Documentos de Académico
Documentos de Profesional
Documentos de Cultura
Understanding Women’s
Love and Desire
LISA M. DIAMOND
References 263
Notes 309
Acknowledgments 325
Index 327
CHAPTER 1
few exceptions); they then married and pursued only other-sex ac-
tivity. Herdt’s account of such an abrupt developmental transition
from same-sex to other-sex sexuality showed that our Western no-
tion of fixed sexual “orientations” was culturally specific. We might
view homosexuality as an inborn predisposition, but other cultures
expected and even arranged for drastic changes in same-sex and
other-sex desires and practices over the life course.
The anthropologist Evelyn Blackwood made the same observa-
tion in her extensive review of female same-sex sexuality across
non-Western cultures, underscoring the limitations of the Western
notion of fixed sexual orientations. These perspectives were consis-
tent with a broad class of social constructionist models of sexual-
ity (discussed in more detail in the next chapter), which posited
that sexual identities did not exist as fixed types but were created
and given meaning through social interactions and cultural ideolo-
gies.11 Most of the scholars advocating this perspective were not
specifically interested in sexual fluidity, but they highlighted the evi-
dence for it in order to challenge conventional, biologically deter-
minist views of sexuality.
The poet Adrienne Rich was one of the first people to discuss
fluidity’s specific relevance to female sexuality, and she took one of
the broadest and most explicitly political perspectives on the is-
sue.12 Rich argued that women throughout history and across a va-
riety of different cultures had always managed to form intimate,
emotionally primary ties to other women, despite the persistent
efforts of male-dominated societies to rigidly channel them into
heterosexual reproduction. Rich argued that all intense bonds be-
tween women, even if they were not explicitly sexual, occupied a
“lesbian continuum” that ranged from purely emotional relation-
ships to sexual liaisons. This model suggested that regardless of
whether a woman currently experienced clear-cut same-sex desires,
she maintained a capacity for diverse forms of same-sex intimacy
and eroticism.
6 • SEXUAL FLUIDITY
In the 1980s, the empirical evidence for sexual fluidity and its
disproportionate prevalence in women increased. For example, in
their study of gay, lesbian, bisexual, and heterosexual people living
in San Francisco in the 1980s, Martin Weinberg, Colin Williams,
and Douglas Pryor found that many of their participants—but es-
pecially the women—recalled experiencing both minor and major
changes over time in their sexual attractions. This finding led the re-
searchers to conclude that “sexual preference is not always a fixed
phenomenon.” Although gay, lesbian, and heterosexual people re-
ported smaller and less frequent changes than did bisexuals, Wein-
berg and his colleagues attributed this difference to the anchoring
effects of claiming a gay, lesbian, or heterosexual identity, since
such identities have “definable boundaries that can restrict the abil-
ity or desire to explore change.”13 They came to the conclusion that
some degree of fluidity was a general property of sexuality, a view
that already had a steady group of adherents at that time, and
which continues to be influential.14 Although Weinberg, Williams,
and Pryor observed more sizable and frequent changes among their
female respondents, they did not advance an explanation for this
difference, except to speculate that it might have to do with the
women’s involvement with lesbian and feminist groups, which of-
ten encouraged women to question their sexual identities.
The psychologist Carla Golden provided some of the most com-
pelling discussions to date of diversity and variability in female sex-
uality in her interview study of heterosexual, bisexual, and lesbian
women in their twenties, thirties, and forties.15 She specifically ana-
lyzed the contexts that elicited sexual transitions, for example, po-
litical organizations and women’s studies classes. Golden argued
against the notion that such experiences simply prompted women
to “discover” long-suppressed same-sex orientations. Rather, she
argued that in some cases, same-sex sexuality “may have started as
an idea but it did not remain purely in the cognitive realm.” In
other words, women were capable of real change occurring in real
time.16
Will the Real Lesbians Please Stand Up? • 7
Current Perspectives