapore, showing how
its conservation as a rich, historical area was predicated on the argu-
ment that it lies astride the tourism retail belt of Orchard Road
and the convention core of the Marina center (1995:599). In the
United States, theming of historic retail districts has become a wide-
spread strategy in many cities to attract both tourists and shoppers
(Ehrlich and Dreier 1999; Lew 1989). As the growth in heritage tour-
ism intensies, historic districts will attract more attention.
Two: Ethnic Districts. Districts associated with particular ethnic
934 URBAN TOURISM RESEARCH
groups have also been promoted and developed in various ways as
attractions. Conforti (1996) identies different processes and out-
comes in terms of the Little Italies of American cities. The one in New
York city represents the conscious preservation of a ghetto as an attrac-
tion, proximity to other attractions is a critical factor in Baltimore and
Boston, while in south Philadelphia the lack of appeal to tourists is
partly a function of its out-of-the-way location and absence of a vivid
image.
Perhaps the most explicit and concerted use of ethnic districts for
tourism is to be found in Singapore. There the tourism board, in
association with the urban planning authority, has consciously sought
to exploit the citys multicultural heritage under the slogan Instant
Asia, by theming, conserving, and promoting a number of ethnic and
historic districts, including Chinatown, Little India, and the Malay
Kampong Glam (Chang 1997, 1999; Chang and Yeoh 1999; Teo and
Huang 1995; Yeoh and Huang 1996). These Singaporean writers pro-
vide very detailed and insightful accounts of the processes at work,
from the underlying ideology to the physical and promotional aspects
of theming, and the resultant outcomes, interpreting these from a var-
iety of theoretical perspectives.
Three: Sacred Spaces. Distinctive districts are also to be found in
pilgrimage cities. Schachar and Shoval outline a complex pattern of
sacred spaces in Jerusalem, asserting that the city
rather than containing a single tourism district, encompasses a con-
stellation of spaces, each of which is composed of sites specic to a
particular group of pilgrims and tourists. In addition, a small number
of sites are visited because of their universal appeal, which transcends
their specic religious, cultural or national signicance.
This spatial segmentation
has been a highly political process, molding the entire urban fab-
ric (1999:201).
Even where a single religion prevails, as at Lourdes, pilgrims may con-
centrate in very specic parts of the city, with differences occurring
between group and individual travelers depending on their different
needs and characteristics (Chadefaud 1981).
Four: Redevelopment Zones. With tourism increasingly being used
as a strategy for economic revitalization, tourism services and facilities
are progressively being incorporated into redevelopment zones, parti-
cularly in waterfront areas, as in Amsterdam, Baltimore, and Londons
Docklands (Jansen-Verbeke and van de Wiel 1995; Page 1995). It is in
this context and that of intercity competition that Judd refers to the
remaking and reshaping of parts of many American cities as well-
dened and spatially separate tourist bubbles:
Where crime, poverty and urban decay make parts of a city inhospi-
table to visitors, specialized areas are established as virtual tourist res-
ervations. These become the public parts of town, leaving visitors shi-
elded from and unaware of the private spaces where people live and
work (1999:36).
935 DOUGLAS PEARCE
Such spaces, he suggests, have quickly become standardized venues
featuring a mayors trophy collection of an atrium hotel, festival mall,
convention center, restored historical neighborhood, domed stadium,
aquarium, new ofce towers, and redeveloped waterfront.
Five: Entertainment Destinations. Sassen and Roost argue that large
modern cities have become sites of consumption, they have
assumed the status of exotica, and that modern tourism is centered
on the urban scene, or more precisely, on some version of the
urban scene t for tourism. One consequence of this has been the
development of urban entertainment destinations, such as midtown
Manhattan, in which are concentrated entertainment-oriented
retailers, high-tech entertainment centers, cinema complexes, and
themed restaurants (1999:143).
Six: Functional Tourism Districts. Other researchers, less concerned
with the form of specic types of districts, have been more interested
in ways particular parts of cities function as such and in examining the
intersectoral linkages, both spatial and functional, which have emerged
at that level. Getz (1993), drawing on Stanseld and Rickert (1970),
developed a schematic model of a Tourism Business District, the
essence of which is
a synergistic relationship between CBD [Central Business District]
functions, tourist attractions, and essential services. Access into and
within the CBD is critical . The synergy must not only create a criti-
cal mass of attractions and services to encourage tourists to stay longer
(preferably overnight) but must reinforce the image of a people-ori-
ented place (1993:597).
Likewise, Judd emphasizes the agglomerative nature of the compo-
nents making up a tourist place (1993:179). Jansen-Verbeke and Ash-
worth contend that [s]uccess depends upon the functional inte-
gration within multipurpose clusters, which necessitates more attention
being paid to the nature of integration (1990:619). They then go on
to propose a set of different combinations of spatial association and
functional linkages. Originally conceptual in nature, these studies are
now being complemented by efforts aimed at developing method-
ologies for identifying functional districts (Jansen-Verbeke and Lievois
1999) and other detailed empirical work. Pearces (1998a) research
on three different tourism districts in Paris, for example, has shown a
certain level of synergy exists but that the functional association
between major and other attractions is not as strong as physical prox-
imity alone might otherwise suggest. This study also reveals a varying
degree of compatibility between tourism and other urban functions
across the city.
Considerable scope exists for bringing these different approaches
together. For example, Teo and Huangs (1995) account of how Singa-
pores Civic and Cultural District was created might usefully be comp-
lemented by how it actually functions. The authors observations there
suggests that while much infrastructural development is occurring and
the district has been themed, complete with designated itineraries,
storyboards, and other markers, it has yet to function fully as a tourism
936 URBAN TOURISM RESEARCH
district. Most of the activity appears at present to occur on the fringes
of the district. Sightseeing coaches are parked in Connaught Drive to
discharge their passengers who quickly make their way in groups to
photograph the sculpture of the Merlion, the created image of Singa-
pore, with relatively few venturing further into the district to admire
its colonial past. More generally, the ways in which the different dis-
tricts are linked together, whether by tourist ows or marketing
activity, deserves much closer attention if this function of cities is to
be fully understood (Pearce 1998a).
Tourist Sites. Research at the scale of more localized sites has basi-
cally been neglected, but is no less critical. For example, it is at this
level of the individual attraction that many of the tourists experiences
are played out, their levels of satisfaction determined, various impacts
are felt, and many management and planning issues arise. Individual
features constitute the basic building blocks on which urban tourism
is founded, and understanding what happens at this scale is essential
for a fuller comprehension of tourism in the city as a whole (Pearce
1999). Work on individual sites has usually taken the form of architec-
tural or planning studies or tourist monitoring. However, more general
issues may also be addressed at this scale, such as exploring the notion
of what constitutes a tourism place, how space at the microscale is
modied and managed, and how competition in the use of space
occurs between hosts and guests.
Regional/National/International. For a fuller understanding of this
form of tourism, urban areas also have to be set in a broader geo-
graphical context with issues being explored at a regional, national,
and international level. This scale of analysis is important both from
the point of view of tourism, particularly when considering the func-
tions of cities other than those of a destination (Pearce 1981), and
from a broader urban perspective, notably in terms of the notion of
centrality mentioned by Ashworth (1992). As with tourism districts, this
is not as yet a readily recognizable eld of study. But among the frag-
mented literature two broad and largely unrelated approaches are dis-
cerned, one primarily concerned with functional issues, the other with
a more theoretical interpretation linked to processes of globalization
and local responses.
One: Functional Roles and Linkages. Cities, especially large metro-
politans, in addition to existing as destinations in their own right, are
also recognized as having other functions in broader regional,
national, or even international systems, notably as gateways (Low and
Toh 1997; Pearce 1981) and, more recently, hubs (OKelly and Miller
1994). These terms, though used much more frequently, still require
elaboration and development, both conceptually and operationally, to
become effective tools for the analysis of urban tourism at such
larger scales.
Gateways in a general sense are seen as major entry/exit points for
tourists into or out of a national or regional system (Pearce 1995).
Burghardts (1971) seminal paper in the broader geographical litera-
937 DOUGLAS PEARCE
ture outlines four key attributes of gateway cities. One, they are in
command of the connections between the tributary area and the out-
side world and develop in positions which possess the potentiality
of controlling the ows of goods and people. Two, they often develop
in the contact zones between differing intensities or types of pro-
duction. Three, although local ties are obviously important, gateways
are characterized best by long distance trade connections. Four, they
are heavily committed to transportation and wholesaling (1971:282).
Work is now needed on determining the tourism dimensions of
these general attributes. What, for example, is the role of tour whole-
salers, both inbound and outbound, in gateway cities? In what ways
and to what extent do their channels of distribution control such ows?
How do the buyersupplier relationships for urban tourism compare
with resort-based types (March 1997)? Renucci (1992), for instance,
shows that very few Italian tour operators include Lyon in their cata-
logues; when they do, such visits are limited to a rapid tour of the city.
Britton (1982), Pearce (1984), and Zurick (1992) have examined the
intermediate role of tourism gateways in such peripheral destinations
as the South Pacic, Belize and Nepal. Yuan and Christensen (1994)
and Ewert (1996) have considered the functions of portal communi-
ties in areas adjacent to natural landscapes. To date, little research
on tourism gateways and hubs has been carried out in the metropolitan
areas of Europe and North America. Pearce (1996b) has commented
on the gateway role of Stockholm, for example in terms of information
provision and linkages with other destination regions such as Lapland
and Gotland. But in general these issues are as yet unexplored.
Recent related work in Europe and North America has come out of
the eld of transport studies and focused more on the concept and
operations of airport hubs, with an emphasis on their transfer func-
tions within a wider network (Dennis 1994; Fleming and Hayuth 1994;
OKelly and Miller 1994; OKelly 1998). For the latter, hubs are
special nodes that are part of a network, located in such a way as to
facilitate connectivity between interacting places (1998:171). This is
achieved by the construction of a network where direct connections
between all origin and destination pairs can be replaced with fewer
indirect connections (OKelly and Miller 1994:31). Again, the tourism
dimensions of hubs and hubbing need further explication. As an illus-
tration of their agglomeration effects, OKelly (1998) suggests that a
hub increases a citys ability to attract conventions and business meet-
ings.
Operationalizing these concepts from a tourism perspective requires
more than the analysis of routes, services, and airline networks that
underpin the work of transport specialists. Particular attention must
be given to the various ways of analyzing travel patterns, as these form
one of the most direct and tangible links among cities and other areas
(Pearce 1995). In Smith and Timberlakes (1995) terms, they consti-
tute an especially relevant relational measure. The Trip Index, which
relates the proportion of nights spent in any one place to the total
length of the trip, can be a useful means of measuring the intermediate
role of cities (Murphy 1992b; Oppermann 1992; Pearce and Elliott
938 URBAN TOURISM RESEARCH
1983). Murphy, for example, identied a hierarchical spatial pattern
on Vancouver Island based on its two principal gateways. Similarly, sur-
vey data of international tourists in Paris indicates how a visit to the
city ts into a broader pattern of travel (Pearce 1996a). Europeans
have a greater tendency to make Paris the sole focus of their trip than
longer haul tourists from Japan and the United States. For many
Japanese, Paris is one stop on a tour of European cities, with few other
French regions being visited.
Other functional linkages among cities, surrounding regions, and
other areas have been examined by way of interorganizational analysis
in the broader context of the study of the structure and functioning
of tourism organizations at different scales (Pearce 1992). What this
research shows is that different sorts of linkages may exist among them
(voluntary or mandated, top down/bottom up, unifunctional or multi-
functional, cooperative or competitive) and that different sorts of
relationships are found. Some urban entities recognize a functional
interdependence with their surrounding regions and often play a lead-
ership role in marketing and development. In other instances, metro-
politan areas may opt out of joint participation and go it alone on the
grounds that their markets and industry structure differ or that joint
activities and combined decision-making lessen their ability to respond
quickly and exibly to changing conditions.
In the case of Barcelona, Lopez Palomeque (1995) shows how the
over-supply of accommodation in Barcelona following the 1992
Olympic Games led to increased interorganizational activity, both
within the city and between the city and the coastal regions of Cat-
alonia. Barcelonas regional gateway role has generally been rather lim-
ited due to the existence of more direct connections to the Costa Brava
and Costa Daurada. In contrast, Singapore is increasingly seeking to
overcome its constraints as an urban destination by explicitly
developing its gateway functions and adopting a broader tourism
regionalization policy (Chang 1998; Low and Toh 1997).
Two: GlobalLocal Processes. Urban tourism has been used by a
number of authors to explore broader processes that have been exam-
ined from different theoretical perspectives and which stress the need
to set individual cities in a much larger geographical, economic, and
political context (Chang 1999; Chang, Milne, Fallon and Pohlmann
1996; Fainstein and Judd 1999; Roche 1992; Thorns 1997). In these
accounts, urban tourism is heavily contextualized in terms of broader
processes of the economic restructuring of post-industrial cities, glo-
balization, and localization. The emphasis here is on tourism as a form
of regeneration as cities seek to rebuild their economies following the
decline in their more traditional industrial base, with cities becoming
as much sites of consumption as of production. Moreover, with the
growth of an increasingly globalized and interdependent economy,
larger cities are seen as being in ever stronger competition with each
other. The development of facilities and services, together with the
accompanying promotion of a strong, distinctive image, is thus inter-
preted as one dimension of intercity competition and the growth in
place marketing in general. At the same time, the role of local forces
939 DOUGLAS PEARCE
and responses in mediating these more general processes is acknowl-
edged, with urban tourism serving as an example of patterns of interac-
tion at the globallocal nexus.
The nature, pattern, and outcomes of this globallocal interaction
have been variously portrayed. Thorns, for example, suggests that New
Zealands three main citiesAuckland, Wellington, and Christ-
churchhave each sought to develop their distinctiveness within
the gambit of the international tourism agenda by embarking on
different urban development programs (1997:206). Fainstein and Judd
observe that the globalization of mass tourism leads to an odd para-
dox: whereas the appeal of tourism is the opportunity to see something
different, cities that are remade to attract tourists seem more and more
alike (1999:1213). It is this remaking which has given rise to the
enclaves or tourist bubbles described by Judd (1999) mentioned earl-
ier. However, Fainstein and Judd also recognize that while generaliza-
tions might be made about the structure of the industry and its pro-
duct, variations in the impacts of tourism and its multiple
meanings, depending on type of tourism and context, call for an exam-
ination of individual cases (1999:16).
In insightful writings on tourism in Singapore, Chang (1999) and
Chang et al (1996) vigorously assert the role of local factors and pro-
cesses, arguing that both globalization and localization are occur-
ring simultaneously with the outcome being a conation of homogen-
izing and localizing inuences in places (1999:93). The various ways
in which this occurs are discussed with regard to the themed ethnic
districts outlined earlier. Thus, in the case of Little India, Chang con-
siders the government policies which have led to the theming and con-
servation of the district, as well as the subsequent impacts which have
been experienced, whether by locals and tourists or Indian and Chi-
nese merchants. In this instance the social, economic, and spatial struc-
ture at the district level, and even arguably at that of the site, may be
seen as the result of the interplay of different forces, from the inter-
national, through the regional to the local.
Additional studies shed light on these issues in other cities and con-
texts. Pearce stresses the importance of taking individual city features
into account. He found that public intervention in tourism develop-
ment in Paris was indirect and reactive and largely associated with
broader urban policies and practices, particularly those promoting the
image of Paris and fostering its wider inuence. In this latter regard,
the place promotion of Paris was seen to have a distinctive French
avor, being a long established practice and one which successive
heads of state, motivated by a powerful mix of national chauvinism,
and self-aggrandizement, have pursued with varying degrees of vigor
in the French capital (1998b:172173). Hoffmann and Musil
(1999) found that tourism and privatization have been inextricably
linked in both the transformation and the conservation of Prague.
They concluded that evidence from that city is mixed in terms of the
extent to which tourism has provided an entry point allowing trans-
national corporations and homogenized mass culture to overwhelm
local differences.
940 URBAN TOURISM RESEARCH
In the context of the historic Stone Town of Zanzibar, Marks
explores a similar mix of economic liberalization and the growth of
international tourism, and examines the links between tourism devel-
opment and urban conservation. He, however, is more concerned that
the process in its present form is in danger of becoming a mech-
anism of gentrication and marginalization and calls for a more par-
ticipatory approach (1996:267). A different set of international and
local factors comes through in Edgingtons analysis of Japanese real
estate investment in Canadian cities. In explaining their investment in
hotels and resorts in British Columbia, rather than ofce blocks in
Toronto, Edgington concluded this was shaped by a combination
of corporate locational perceptions and local conditions (1996:303).
Further detailed work of this sort in other cities and countries would
aid in understanding this more commonly occurring aspect of tourism
and globalization.
CONCLUSION
The analytical framework portrayed as Figure 1 emphasizes the
identication of subject cells within a matrix dened in terms of scale
and themes and stresses the need to examine the relationships among
these, both vertically and horizontally. It has been offered as a means
of providing a more systematic and coherent perspective on urban
tourism, as a way of integrating a steadily growing but as yet largely
fragmented body of research and providing some structure for future
efforts in this eld, both conceptually and empirically. The extent to
which the framework succeeds in doing this will be up to others to
judge. However, a number of conclusions might be drawn from the
initial discussion of the framework and the subsequent application
of it.
The paper has highlighted the need for a more systematic, multi-
scale approach to the study of urban tourism, with Figure 1 proving a
practical means of ordering issues and ideas and enabling a larger,
more coherent picture to emerge. City-level studies have been shown
to make a useful contribution in terms of establishing specic urban
characteristics and providing some integration across themes. They
constitute a useful platform for further research, but this scale of analy-
sis alone does not reveal all the complexities of urban tourism. A sys-
tematic review of a fairly disparate literature within the structure of
the chart has enabled various types of tourism districts to be identied
and some common interrelated threads to be discerned in terms of
their causal factors, structure, and functioning.
The integrative approach employed here has brought out common
features at the district level, scarcely perceived previously as a distinc-
tive subeld of study, and shown how such studies t into the larger
picture. Conversely, the quasi-absence of site-specic studies has drawn
attention to the paucity of work done at the microscale and underlined
the research gap that exists there. The focus on regional, national, and
international relationships has drawn attention to two sets of studies,
one largely functional, the other more theoretical. While some com-
941 DOUGLAS PEARCE
mon themes are emerging with the latter, notably in terms of globaliz-
ation and local responses, the various functional issues and approaches
outlined have until now not been seen as focusing on a general prob-
lem. Clearly scope exists for bringing these two strands closer together,
for the globallocal debate is also related to issues of centrality, inter-
mediacy, and functional linkages within a wider tourism network. The
interaction between global and local forces and processes further
underlines the value of adopting a multiscale approach to the analysis
and interpretation of urban tourism. The creation of some of the dis-
tricts examined, such as those in Singapore, was seen to be one out-
come of this interplay.
The more systematic and integrative approach fostered by the frame-
work has also permitted some progress to be made in pursuing Ash-
worths (1992) question of whether or not there is an urban tourism.
In particular, it has enabled some of the distinguishing characteristics
of this setting and the activities that occur there to be elaborated on.
The structured discussion of districts and regional, national, and inter-
national linkages, for instance, has underlined the impact of the social
and cultural hetereogeneity, economic multifunctionalism, and cen-
trality of urban areas and highlighted the ways in which these inuence
tourism in cities.
The greater concern with more general problems and issues among
the non city-level studies also suggests that it is at these scales that
Ashworths question might best be pursued. As an ordering device and
a means of focusing attention on the more general problems which
have been identied in this paper, Figure 1 may also facilitate a bridg-
ing of the gap between the tourism and urban studies literatures and
among work being undertaken in different parts of the world. This in
turn should further help elucidate the nature of urban tourism and
its impact on city structures and processes. At the same time, any focus
on general problems should not obscure the role which individual city
features have been shown to play in many of the studies cited.
Finally, the broader, more integrative approach to research on
urban tourism advocated here suggests more effort must be directed
at synthesizing existing studies, at creating broader research designs
involving diverse methodologies, at drawing on multiple data sources
and combining these in innovative ways, and at interpreting the sub-
sequent results through a variety of lenses. While all of this may not
be possible within a single study, more explicit recognition of where
that study ts into the bigger picture is likely to lead to greater returns
on the research undertaken.
AcknowledgementA preliminary version of this paper was presented at the International
Conference on Urban Tourism held in Zhuai City China in 1999.
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anonymously. Coordinating Editor: Lisle S. Mitchell