Surrender in Vienna: Why We Need A Better Nuclear Deal With Iran
By The Tower
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About this ebook
The moral burden upon the shoulders of federal legislators is an enormous one, but the right decision – one that eschews considerations of partisanship or career prospects for the greater good of American and global security – is clear. Unless Congress acts, Iran is set, within 15 years if not sooner, to become a nuclear-armed power that dominates the Middle East, likely dragging American troops back into the region and setting off conditions that could precipitate the kind of horrendous war that President Obama says, with genuine sincerity, he wants to avoid.
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Surrender in Vienna - The Tower
Surrender in Vienna
Why We Need A Better Nuclear Deal With Iran
A special briefing by The Tower.
Copyright © 2015 The Israel Project. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in any retrieval system of any nature, or transmitted in any form or by any means electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise with out prior permission in writing from the publisher.
Distributed by Smashwords
ISBN: 978-1-943842-05-6
The Tower is a digital publication covering Israel, the Middle East, and the U.S.-Israel relationship, published by The Israel Project (TIP), a nonpartisan 501(c)3 educational organization based in Washington D.C. that works to provide facts about Israel and the Middle East to the media, policymakers and the public.
Tel: (202) 857-6644
Email: Info@TheIsraelProject.org
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Table of Contents
PREFACE COULD THERE BE A BETTER NUCLEAR DEAL WITH IRAN?
INTRODUCTION Surrender in Vienna: The False Assumptions of the Obama Administration
Iran’s Drive for Regional Hegemony
Iran and Its Terror Proxies: A Clear and Present Danger
Gold Rush: The Dismantling of the Sanctions Regime Against Iran
VERIFICATION, NOT TRUST? ASSESSING THE WEAKNESSES OF THE INSPECTIONS REGIME
Syria: The Most Immediate Victim
Iran: The Human Rights Nightmare Continues
Contributors
Additional Resources
FURTHER RESOURCES
ADMINISTRATION RESOURCES
PREFACE
COULD THERE BE A BETTER NUCLEAR DEAL WITH IRAN?
Ben Cohen
In January 2010, a few weeks before France assumed the chairmanship of the UN Security Council, I interviewed Gerard Araud—today France’s Ambassador to the United States, but at the time its envoy to the UN—about Iran’s nuclear program. The Iranian nuclear program has no civilian explanation whatsoever,
he told me. You don’t start a civilian nuclear program by enriching uranium. It’s like buying the gas before the car.
¹
With hindsight, Araud’s fears seem remarkably prescient. Under the terms of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) agreed with Iran in Vienna on July 14, 2015,² Iran will be able to continue enriching uranium within certain limits—a major concession that completely reverses the negotiating position of the major western powers over the last decade, which was to demand an end to its enrichment program. As the Institute for Science and International Security pointed out in a recent briefing, Iran has the tools to immediately avoid any violation, either by down blending or halting Low-Enriched Uranium (LEU) production… Based on Iran’s long history of violations of its safeguards violations and non-cooperation with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), any overage over the cap should be treated as Iran testing the limits of the agreement.
³
As the contributions to this collection make clear, Iran is ideally placed to violate the JCPOA—not just in terms of uranium enrichment, but on other critical aspects of its nuclear program as well. As Emanuele Ottolenghi points out in his chapter on the dismantling of the sanctions regime against Iran, the most important tool for exerting pressure over the Iranian regime until now, has been effectively dispensed with.
Nor can we overstate the negative regional impact of the JCPOA on the general security situation in the Middle East. As both Michael Pregent’s chapter on Iran’s regional ambitions and James Kirchick’s chapter on Iranian backing for terrorism make clear, the United States and its allies have effectively legitimized the foreign policy goals of one of the world’s most dangerous and aggressive regimes—goals that extend not only to its active interventions in Syria and Yemen, its takeover of Southern Lebanon through Hezbollah and the Gaza Strip through Hamas, and its plans for other countries from Bahrain to Azerbaijan. Moreover, our ability to police Iran’s nuclear program, as Ephraim Asculai explains in his chapter on the deeply flawed inspections regime, has been critically compromised by the JCPOA.
The cause of human rights, too, has been dramatically set back, as Peter Kohanloo and Oubai Shahbandar point out in their respective chapters on the domestic situation in Iran and the Iranian regime’s continuing support for the bloodstained dictatorship of Bashar al Assad in neighboring Syria.
In his introduction to this collection, Allan Myer asks the pertinent question: Does the President’s conclusion match up to the world as it is, or is the conclusion based on series of profoundly false assumptions?
Regrettably, and despite